"I am happy to announce to you that tonight, together with my friend Yair Lapid, I am doing the most Zionist and most patriotic act we have ever done for our country," Bennett said.

Bennett stated that if he returns to office, he will establish a state commission to investigate the Hamas-led October 7, 2023, attack, a step he said the current government has not taken.

“On the first day of a new government led by me, we will establish a state commission of inquiry into the October massacre to bring truth to the families and answers to all the people of Israel." He also said his administration would introduce a limit of eight years for a prime minister’s tenure.

Lapid, who currently leads the opposition, said Bennett would head the new party and described him as capable of leading the country.

He added that a unified opposition could defeat the current government, referencing Peter Magyar's landslide win against Viktor Orban in the recent elections in Hungary.

"After 16 years in power, Orban lost. It happened because people believed change was possible. They united behind a single candidate, fought for their country, and won. That's why Bennett and I are here."

Netanyahu, Israel’s longest-serving prime minister, has faced criticism over his handling of regional conflicts and allegations that he has avoided accountability for failures during his time in office.

Bennett and Lapid previously formed a coalition that removed Netanyahu from power in 2021, ending his 12-year rule. The coalition lasted 18 months before Netanyahu returned to office in November 2022.

Galarreta said the Armed Forces had previously managed the task without major incident and suggested they could also be allowed to vote earlier, with their ballots kept secure until counting begins. He framed the proposal as a practical response to the setbacks seen in the first round.

His comments follow complaints over the conduct of the election, which was extended into a second day in some places because of ballot delays and other logistical disruptions. International observers from the European Union found problems in the process but said there was no credible evidence of fraud, despite allegations from some candidates.

With most votes counted, Fujimori was leading the race with just under 17% of the vote, ahead of Roberto Sánchez, setting up a runoff on June 7 after no candidate came close to an outright majority.

Galarreta also rejected claims that Peru’s democratic order had broken down, pointing instead to the findings of international observer missions, which highlighted administrative failures but did not back accusations that the vote had been manipulated.

“The votes obtained by the candidate pairs are proclaimed as follows: first - Romuald Wadagni and Mariam Chabi Talata; 4,252,347 votes, representing 94.05 per cent,” Lafia said.

The opposition ticket of Paul Hounkpe and Rock Judicael Hounwanou placed second with 5.95% of the vote.

CENA said voter turnout stood at 58.75%, a marked increase from the 2021 presidential election , which was widely boycotted by opposition parties.

The result further cements the grip of the ruling Progressive Union for Renewal and the Republican Bloc, which won all 109 seats in parliament in January.

Wadagni is set to become the first president to serve a seven-year term under constitutional reforms adopted in 2024 and 2025. The changes also synchronised presidential, legislative and municipal elections .

The vote took place against a backdrop of political tension, with several prominent opposition figures barred from contesting because of strict endorsement rules, raising concerns about political pluralism in the West African country.

The election also followed a failed coup attempt in December 2025.

With 98.89% of the vote counted, TISZA won 138 seats, Fidesz-KDNP secured 55 seats, and Mi Hazánk obtained 6 seats.

The outcome marks a major political shift in Hungary, where Orbán had been one of Europe’s most controversial leaders. He was widely seen as the European Union’s most autocratic leader and maintained close ties with U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin. His removal is expected to ease tensions within the EU, where officials have long accused him of undermining democratic systems and taking advantage of institutional weaknesses.

Orbán also faced criticism over his stance on Ukraine. He was accused of supporting actions that helped block €90 billion in European support to Ukraine, raising concerns among European leaders about Hungary’s role in the bloc.

Despite endorsements from Trump and campaign support that included visits from U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Vice President JD Vance, the vote appeared to be driven mainly by domestic issues.

Voters were reported to be concerned about Hungary’s economic challenges, as well as allegations of corruption and cronyism linked to Orbán’s administration. The scale of the defeat indicated widespread dissatisfaction, as TISZA was projected to dominate both the national party-list vote and many individual constituencies.

In his speech to supporters, Magyar promised to return Hungary to the main fold of European politics , pledging a pro-European Union and pro-NATO direction for the country.

“My fellow citizens, Hungary will once again be a strong ally in the European Union and NATO. Hungary will once again be a strong ally representing Hungarian interests, because our country's place for a thousand years in Europe was, is, and will be. We will rebuild and strengthen, we will place it on new foundations and expand the cooperation of the Visegrad Four wherever possible,” he said.

The result sparked celebrations in Budapest, where tens of thousands of people took to the streets.

With a projected majority above the threshold required to govern alone, Magyar is expected to form the next government , ending Orbán’s long hold on power and signalling a shift in Hungary’s position within Europe.

This concludes our live coverage of Peru’s 2026 general election. Stay with Global South World for the latest developments and final outcomes as the electoral process continues to unfold.

02:33 GMT: Peru extends voting into Monday after more than 63,000 people were unable to cast their ballots.

Electoral authorities announced that voting will continue until 13 April in order to allow those affected by earlier disruptions to participate. The decision follows reports of delays and logistical issues at polling stations that prevented tens of thousands of voters from casting their ballots during Sunday’s election.

23:10 GMT: Polls close in Peru’s first-round presidential election, with exit polls pointing to Keiko Fujimori in the lead.

According to a Datum exit poll, right-wing candidate Keiko Fujimori is the most voted, while Rafael López Aliaga appears to be narrowly edging into second place, with only a slim margin over Jorge Nieto, suggesting a tightly contested race for the run-off.

23:05 GMT: P olls close in Peru as attention turns to which candidates will advance to a likely run-off

Voting has officially ended across the country following an extended election day marked by delays and logistical challenges. With a highly fragmented field of 35 candidates and no clear frontrunner, expectations are growing that the presidential race will head to a second round, with results set to determine which two candidates move forward to the decisive run-off.

22:44 GMT: Fuerza Popular presidential candidate Keiko Fujimori calls on electoral authorities to extend voting hours or organise a complementary vote for affected polling stations.

Fujimori urged the National Jury of Elections (JNE) and the Office of Electoral Processes (ONPE) to take additional measures to ensure participation at 211 polling stations reportedly impacted by earlier disruptions. Her remarks come amid broader concerns over delays and logistical issues during election day.

20:50 GMT: Presidential candidate Francisco Diez Canseco of Perú Acción casts his vote at Alfonso Ugarte school in Lima’s San Isidro district during the 2026 election

20:45 GMT: Allegations of potential electoral irregularities emerge in Peru, with claims that around 13% of polling stations in Lima, representing over one million votes, may have been affected.

While these assertions have not been officially confirmed, they have prompted calls in some quarters to review the voting process, with suggestions that parts of the election could be repeated if significant irregularities are verified.

18:50 GMT: Presidential candidate José Luna Gálvez of Podemos Perú casts his vote at the Parque de la Amistad Convention Centre in Lima’s Santiago de Surco district

18:40 GMT: Peru’s interim president dismisses fraud claims following delays in opening polling stations

18:25 GMT: Magnitude 4 earthquake felt in Lima and Callao during Peru’s election day, with no injuries or damage reported.

Authorities said the tremor, centred offshore in the Pacific, was mild and posed no tsunami risk.

18:20 GMT: Presidential candidate Mario Vizcarra of Perú Primero casts his vote at Federico Villareal school in Lima’s Miraflores district

17:55 GMT: Peru’s electoral authorities extend voting by one hour nationwide following delays at polling stations, particularly in Lima, officials say.

The head of the ONPE, Piero Corvetto, said the election authority approved the measure, extending voting until 6:00 PM local time (11:00 PM GMT).

17:50 GMT: Presidential candidate George Forsyth of Somos Perú casts his vote at Isabel La Católica school in Lima’s La Victoria district

17:42 GMT: Presidential candidate Herbert Caller of the Partido Patriótico del Perú casts his vote at the National Agrarian University in Lima’s La Molina district

17:32 GMT: Reports emerge of voting disruptions in Lima, with some voters unable to cast ballots, raising concerns over the electoral process

17:10 GMT: Presidential candidate Antonio Ortiz of Salvemos al Perú casts his vote at Santa María Purísima school in Lima’s San Martín de Porres district

16:27 GMT: Presidential candidate Carlos Jaico casts his vote at Alfonso Ugarte school in Lima’s San Isidro district

15:40 GMT: Several major polling stations in Peru report delays in opening and receiving voters, in some cases due to a lack of electoral materials

15:20 GMT: Presidential candidate Rafael López Aliaga casts his vote during Peru’s general election

15:05 GMT: Presidential candidate Jorge Nieto violates electoral law by casting his vote outside the secret ballot booth

15:00 GMT: Presidential candidate Álvaro Paz de la Barra casts his vote in Lima’s La Molina district during Peru’s 2026 general election

14:00 GMT: Fuerza Popular presidential candidate Keiko Fujimori waves as she arrives to cast her vote in Lima

13:00 GMT: Keiko Fujimori, joined by family members, visits the grave of her father, former president Alberto Fujimori, at a Lima cemetery

12:52 GMT: Keiko Fujimori heads to a cemetery ahead of her election day breakfast, saying it is her way of honouring her parents’ memory

12:49 GMT: Presidential candidate Rafael López Aliaga heads to Pamplona Alta for traditional election day breakfast

12:30 GMT: Peru activates large-scale security operation for Sunday’s general election

12:00 GMT: Polls open across Peru as voting begins in highly fragmented election featuring a record 35 candidates

The voting process is set to run for 10 hours on election day, with polls expected to open at 7:00 AM local time (12:00 PM GMT) and close at 5:00 PM local time (10:00 PM GMT).

What to know

On April 12, Peru will hold its general election, in which voters will choose a new president, two vice-presidents and all members of Congress. If no presidential candidate secures more than 50% of the vote in the first round, a run-off will be held between the top two candidates several weeks later. Voting is compulsory for citizens aged 18 to 70, although enforcement of penalties for abstention is often inconsistent.

The election takes place against a backdrop of prolonged political instability. Over the past decade, Peru has had eight presidents, reflecting a persistent cycle of institutional crisis, impeachment proceedings and governance challenges. This instability has eroded public trust in political institutions and contributed to widespread voter disillusionment.

Security concerns, economic uncertainty and frustration with political elites are central issues shaping voter sentiment. While Peru has traditionally maintained macroeconomic stability, inequality, informal employment and rising crime rates remain pressing concerns for many voters.

The political landscape is highly fragmented and crowded. A record number of 35 candidates are contesting the 2026 election, making the outcome difficult to predict and increasing the likelihood of a run-off. Polling suggests a large share of undecided voters, further adding to uncertainty.

Front-running candidates & proposals

Keiko Fujimori (Fuerza Popular): A prominent right-wing candidate and experienced political figure, Fujimori has consistently ranked among the frontrunners. She campaigns on strengthening security, encouraging investment and restoring political stability, while maintaining a strong and loyal support base despite past electoral defeats and legal controversies.

Rafael López Aliaga (Renovación Popular): Another leading right-wing figure, López Aliaga appeals to conservative voters with proposals focused on economic liberalisation, infrastructure development and a tougher stance on crime.

Other candidates: The race includes a wide range of contenders from across the political spectrum, but none has consolidated sufficient support to clearly dominate the field. This fragmentation reflects broader dissatisfaction with traditional political parties.

Political climate & stakes

Peru’s election comes at a critical moment for its democracy. The country’s recent history of rapid presidential turnover underscores deep institutional weaknesses and ongoing tensions between the executive and legislative branches. Governance challenges have often led to confrontations, impeachments and abrupt leadership changes.

The campaign has also highlighted polarisation within Peruvian society. Candidates have sought to mobilise voters through strong rhetoric, with some framing the election as a turning point for stability and order. High-profile rallies, including those led by Fujimori, have emphasised resilience and defiance amid a competitive and uncertain race.

With no clear frontrunner and a fragmented political field, analysts expect the next president to face significant challenges in building consensus in Congress. This could limit the government ’s ability to pass reforms and address key issues such as security, economic recovery and institutional reform.

Ultimately, the election is seen as a test of Peru’s ability to break its cycle of political instability and restore confidence in its democratic system.

This is the end of our live coverage of the 2026 Benin presidential election. Result is expected to be announced by authorities early in the week. Follow all Global South World Channels for more updates.

19:00 GMT: Incumbent Finance Minister Romuald Wadagni has emerged as the favourite to win the 2026 elections, positioning him to be the heir to Patrice Talon, who has led the West African country for the past decade.

18:00 GMT:  Benin’s civil society electoral platform says its observers recorded several irregularities during Sunday’s April 12, 2026 presidential election, according to findings presented in Cotonou by Étienne Adossou, a retired army general and member of the platform’s electoral situation room. The platform said it deployed 1,771 observers nationwide, including 1,200 stationed at polling centres and 571 on mobile assignments. Its initial assessment, completed at 10:00 a.m., was based on observations from 1,200 polling stations. Among the incidents reported were cases of ballot boxes allegedly containing ballots before the official start of voting, particularly in parts of the Atlantic and Zou regions.

At one polling station in Sèmè-Kpodji, observers said more than 120 ballots were found in the box before 6:45 a.m., despite no matching record of voters on the electoral register. Similar reports were also recorded elsewhere. The platform also cited alleged cases of multiple voting in some localities in the Couffo and Mono regions.

In all, it said 109 alerts were logged and sent to the electoral situation room’s response unit, most of them linked to early openings of polling stations and other voting-day anomalies. Despite the reported incidents, the platform said several aspects of the process generally complied with electoral rules. It noted, for instance, that all three polling officials were present in 98.38 percent of the polling stations observed.

16:00 GMT:  Polling stations across the country closed at 4:00 p.m.

At the CEG Le Littoral polling centre in Cotonou’s 1st district, ballot counting began in most polling stations soon after the close of polls.

At Polling Station 6, officials of the CENA began counting ballots at 4:28 p.m., in the presence of representatives of the two tickets contesting Sunday’s presidential election.

Overall, the vote in Cotonou was conducted in a calm and peaceful atmosphere.

12:00 GMT : Opposition candidate Paul Hounkpe casts his ballot.

11:30 GMT:  Foreign Minister Olushegun Adjadi Bakari arrived at 11:35 a.m. to cast his ballot at polling station 1. Speaking to reporters after voting, Bakari said , “I have just fulfilled my civic duty. I think it is a huge opportunity for us to make the right choice for our country. It is this choice that will determine the direction of our country over the next seven years. So it is with a very strong sense of duty that I came here today to express my civic duty.”

11:00 GMT:  Aurélie Adam Soule Zoumarou, Benin’s Minister of Digital Economy, said she had fulfilled her civic duty by voting at the Kobi primary school in the Gourou district of Nikki. “I have carried out my civic duty today by voting,” she said , urging all eligible citizens to turn out and exercise their fundamental right to vote.

10:30 GMT: Former minister Christine Adjokè Ouinsavi cast her ballot on Sunday at the Hangar public square polling centre in Adakplamè, in the commune of Kétou. Speaking after voting, she said she was pleased to have fulfilled her civic duty in a calm atmosphere. “I feel very satisfied to have carried out this act, which honours me as a citizen, and to have done so in a peaceful environment,” she said.

10:30 GMT: Vice President Mariam Chabi Talata cast her ballot on Sunday morning at the Nabissou public primary school in the Guèma district of Parakou. She urged Beninese voters to recognise the power of the ballot, saying, “Each Beninese must understand that their vote can help solve their everyday problems.” Stressing the importance of civic participation, she added that “the vote is the channel through which the citizen speaks to leaders and expresses expectations.”

10:00 GMT: President Patrice Talon and First Lady Claudine Talon have arrived at polling centre 10078, Charles Guillot School in Zongo Nima, Cotonou, to cast their ballots in Benin’s presidential election.

9:30 GMT: Benin’s Economy and Finance Minister, Romuald Wadagni, one of the presidential candidates, has cast his vote at the Agonvè polling centre in Lokossa.

9:30 GMT: Turnout was strong from the early hours in Wassa, where voting began with a particularly large crowd, including many members of the Celestial Christian community. Polling station officer Houdé Mardite said told La Nouvelle Tribune that more than 200 of the 332 registered voters had already cast their ballots. By 9:40 a.m., turnout had eased slightly, though voters were still arriving steadily.

8:30 GMT: Slight delays at the Ganmè 1 and Ganmè 2 polling stations did little to unsettle voters, with polling beginning at 7:22 a.m. after minor logistical adjustments. Despite the late start, the atmosphere remained calm and orderly.

08:00 GMT:  Voting began relatively calmly at the Zanzoun Primary School polling station, although station 1 opened slightly late at 7:10 a.m. because of delays linked to the installation of staff from the National Autonomous Electoral Commission (CENA).

07:30 GMT: Early voters in Parakou described the voting process as calm and straightforward. Alassane Idrissou, the first registered voter at his polling station, said he arrived as soon as it opened so he could cast his ballot before returning to his farm. “I am proud to be the first to vote this morning. Everything is going well, peacefully. I encourage all citizens to turn out in large numbers to vote, in peace,” he said.

07:00 GMT:  Voting in Benin’s 2026 presidential election got under way on Sunday, April 12, with polling stations opening across the country. In Abomey-Calavi, one of the country’s biggest electoral districts, the process started smoothly, with most polling centres opening on schedule at 7 a.m. At the Kpanrou polling station, located at EPP Centre, voting materials and staff were in place early, allowing all stations to open at the same time. A similar situation was reported in Zinvié, another major district in Abomey-Calavi .

Key issues 

One of the central issues is whether the next leader can sustain the country’s economic growth. Benin’s economy  expanded  by around 7% in 2025, driven by investments in agriculture, trade and infrastructure. However, many citizens say the benefits have not been evenly shared, with poverty persisting in rural and northern regions.

Security  is another major concern, particularly in the north, where attacks by armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and the Islamic State have intensified. The region has seen deadly assaults on military posts, and tensions remain high following a failed coup attempt in December.

The election is also being watched for its implications on democracy. President Patrice Talon’s government has faced criticism from opposition groups and rights organisations over  restrictions  on protests, arrests of critics and the exclusion of opposition parties from parliament. Read more .

Who are the candidates?

Wadagni, 49, a former Deloitte executive, has campaigned on continuity, highlighting economic gains under Talon’s leadership. “I had the honour of managing one of your most precious assets: your money,” he told supporters during the campaign, pledging to govern with the same “seriousness and dedication.” He has promised to expand healthcare and build on  infrastructure  and economic reforms.

His opponent, Paul Hounkpe, 56, represents the Cowry Forces for an Emerging Benin (FCBE). A former teacher and culture minister, he has positioned himself as a moderate alternative, promising to lower the cost of  living  and secure the release of political detainees.

The main opposition party, the Democrats, is absent from the race after failing to secure the required backing to field a candidate, leaving Hounkpe as the only challenger. Read more .

Elections background

Benin’s president is elected through a two-round voting system and now serves a seven-year term following a 2025 constitutional amendment.

If no candidate wins more than half of the votes in the first round, the top two candidates face each other in a run-off held within 15 days. Presidents may serve a maximum of two terms, even if those terms are not consecutive.

Under changes introduced in 2019, every presidential candidate must run with a vice-presidential partner. The vice president serves the same seven-year term and is expected to complete the president’s tenure if the office becomes vacant.

To qualify, candidates must be Beninese citizens, either by birth or by having lived in the country for at least 10 years, and must be between 40 and 70 years old. They must also be of “good character and great probity”, enjoy full civil and political rights, pass physical and mental assessments, and secure nominations from at least 10% of all MPs and mayors.

Security is another major concern, particularly in the north, where attacks by armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and the Islamic State have intensified. The region has seen deadly assaults on military posts, and tensions remain high following a failed coup attempt in December.

The election is also being watched for its implications on democracy. President Patrice Talon’s government has faced criticism from opposition groups and rights organisations over restrictions on protests, arrests of critics and the exclusion of opposition parties from parliament.

With the ruling coalition controlling all seats in the National Assembly and the main opposition absent from the ballot, there is fear of a shrinking political space . The ruling government, however, argues that stability is needed to sustain economic gains and address security threats.

Wadagni, 49, a former Deloitte executive, has campaigned on continuity, highlighting economic gains under Talon’s leadership. “I had the honour of managing one of your most precious assets: your money,” he told supporters during the campaign, pledging to govern with the same “seriousness and dedication.” He has promised to expand healthcare and build on infrastructure and economic reforms.

His opponent, Paul Hounkpe, 56, represents the Cowry Forces for an Emerging Benin (FCBE). A former teacher and culture minister, he has positioned himself as a moderate alternative, promising to lower the cost of living and secure the release of political detainees.

The main opposition party, the Democrats, is absent from the race after failing to secure the required backing to field a candidate, leaving Hounkpe as the only challenger.

About eight million registered voters are eligible to cast ballots. A candidate must secure more than 50% of the vote to win outright, or a run-off will be held on May 10.

Orbán accused the opposition Tisza party of threatening stability and suggested a change of government could pull Hungary closer to Brussels and deeper into external conflicts. The election has increasingly been framed by Orbán as a choice between “peace and war,” with his campaign focusing heavily on immigration, the war in Ukraine and Hungary’s fraught relationship with the European Union .

The vote on April 12 is shaping up to be Orbán’s toughest contest in years. Opposition leader Péter Magyar and his Tisza party have gained momentum by casting the election as a referendum on Hungary’s place in Europe and on Orbán’s 16 years in power, during which critics say democratic standards have eroded and ties with Brussels have deteriorated.

Recent polling has painted a mixed picture, though several independent surveys have shown Tisza ahead among likely voters, while Orbán has retained strong backing in rural areas and among older Hungarians.

This brings our live coverage of Djibouti’s 2026 general election to an end. The vote is widely expected to extend President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh's rule for over two decades. Follow Global South World for ongoing updates as the process continues, with final results expected from the Electoral Commission within the next 48 hours.

15:30 GMT: IGAD perspective on Djibouti elections

12:30 GMT: Online reactions trail the elections

12:00 GMT: President Guelleh casts his vote

The leader said, "Everything went well thanks to God, I have fulfilled my duty as a citizen, and I hope that the citizens of Djibouti will do the same," after casting his ballot.

7:50 GMT: Voting continues in Djibouti

7:02 GMT: Guelleh promises prosperity

During the final campaign run, sitting President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh assured Djiboutians that his party would continue to promote prosperity.

6:16 GMT: Voting begins in Djibouti

Djibouti heads to the polls on Friday, April 10, 2026, but few observers expect surprises.

At the centre is President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh, widely known as “IOG”, who has ruled Djibouti since 1999 after succeeding his uncle, Hassan Gouled Aptidon, the country’s first president. If re-elected, Guelleh would extend his tenure to nearly three decades in power.

His dominance is backed by the  ruling party, the People’s Rally for Progress  (RPP), which leads the broader governing coalition, the Union for the Presidential Majority (UMP).

A 2010 constitutional amendment removed presidential term limits, allowing Guelleh to run indefinitely. More recently, in 2025, Djibouti’s parliament eliminated the 75-year age cap for presidential candidates, a move widely interpreted as designed to ensure Guelleh, now 78, could stand again.

Who is contesting IOG?

Mohamed Farah Samatar stands as the sole challenger to President Guelleh, though his candidacy carries its own complexities. A former insider of the ruling establishment, he is now contesting the presidency under the banner of the Unified Democratic Centre (CDU).

During the lead-up to the votes, Samatar took his campaign to the Tadjourah and Obock regions, where he addressed supporters and attempted to project an alternative vision for the country, insisting that “another Djibouti is possible”.

Even so, analysts remain sceptical about the broader significance of the race. Sonia Le Gouriellec, a specialist on the Horn of Africa at Lille Catholic University, told AFP: “There’s not much at stake. It’s just a token competition.”

Who can vote?

Roughly  243,000 voters are registered for Djibouti’s 2026 presidential election , according to data from the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, out of a national population estimated at just over one million.

Polling stations are expected to open in the morning and close later in the day, after which counting is expected to begin.

Despite being labelled an “electoral autocracy” by international monitors, Djibouti is hosting a regional observer mission from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), with 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya , Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda deployed nationwide.

The bloc is expected to release its initial assessment after the vote, followed by a formal statement on 12 April.

His dominance is backed by the ruling party, the People’s Rally for Progress (RPP), which leads the broader governing coalition, the Union for the Presidential Majority (UMP).

A 2010 constitutional amendment removed presidential term limits, allowing Guelleh to run indefinitely. More recently, in 2025, Djibouti’s parliament eliminated the 75-year age cap for presidential candidates, a move widely interpreted as designed to ensure Guelleh, now 78, could stand again.

The electoral field itself underscores the imbalance. In previous elections, Guelleh has secured overwhelming victories, including 87% of the vote in 2016 and over 97% in 2021, figures that international observers and opposition groups have questioned.

Who is contesting IOG?

Mohamed Farah Samatar stands as the sole challenger to President Guelleh, though his candidacy carries its own complexities. A former insider of the ruling establishment, he is now contesting the presidency under the banner of the Unified Democratic Centre (CDU).

During the lead-up to the votes, Samatar took his campaign to the Tadjourah and Obock regions, where he addressed supporters and attempted to project an alternative vision for the country, insisting that “another Djibouti is possible”.

Even so, analysts remain sceptical about the broader significance of the race. Sonia Le Gouriellec, a specialist on the Horn of Africa at Lille Catholic University, told AFP: “There’s not much at stake. It’s just a token competition.”

Criticism has been sharper from civil society. Omar Ali Ewado, who leads the Djibouti League of Human Rights (LDDH), dismissed the process outright, describing the vote as a “masquerade” and a “foregone conclusion”.

This context shapes the core issue about how the election is unlikely to produce political change, but it may intensify uncertainty about what comes next.

Who can vote?

Roughly 243,000 voters are registered for Djibouti’s 2026 presidential election , according to data from the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, out of a national population estimated at just over one million.

That marks a modest increase from the around 215,000 registered voters in 2021, pointing to a gradual expansion in the electoral roll, though still representing only about a quarter of the population.

Historically, turnout has been relatively strong on paper, averaging close to 67%, though critics argue these figures should be viewed in the context of limited political competition.

Polling stations are expected to open in the morning and close later in the day, after which counting is expected to begin.

Despite being labelled an “electoral autocracy” by international monitors, Djibouti is hosting a regional observer mission from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), with 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda deployed nationwide.

The bloc is expected to release its initial assessment after the vote, followed by a formal statement on 12 April.

What is at stake?

Djibouti’s location along the Bab el-Mandeb Strait places it at the crossroads of global commerce. Estimates suggest that around 12–15% of global trade and a significant share of oil shipments pass through this narrow waterway connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden. The country has leveraged this position to build an economy centred on logistics, ports, and foreign military partnerships.

The Port of Doraleh, one of the most important infrastructure assets in the region, serves as a critical hub for shipping and for landlocked Ethiopia, which relies on Djibouti for roughly 90–95% of its imports and exports. Revenues from port operations, logistics services, and foreign base leases form a substantial part of Djibouti’s national income.

This strategic value has attracted a concentration of global military presence rarely seen in such a small state.

Djibouti hosts:

Additionally, although Djibouti has invested heavily in infrastructure, including rail links and port expansion projects often financed through external borrowing, concerns persist about public debt levels, which have at times exceeded 70% of GDP, much of it linked to Chinese-funded projects.

Youth unemployment remains high, and the benefits of growth have not been evenly distributed, contributing to underlying social discontent.

That challenger is Péter Magyar, a former Fidesz insider who now leads the Tisza (Respect and Freedom) Party. What looks like a domestic political contest is also being watched closely far beyond Hungary, with implications for the EU, the US, Russia, and Ukraine.

Orbán’s campaign has focused heavily on the idea of “war or peace.” He has positioned himself as Hungary’s protector, warning that “progressive forces” in the West and Ukraine are trying to pull the country into conflict.

Across Budapest, that message is hard to miss. Posters show Volodymyr Zelensky and Ursula von der Leyen as threatening figures, often described as part of a “pro-war lobby.” Orbán has also claimed—without evidence—that Ukraine could attack Hungary. His allies have gone further, branding Magyar as an “agent of Brussels.”

Magyar, 45, is not a typical opposition figure . He comes from Orbán’s inner circle and broke away after a corruption and pardon scandal. Since then, his Tisza Party has gained momentum.

His focus is different. He talks about the economy, corruption, and the rule of law, what he calls everyday issues. He has also promised to unlock between €18 billion and €22.5 billion in frozen EU funds by restoring Hungary’s alignment with European standards.

Unlike past challengers, Magyar connects with voters in rural areas through retail politics, and his right-leaning background makes him harder to dismiss.

The outcome matters on several levels. At home, Hungary is ranked as the most corrupt country in the EU, with most of its media and judiciary under state control. A Magyar win would aim to reverse that and dismantle what critics call a “soft autocracy.”

In Europe, Orbán has built a reputation as the EU’s “disruptor-in-chief,” often blocking aid to Ukraine and sanctions on Russia. Some EU leaders are now even considering suspending Hungary’s voting rights.

There are also wider geopolitical stakes. Hungary has been accused of acting as Moscow’s “mole” inside the EU, with leaked calls suggesting coordination with Russian diplomats. If Orbán loses, Russia could lose a key ally, and Ukraine could find stronger support.

In the US, Orbán has backing from Donald Trump and has hosted Vice President JD Vance, but some US Senators are pushing sanctions over Hungary’s ties to Russian energy.

Even with polls putting Tisza ahead by 10 to 12 points, victory is not certain. Orbán has reshaped the system, rewriting the constitution and gerrymandering districts to favour Fidesz.

Experts say Magyar may need at least a six-point lead just to win a majority. The campaign has also been hit by claims of Russian-backed disinformation, known as “Gamechanger,” aimed at damaging the opposition and even suggesting staged assassination plots.

The transition from Humala to Kuczynski in 2016 initially followed a standard electoral process, yet it also marked the beginning of a more fragmented political era. Kuczynski governed with a hostile Congress, which repeatedly sought his removal. Mounting pressure linked to corruption allegations ultimately led to his resignation in March 2018, setting a precedent for executive vulnerability under congressional scrutiny.

His successor, Vizcarra, inherited both the presidency and the institutional conflict. His decision to dissolve Congress in 2019, though constitutional, intensified political polarisation. In November 2020, Congress removed him on grounds of “moral incapacity”, a constitutional provision that has since become central to Peru’s instability. This mechanism, broadly defined and politically contested, has enabled repeated presidential removals without the need for criminal conviction.

The short-lived presidency of Merino, lasting only five days, highlighted the limits of congressional legitimacy when faced with public opposition. Mass protests forced his resignation, leading Congress to appoint Sagasti as a transitional president. Sagasti’s administration restored a degree of stability, overseeing elections and completing a full interim mandate, which remains an exception in an otherwise turbulent decade.

The election of Castillo in 2021 once again raised expectations of political renewal. However, his presidency was characterised by persistent confrontation with Congress, frequent cabinet changes, and ongoing investigations. The crisis culminated in December 2022, when Castillo attempted to dissolve Congress and was immediately removed from office. His vice-president, Boluarte, assumed power, but her tenure was also marked by protests, governance challenges, and eventual removal by Congress in 2025.

The appointment of Jerí as interim president in 2025 continued the pattern of short-lived administrations. His removal in early 2026, following allegations of misconduct, reinforced the perception of systemic instability rather than isolated crises. Across these transitions, a consistent pattern emerges: presidents rarely complete their mandates, and leadership changes are driven more by institutional confrontation than by electoral cycles.

Several structural factors explain this phenomenon. Peru’s fragmented party system weakens executive support in Congress, while the constitutional provision of “moral incapacity” provides a flexible tool for removal. Additionally, corruption investigations have affected multiple administrations, further eroding public trust. These conditions create a political environment in which governance is often secondary to survival.

As Peru approaches new general elections , the primary expectation is not necessarily political transformation but institutional stabilisation. The key challenge for future leadership will be to establish a functional relationship between the executive and legislative branches. Without reforms that clarify constitutional ambiguities and strengthen party systems, the cycle observed over the past decade is likely to persist, regardless of electoral outcomes.

A new voting simulation reported by El Comercio shows Peru’s 2026 presidential race remains highly volatile just days before the April 12 election. The poll suggests no clear frontrunner, with several candidates clustered closely and a significant share of undecided voters. Analysts say the “electoral board keeps shifting” as alliances and late campaign dynamics influence voter preferences. The fragmented landscape reflects broader political instability following years of institutional crisis. Experts warn that the lack of a dominant candidate could lead to a highly contested second round. The findings underline the unpredictability of one of Peru’s most uncertain elections in recent history .

One dead and dozens injured in Lima stadium incident

At least one person has died, and dozens were injured following a crowd incident outside Lima’s Alejandro Villanueva Stadium ahead of a match involving Alianza Lima. Authorities ruled out any structural collapse, indicating the incident was caused by disorder among fans gathered for a pre-match event. Emergency services treated numerous injured people, several of them in critical condition, as investigations continue into the circumstances. Officials and club representatives pledged full cooperation to determine responsibility. Despite the incident, the domestic league confirmed the fixture would go ahead as planned. The tragedy has renewed concerns over crowd control and safety at major sporting events in Peru.

Peruvian engineer joins historic Artemis II moon mission

Peruvian engineer Jackelynne Silva Martinez has been highlighted for her role in NASA’s Artemis II, the mission set to orbit the Moon. Her participation marks a significant milestone for Peru’s presence in global space exploration. According to reports by La Republica, Silva Martínez is contributing to key engineering aspects of the programme. The mission is part of broader efforts to return humans to the Moon and pave the way for future Mars exploration. Her achievement has been widely celebrated as an inspiration for young scientists in Peru. Officials and academics emphasised the importance of investing in science and technology to build on such successes.

Mining exports surge driven by gold and copper

Peru’s mining exports recorded a sharp increase of 47.6% in December 2025, according to figures from the Ministry of Energy and Mines of Peru cited by La Republica. The growth was largely driven by strong international demand for gold and copper, the country’s main export commodities . The figures highlight the continued importance of the mining sector to Peru’s economy, accounting for a significant share of export revenues. Authorities noted that global market conditions and production levels both contributed to the surge. Economists say the trend could support economic recovery if sustained. However, they also stress the need for diversification to reduce dependence on raw materials.

Peruvian scientists highlight climate impact in Antarctica

A group of Peruvian researchers participating in Antarctic missions have warned about the growing impact of climate change on the continent’s megafauna. According to La Republica, the scientists—described as ambassadors of Peru and science—are studying how rising temperatures affect marine ecosystems and species survival. Their findings point to shifts in animal behaviour and habitat conditions linked to global warming. The research forms part of Peru’s ongoing scientific presence in Antarctica. Experts stress that such studies are crucial for understanding global climate patterns. The initiative also highlights Peru’s contribution to international environmental research efforts.

“The strength of unity is my national power,” he raps in the song, urging a fractured nation to come together. “Undivided Nepali, this time, history is being made.”

The track, titled Jai Mahakali, blends campaign footage with nationalist imagery, echoing themes that propelled his rise from Kathmandu mayor to national leader. Originally recorded more than a decade ago and remastered for release, the song leans heavily on calls for unity and renewal at a time of political upheaval.

“My heart is full of courage, my red blood is boiling; my brothers stand with me, this time we will rise,” Shah declares in another verse. “May my breath not run out, I will run like a leopard.”

The release marks Shah’s first public statement since his Rastriya Swatantra Party secured a sweeping victory in the March 5 election, the first since a deadly youth-led uprising in September 2025 toppled the previous government. At least 77 people were killed in protests initially triggered by a brief social media ban but fuelled by deeper anger over corruption and economic hardship.

At 35, Shah has emerged as a symbol of youth-driven political change in the Himalayan republic, maintaining the persona that first built his following: a sharply dressed rapper in dark sunglasses whose appeal cuts across a generation disillusioned with traditional politics .

The timing of the release appears deliberate. Endorsed as parliamentary party leader only hours earlier, Shah used the track to signal that his political identity will remain intertwined with his artistic roots — and that music will continue to be part of how he communicates with the public.

Sources close to him say two more songs are expected in the coming weeks, suggesting that even as he assumes the country’s highest office, he intends to keep speaking through rhythm as much as policy.

Outgoing interim prime minister Sushila Karki welcomed the transition, saying Nepal’s future lay with a younger generation that could “end corruption… [and] create jobs… [and deliver] economic development and social justice.”

For Shah, the message is already set — not from a podium, but from a verse.

The upcoming election stands out for the unusually high number of candidates. More than thirty contenders have registered to run, making it one of the most crowded presidential races in the country’s history . This reflects a highly fragmented political landscape, where parties are divided, and new political movements continue to emerge without clear dominance.

For many voters, the wide range of options has not necessarily translated into enthusiasm. Instead, it has contributed to confusion and scepticism, with a large portion of the electorate still undecided. Analysts suggest that this reflects a broader sense of disillusionment, as citizens struggle to identify candidates who can effectively address the country’s ongoing challenges.

The campaign itself has been marked by a limited focus on detailed policy proposals. While candidates have put forward a variety of ideas, critics argue that there has been little in-depth debate on key issues such as public security , corruption, and economic inequality. As a result, the election has often been characterised more by personalities than by clear political programmes.

Despite the political turmoil, Peru’s economy has remained relatively stable compared to other countries in the region. However, experts warn that continued instability could eventually affect investor confidence and economic performance, especially if the next government struggles to maintain consistent policies.

With no clear frontrunner likely to secure an outright majority, a second-round runoff appears almost certain. This means that alliances and voter mobilisation will play a crucial role in determining the final outcome. As election day approaches, Peru faces a critical moment that could either stabilise its political system or prolong a cycle of uncertainty.

A new poll published by El Tiempo places Gustavo Cepeda in the lead ahead of Colombia’s 2026 presidential election with 34.5% support. He is followed by Paloma Valencia on 22.2%, while Abelardo De La Espriella trails with 15%. The survey reflects an increasingly competitive political landscape, with significant fragmentation among opposition figures. Analysts suggest the results highlight shifting voter preferences and early consolidation around leading candidates. With the election still months away, the figures remain fluid but indicate a strong старт for Cepeda’s campaign. The poll also underscores the importance of alliances as candidates seek to broaden support.

Colombia strengthens leadership with CELAC-Africa forum

Colombia has hosted a high-level forum between the CELAC and African representatives, reinforcing its diplomatic leadership role. According to the Foreign Ministry, the initiative aims to deepen cooperation in trade, sustainability and political dialogue between both regions. Officials described the meeting as a milestone in South-South relations, positioning Colombia as a bridge between Latin America and Africa. The forum also focused on shared challenges such as climate change and economic development. Authorities stressed the importance of multilateralism in addressing global issues. The event is part of Bogotá’s broader strategy to expand its international influence.

Birth rate in Antioquia falls to lowest level in 18 years

New data reported by DANE shows that births in Antioquia dropped to their lowest level in nearly two decades during 2025. The decline reflects broader demographic trends across Colombia, including lower fertility rates and changing social dynamics. Experts attribute the drop to economic uncertainty, increased access to education and shifting family planning choices. The figures raise concerns about long-term impacts on the labour force and economic growth. Authorities are monitoring the trend as part of national demographic planning. The data highlights a significant transformation in population patterns within the region.

Four Clan del Golfo suspects arrested in major operation

Colombian authorities have captured four alleged members of the Clan del Golfo wanted by the United States on drug trafficking charges. The operation was carried out by national police in coordination with international agencies, marking a significant blow to the criminal network. Officials stated that the suspects were involved in large-scale narcotics operations linked to transnational routes. The arrests form part of ongoing efforts to dismantle organised crime structures in Colombia. Authorities emphasised continued cooperation with US law enforcement. The case underscores the persistent challenge posed by drug trafficking groups.

Dispute grows over claims in Uribe assassination case

Tensions have escalated following accusations related to the assassination of Miguel Uribe Uribe, with Ivan Cepeda demanding concrete evidence to support recent claims. The controversy has reignited political debate, with differing factions disputing interpretations of historical responsibility. Cepeda criticised what he described as unfounded allegations and called for a fact-based approach. The issue has drawn renewed public attention to one of Colombia’s most emblematic political crimes. Analysts warn that the dispute could deepen existing political divisions. The case remains a sensitive topic in the country’s historical memory.

Europe is not immune. In the coming weeks, Slovenia and Hungary will hold parliamentary elections that go far beyond routine political contests: they are a referendum on whether citizens will stop the normalisation of authoritarian power, or permit it to entrench itself at the heart of the European Union.

On March 22 in Slovenia and on April 12 in Hungary, our people will each face drastically contrasting visions of our future. On one side, the promise of a democratic and European future represented by liberal values and politics based on trust and consensus.

On the other, authoritarianism and destruction of our most fundamental democratic institutions.

Hungary knows this choice all too well, having lived this nightmare to become the EU’s worst performer in terms of press freedom, rule of law, electoral interference, and corruption . That is what happens when authoritarians like Viktor Orban and his Fidesz party dominate a nation’s politics for most of the past 30 years.

Slovenia has been more fortunate, but only because Orban’s authoritarian soulmate, Janez Jansa, has been electorally impotent, as his party, the SDS, has only been able to form a post-election coalition one time in the past 15 years.

Still, Jansa appears determined to pull out all the stops to reverse this losing trend and is relying on tried-and-true methods from Orban’s bag of dirty tricks that Hungarians know all too well. On Monday of this week, one of the most active NGOs in Slovenia called March 8, held a press conference at which they presented jaw-dropping proof that the Israeli firm Black Cube masterminded a series of secret recordings meant to discredit the current democratic coalition led by Prime Minister Robert Golob.

Hungary, of course, is no stranger to Black Cube’s dirty tricks, as they intervened similarly to help Viktor Orban cling to power in the past.

These manipulations, encouraged and financed by parts of the extreme American right, along with election interference by Russia in Romania and Moldova, are a direct affront to our national sovereignty. They must be defeated and rejected.

Hungarians know how sophisticated modern autocrats have become. They no longer rely only on open repression. They capture newsrooms through politically connected oligarchs, intimidate critical voices in the name of “sovereignty,” invent imaginary enemies, and slowly build a quasi-autocracy inside the European Union itself.

Slovenia must not be allowed to become the next case study in that method. No one from abroad should dictate to Slovenian citizens whom they should entrust with leading their country, just as no European nation should be forced to accept foreign-backed interference as the new normal.

This year’s campaign has shown how low the extreme authoritarian rights are prepared to go in the pursuit of power. They are not interested in the lives of people in this country. What they seek is total control — control over everyone and everything in society — and the ability to rule without limits.

Democracy can’t survive on inertia alone. Personal freedom is a value that must be nurtured and protected. Once fear is normalized, hatred follows, and hatred can turn into violence. That is not the future we want for our children in Slovenia, in Hungary, or anywhere in Europe. As European women elected to office to represent our fellow citizens, we are particularly aware of the danger and legacy of hate that pervades right-wing ideology in our region.

Most Slovenians – and most Hungarians – oppose this brand of politics and do not want to live in a country where the authorities suppress the freedoms of individuals or groups, silence different opinions at home, and at the same time behave submissively toward authoritarian regimes abroad.

In the coming weeks, our two countries have a chance to prove that this politics of manipulation, intimidation, and institutional corrosion can still be defeated in the most democratic way possible: by citizens who think for themselves, who refuse to surrender their sovereignty, and who turn out in large numbers to defend their freedom at the ballot box.

We love our respective nations and will not allow our sovereignty to be taken away now or ever. And we personally will never be submissive to anyone. We are convinced that the events of this campaign will only motivate free-thinking, proud and active citizens even more to participate in the elections in large numbers.

Slovenia and Hungary must remain an independent, confident and sovereign states. And when we prevail at home, we will also strike a victory for the rules-based order, for consensus-based foreign policy that respects vaulted institutions like the European Union and the United Nations.

This opinion article represents the views of its authors and publication does not imply endorsement by Global South World.

The main opposition parties did not field candidates, citing a lack of transparency. Two prominent opposition figures, General Jean-Marie Michel Mokoko and Andre Okombi Salissa, have been in jail for nearly a decade.

Ahead of the vote, human rights activists were arrested, several opposition parties were suspended, and public gatherings were closely monitored, according to Congolese human rights activist Joe Washington Ebina. Sunday's voting was also affected by late openings at some polling stations and a nationwide internet blackout.

More than 3.2 million Congolese were registered to vote. State television reported on Tuesday, March 17, a turnout of 84.65%, higher than the nearly 68% recorded in 2021, when Sassou won his previous five-year term with 88.4% of the vote.

Sassou's closest challenger, Mabio Mavoungou Zinga, a 69-year-old retired customs inspector and former member of parliament, secured 1.48% of the vote.

Defeated candidates have five days to file a challenge, while the Constitutional Court has 15 days to review them before announcing final results.

Sassou, a former paratrooper, first took power in 1979. He lost the country’s first multi-party elections in 1992 but returned to power in 1997 after a civil war. A constitutional change in 2015 removed term limits and the presidential age cap, allowing him to run for an additional five-year term. This latest term is expected to be his last, placing attention on succession within the ruling party.

The country’s economy, which depends heavily on oil, has stabilised in recent years after a prolonged downturn. Congo completed a three-year International Monetary Fund programme last year. However, over half of the population lives in poverty, and many lack reliable access to electricity, running water, and basic healthcare, according to the World Bank.

Congo has also faced ongoing allegations of corruption, with French and U.S. prosecutors investigating assets held abroad by members of Sassou’s close family. Rights groups state that political space has narrowed in recent years, pointing to arrests of activists and the suspension of political parties.

Vietnamese voters cast ballots on Sunday in a general election for the National Assembly, the country’s top legislative body that largely ratifies decisions by the ruling Communist Party. More than 73 million voters are electing 500 lawmakers and local council representatives in the five-yearly polls. About 93% of the 864 candidates are Communist Party members, while independents account for 7.5%, down from 8.5% in 2021, according to the national election council. The party currently holds 97% of parliamentary seats. Voters expressed hope representatives would support continued economic modernisation under top leader To Lam.

Flight cuts seen from April as China, Thailand halt jet fuel shipments

Vietnam has warned airlines to prepare for potential flight reductions from April after China and Thailand halted jet fuel exports amid the Iran war, raising the risk of shortages. Vietnam imports more than two-thirds of its jet fuel, with 60% supplied by China and Thailand. In a March 9 notice, the Civil Aviation Authority of Vietnam said shortages could begin in April and urged airlines to review operations, particularly domestic routes. Airport operators were also asked to prepare extra parking space if flights are cut. Importers Petrolimex and Skypec said they can guarantee supplies only through March, while deliveries from Singapore have also declined.

Homegrown Viettel is world’s strongest telecom brand in 2026

Vietnam’s Viettel has been ranked the world’s strongest telecommunications brand in 2026, with a Brand Strength Index score of 89.9 out of 100 and an AAA+ rating from consultancy Brand Finance. The result lifts the group to the top of the global telecom sector after placing second for two consecutive years. Brand strength measures customer trust, loyalty and engagement rather than financial value. Brand Finance said Viettel performed strongly on metrics including reputation, trust and customer recommendations. The company’s brand value stands at US$7.9 billion, making it Southeast Asia’s most valuable telecom brand and the only Vietnamese firm in the global Top 500 ranking.

Oil support from Japan, South Korea sought

Vietnam has asked Japan and South Korea to help expand its access to crude oil amid global supply disruptions caused by the Iran war, the trade ministry said on Monday. Deputy Industry and Trade Minister Nguyen Hoang Long made the request during an energy security summit in Tokyo over the weekend. Vietnam’s two refineries meet about 70% of domestic fuel demand and rely heavily on Middle Eastern crude. Long asked Japan to assist in identifying and securing crude supplies and discussed Japanese investment in liquefied natural gas and nuclear power. Vietnam imported 14.2 million tonnes of crude oil last year, up 5.3%, customs data showed.

Vietnam, Switzerland push to accelerate EFTA free trade pact talks

Vietnam and Switzerland have agreed to accelerate negotiations on a free trade agreement between Vietnam and the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), aiming to largely conclude discussions during the 20th negotiation round in Hanoi. Officials said both sides hope to announce the completion of talks by late June 2026 on the sidelines of an EFTA ministerial meeting in Iceland. Switzerland described Vietnam as an important partner and said the deal could boost investment, job creation and technology transfer. Vietnamese officials said the agreement would strengthen trade, supply chains and investment ties with Switzerland and other EFTA members, including Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein.

His rise marks a striking generational shift in a nation where political leadership has long been dominated by veteran figures from the same established parties.

He was a rapper

Long before entering politics, Balen Shah was known in Nepal’s music scene.

His rap songs often focused on corruption, inequality and frustrations with the country’s political system. The music helped him build a large following, particularly among younger audiences.

During last year’s protests, one of his songs — Nepal Haseko, Nepal Smiling — gained more than 10 million views on YouTube and became associated with the wider movement demanding political change.

Supporters later turned his image and lyrics into campaign symbols, with crowds chanting his name at rallies and singing campaign songs generated for social media.

He was an engineer

Before music and politics, Shah trained as a civil engineer.

After studying engineering in Kathmandu, he pursued a master’s degree in structural engineering at Visvesvaraya Technological University in Karnataka, India.

His professional background helped shape his political messaging. Throughout the campaign, he emphasised practical solutions to economic stagnation, highlighting issues such as job creation, education and healthcare for poorer Nepalis.

Nepal remains one of the poorer countries in the world, with limited job opportunities at home. Many young people leave the country each year to seek work abroad, often in difficult conditions.

He was Kathmandu’s mayor

Shah’s political breakthrough came in 2022, when he ran as an independent candidate for mayor of Kathmandu.

His victory shocked Nepal’s political establishment, defeating candidates from the country’s traditional parties.

As mayor, he became known for visible urban reforms in the capital. His administration launched clean-up drives, removed illegal structures and pushed programmes aimed at developing skills among young people.

However, his approach also drew criticism from rights groups, particularly over the use of police against street vendors as the city sought to clear roads and regulate informal businesses.

He became the face of a generational revolt

Shah’s rise to national prominence followed a wave of youth-led protests in September that toppled the government of veteran leader KP Sharma Oli.

The demonstrations began after the government imposed a ban on social media platforms but quickly expanded into wider protests against corruption and economic stagnation. At least 77 people were killed during the unrest.

In the election that followed, Shah’s Rastriya Swatantra Party rode a wave of anger towards the traditional political class.

Early results showed the party winning a majority of direct parliamentary seats, while Shah himself defeated the 74-year-old Oli in his own constituency.

Kasibante had asked the court on February 5, 2026, to withdraw both the main petition and a related application seeking access to backend electoral data held by the Electoral Commission. He said he lacked the funds for a nationwide forensic audit of election materials, including biometric voter verification systems and servers, and conceded that without the evidence he sought, the petition could not meet the required standard of proof.

The respondents, President Museveni, the Electoral Commission and the Attorney General, did not oppose the withdrawal but requested that the petition be dismissed with costs, saying they had spent significant resources defending the case.

The court said presidential election petitions are matters of high constitutional importance and warned they should not be filed casually, given the logistical and financial implications. It concluded that the evidence on record was insufficient to sustain the petition and ruled, "Presidential Election Petition No. 01 of 2026 is hereby withdrawn."

Veteran President Yoweri Museveni was declared the landslide winner of Uganda's presidential election in January, extending his rule into a fifth decade after a contest marred by violent incidents and allegations of fraud.

Uganda's electoral commission said Museveni had received just under 72% of the vote. His main challenger, the pop singer-turned-politician Bobi Wine, was credited with 24%.

“Including, far in Asia,” he replied. “I was very honored to see that a very wonderful Prime Minister in Japan won by a landslide. I think she was going to win, but she won by just about the biggest vote ever in Japan. And she attributed my endorsement for that.”

Trump’s remarks followed his public endorsement of Takaichi ahead of Sunday’s snap election. 

On Truth Social, he wrote that she has “already proven to be a strong, powerful, and wise leader… one that truly loves her country,” adding: “She will not let the people of Japan down!”

Takaichi, who became Japan’s first female prime minister after taking the helm of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, had openly courted Trump as Tokyo sought stability in its relationship with Washington amid trade tensions.

Before her win, she said: “I am sincerely grateful to President Donald J. Trump for his warm words… The potential of our Alliance is LIMITLESS.”

After securing victory, she again thanked him directly: “Thank you, @realDonaldTrump, for your kind and encouraging message of congratulations. I look forward to working closely with you, Donald, to advance peace, strength, and prosperity for our two nations.”

Trump, without naming her in an earlier post, hailed Japan’s “first female Prime Minister, a highly respected person of great wisdom and strength.”

Whether Trump’s endorsement proved decisive is unclear.

But Takaichi’s nationalist platform and hardline rhetoric on immigration have drawn comparisons to the U.S. president — reinforcing the perception, at least among supporters, that Trump’s political brand now reaches well beyond America’s borders.

General Waker said the army had carried out its assigned responsibilities during the election period and was now awaiting instructions from the incoming administration.

The country has returned to democratic rule, he said, adding that the military would return to the barracks as soon as directed by the new government.

However, he noted that some troops would remain deployed temporarily to help maintain law and order until the police fully regain control of security operations.

This reflects an overwhelming acceptance of the recent polls ’ results, in which the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) won a decisive majority, securing 209 of 300 seats and giving it a two-thirds mandate to form the next government.

“The people of Bangladesh accept the result,” Bangladeshi journalist Samiur Rahman Sazzad told Global South World , dismissing criticisms from Hasina and her party in exile that the elections were a “well-planned farce” and were not inclusive.

After tight election security

Bangladesh’s army had been deployed nationwide in support of civilian authorities during the election, amid heightened political tensions. Additional forces sent out during the period have already been scaled back, according to meeting sources.

In his address, General Waker thanked army personnel for what he described as their professionalism and strong sense of responsibility while carrying out election duties.

“Whatever was necessary in the interest of the people has been completed,” he said. 

Referring to the military’s role in stabilising the political environment, he said the country and its people would remember the army’s service.

He also stressed the importance of maintaining discipline within the ranks, urging commanders to uphold the chain of command and sustain morale among troops.

The army chief cautioned personnel to remain vigilant against misinformation and disinformation, an issue that has become increasingly prominent during politically sensitive periods.

Bangladesh’s military has historically played a significant role during periods of political uncertainty, but General Waker’s remarks signal an intention to step back once the elected civilian leadership formally assumes office.

“I was very excited about today’s voting,” Sazzad, a journalist, told Global South World shortly after polls closed on Thursday. “It was like a new experience for us. After so many years, we finally had the chance.”

This year’s election marked Bangladesh’s first since the 2024 youth-led uprising that ended Hasina’s 17-year rule and forced the longtime premier into exile in India.

More than 127 million voters were registered for the parliamentary contest and a simultaneous referendum on constitutional reforms.

For many in Generation Z — those who came of age politically during Hasina’s tenure — the vote represented more than a routine democratic exercise. 

It was, in Sazzad’s words, an opportunity to help shape a “new Bangladesh.”

“They are the future of our country,” Sazzad said of the Bangladeshi youth. “They want to see some pragmatic changes in the future in Bangladesh. They never want to see any corruption. They never want to see any disruption to living their life.”

Polling centres in the capital were calm and heavily secured, with the military and other law enforcement agencies deployed nationwide, Sazzad said. 

Yet beneath the order, Bangladeshis were elated at the chance to witness a new political landscape, one they largely see as shaping their future.

“They are very happy and they were feeling like it's like Eid for us,” Sazzad said, referring to the Islamic holiday featuring feasts and prayers. “It was a sunny day in our country. The situation was very good.”

BNP win

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party secured a decisive parliamentary majority, winning 209 of 300 seats, giving the party a two-thirds mandate to form the next government .

For Samiur Rahman Sazzad, the outcome signals both continuity and opportunity. 

“BNP now has the chance to prove themselves,” he said, noting the party’s “very talented” leadership under Tarique Rahman, son of BNP founder Ziaur Rahman. 

Tarique, who returned from nearly two decades abroad, is seen as a charismatic figure capable of implementing the BNP’s 31-point election platform, including initiatives aimed at reducing social inequality, expanding access to food and education , and widening the tax base.

Sazzad emphasised that while the Awami League was barred from contesting, voter turnout — estimated at around 65% — reflects strong public engagement. 

“The people of Bangladesh accept the result,” he said, dismissing criticisms from Hasina and her party in exile that the elections were a “well-planned farce” and was not inclusive, considering Awami League was excluded.

Opposition voices, including Jamaat-e-Islami, have also largely signalled acceptance.

Gen Z future

While BNP claims power, Sazzad sees the next chapter of Bangladesh’s politics as still deeply influenced by Generation Z. 

Young voters, he said, remain committed to pragmatic reform and anti-corruption priorities, even as new actors like the student-led National Citizen Party (NCP) begin to emerge.

“The NCP is like an infant baby,” Sazzad explained. “They won five seats, but they have potential.” 

He predicts the party could capture dozens of constituencies in future elections, reflecting a generation eager for leaders who actively participated in the 2024 uprising that ousted Hasina.

For many young Bangladeshis, including first-time voters like Sazzad, the election is a first step toward what they hope will be a more transparent, equitable, and forward-looking Bangladesh.

The commission reminded broadcasters and the public that the Electoral Commission is the only constitutional body authorised to declare election outcomes in Uganda. Candidates who are dissatisfied with the results, it said, must challenge them in court within the legally prescribed timelines.

“Broadcast media should not serve as alternative venues for litigating election disputes,” the UCC said.

The regulator warned that airing unofficial results, parallel tallies or speculative allegations is unlawful and could create public panic, confusion and distrust in democratic institutions. It added that such broadcasts may also incite unrest and damage Uganda’s democratic reputation.

The UCC directed all broadcasters to exercise strict editorial oversight and ensure that election-related information is verified against official Electoral Commission sources. It also ordered media houses to refrain from hosting programmes that promote unsubstantiated claims about results.

The commission said it would take “decisive enforcement action” against any broadcaster that violates the law or the guidelines.

Media owners, editors and the public were urged to use broadcast platforms responsibly and in ways that promote national unity and democratic integrity.

This concludes our live coverage of the February 12 Bangladesh elections. Vote counting is currently in progress. Follow Global South World for further updates as we await the official results from the Bangladesh Election Commission.

10:59 GMT: Polls close in first election after 15 years

Vote counting is underway in Bangladesh following the nation’s first election since student-led protests led to the ousting of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in 2024.

10:10 GMT: What time do polls close?

Polls in Bangladesh’s general election will close at 4:30 p.m. local time (10:30 a.m. GMT). While voting began at 7:30 a.m., voters already in line at closing time will still be allowed to cast their ballots.

9:45 GMT: Voting continues across Bangladesh as election day progresses

8:00 GMT: Over 1.12 million postal ballots received

By 7:00 a.m. GMT (1:00 p.m. local time), the Bangladesh Election Commission reported that 1,125,382 postal ballots had reached returning officers under the country’s first technology-supported postal voting system. In total, over 1.528 million voters were approved to vote by post in this election.

7:48 GMT: Voting is currently underway in Bangladesh’s general election, with polling stations open across the country as citizens continue to cast their ballots.

7:44 GMT: Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus cast his ballot in the 13th general election and referendum on the July National Charter at the Gulshan Model School and College centre in Dhaka.

7:38 GMT: Around 540 foreign observers and journalists from major global organisations and media outlets, including BBC, Reuters, AP, Al Jazeera English, the European Union delegation, the Commonwealth Secretariat, ANFREL, IRI, among others, are monitoring the elections across the country.

5:20 GMT: BNP Chairman Tarique Rahman said the moment was long anticipated as he cast his ballot in Bangladesh’s defining 2026 general election. "People of Bangladesh have been waiting for this day," he said.

3:40 GMT: Tarique Rahman casts his vote in Bangladesh’s pivotal 13th parliamentary elections, marking a high-profile return to frontline politics for the BNP leader. The son of former prime minister Khaleda Zia voted at a Dhaka polling centre.

3:20 GMT: After casting his vote, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Shafiqur Rahman expressed hope that his party would establish a government genuinely selected by the people. “If the voting is held in a free and fair manner, we will accept the results. Others should also accept the verdict of the people,” he said.

2:50 GMT: Almost 1 million security personnel are on the ground today across Bangladesh, with surveillance cameras also installed in multiple sites to ensure the security of voters. These tight measures come as precincts remain “vulnerable to violence,” according to the electoral body.

2:30 GMT: Apart from the polls becoming the first to be held since Hasina was ousted, this year also marks the first time Bangladesh conducts a general election and a national referendum side by side. Thus, two ballots are used: white for the parliamentary elections and pink for the referendum.

1:50 GMT : While many voters are upbeat about the polls, considering it is the first to be held since the fall of the Hasina regime, some still express reservation over the shallow pool of candidates.

1:35GMT: Security is tight in Bangladesh, with reports from the ground indicating the deployment of striking teams to ensure voters can cast their ballots securely.

1:30 GMT: Voting opens in Bangladesh, in one of the most awaited and consequential polls for Asia in 2026, considering the size of the voting population and the political backdrop of the election.

Polls open at 7:30 a.m. (01:30 GMT) and close at 4:30 p.m. (10:30 GMT).

The Bangladesh Election Commission (BEC) extended the polling time by one hour overall—up from the previous 8:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m. window—to accommodate the increased voting workload. This extra time is necessary because voters will be processing two separate ballots: a white ballot for the parliamentary election and a pink ballot for the national referendum.

Background

Bangladesh's 2026 elections mark the first vote since Sheikh Hasina’s ouster. An interim government will oversee the parliamentary polls and a national referendum on constitutional reforms. Key rivals include the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, while the Awami League remains barred.

How many voters are eligible?

A final voter list released by the Election Commission of Bangladesh indicates that approximately 127.7 million eligible citizens will participate in this election. Of these voters:

This is one of the largest electorates in South Asia . Many voters are also participating for the first time, including millions who turned 18 since the last election.

How many parties are contesting?

Candidates are contesting across 299 constituencies (after one constituency election was cancelled due to a candidate’s death). At least 51 political parties are participating, alongside independent candidates.

Major political players in this election include:

Electoral system and process

Voters are casting ballots in the 13th National Parliamentary Election (Jatiya Sangsad) to elect members of parliament. Alongside the general election, a national referendum on political reforms, covering issues like executive limits and governance accountability, is also being held.

Bangladesh uses a first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system. Each of the 300 seats in parliament is contested in a single-member constituency: the candidate with the most votes in each wins the seat. After the election, 50 additional seats are reserved for women and allocated to parties based on their share of the elected seats, in line with constitutional provisions.

Polling is taking place simultaneously nationwide from 7:30 a.m. to 4:30 p.m. on election day, with transparent ballot boxes used at each centre.

Polling stations and logistics

The Election Commission has finalised over 42,700 polling centres across the country, each serving roughly 3,000 voters on average. In total, there are more than 247,000 polling booths staffed by thousands of electoral officials to ensure the voting process runs smoothly.

For the first time, Bangladesh has introduced a digital postal voting platform (“Postal Vote BD” app) to facilitate voting by citizens living abroad, government officials on duty outside the country, and others eligible for postal ballots

When will results be announced?

Counting of votes typically begins soon after polling stations close at 4:30 p.m. on election day. Preliminary results are expected to begin emerging later that evening and may continue into the early hours of the following day.

The official and full results are usually announced over the next 24–48 hours as constituencies report in. (This pattern reflects recent practice in Bangladeshi elections; specific times are set by the Election Commission.

Absence of Awami League

Following the ouster of Sheikh Hasina in 2024, the party's registration and electoral activities were suspended. The party has been banned from all political activities and will not participate in the upcoming elections under its electoral symbol.

The absence of the Awami League—historically one of Bangladesh's largest and most influential political parties—is considered a highly significant shift in the country's political landscape. Experts note that a central challenge for the next government will be determining the future of the party and how long the substantial segment of the electorate aligned with it can remain politically excluded.

Brief history of elections in Bangladesh

The country’s first general election was held on 7 March 1973, just two years after independence, with the Awami League winning an overwhelming majority of seats in the new national parliament, the Jatiya Sangsad. That election helped establish the foundations of parliamentary democracy in the young nation.

A key turning point came with the 1991 general election, widely viewed as a return from military rule to civilian parliamentary democracy. That election brought the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) to power and established a pattern of alternating rule between BNP and the Awami League, which would shape politics into the 2000s.

The January 2024 election, held under Hasina’s administration, saw the Awami League win a large majority amid low turnout and a boycott by major opposition parties. This period culminated in nationwide protests and unrest that ultimately led to her removal from power later that year.

Now, the 2026 election is the first major vote after the end of long-term dominance by a single leader and in a political environment shaped by mass protest, calls for reform, and efforts to strengthen democratic legitimacy.

According to the Election Commission of Bangladesh (ECB), over 127 million voters will cast their votes across 42,761 polling centres in 64 districts for 300 parliamentary constituencies. 

The scale of the win clears the way for Takaichi to push through legislation with minimal resistance, after she called a snap election just weeks into her premiership. It also allows her to override the upper house, which remains outside LDP control.

Market reaction was almost instantaneous. 

Japan’s Nikkei index hit a fresh record, rising nearly 4% to close above 56,000 points, as investors welcomed the prospect of political stability and faster policy decisions.

The rally spread across Asia, with gains in South Korea, Hong Kong and Australia , underscoring the regional impact of Japan’s election outcome.

Takaichi has promised a ¥21 trillion ($134 billion) stimulus package and a two-year suspension of Japan’s food sales tax, measures aimed at easing cost-of-living pressures but which have raised concerns about funding.

The election result also drew praise from U.S. President Donald Trump, who congratulated Takaichi on what he called a “historic” victory and applauded her conservative leadership.

Trump said Japan’s voters had delivered a clear mandate, adding that he looked forward to working with Takaichi on security and economic issues.

“She is a highly respected and very popular Leader. Sanae’s bold and wise decision to call for an Election paid off big time,” the U.S. president wrote on Truth Social.

“Sanae: It was my Honor to Endorse you and your Coalition,” he added. 

Unlike previous elections , the appointed Senate will no longer participate in selecting the prime minister. A candidate for premier needs at least 251 votes in the House to assume office. 

Voters will also cast a referendum ballot on whether to rewrite the 2017 constitution.

What are the main parties?

How will the elections be conducted?

While voting occurs on February 8, the prime minister will not be elected immediately. 

Results must first be certified by the Election Commission, which has up to 60 days to confirm at least 95% of MPs — 475 of 500 — before Parliament can convene. This step is expected by April 9.

The first parliamentary session will follow, likely after the Songkran Festival, to elect the Speaker and Deputy Speakers. The Speaker plays a key role in controlling proceedings, setting agendas, and formally proposing the prime minister to the King.

The prime minister’s election in early May 2026 will reflect the outcome of coalition negotiations. A party or alliance must secure at least 251 votes in the House. Forming a stable government may be difficult, as no single party is expected to win a majority.

Once the prime minister is elected, the Cabinet will be formed and ministers appointed by royal decree. 

The new government must present its policy statement to Parliament within 15 days, after which it can fully exercise authority. If the process proceeds smoothly, Thailand should have a fully functioning government by mid-June 2026.

What are the pressing issues?

What’s next?

Thailand’s election is widely viewed as a test of whether the country can break its cycle of political instability, coups, and judicial interventions. However, even with high voter turnout, analysts have cautioned that forming a stable government will be challenging unless a party achieves a convincing majority.

Thus, February 8 vote marks the start of a complex transition of state power. 

Over the next four months, the certification of results, parliamentary convening, prime minister selection, and Cabinet formation will determine whether Thailand can achieve political stability or continue its pattern of turbulence.

The lawyers argued that Uganda breached the Commonwealth Charter and the Harare Declaration, which commit member states to democratic governance, respect for human rights , the rule of law and free political participation.

Allegations linked to the election

The petition centres on Uganda’s January 15, 2026, general election and its aftermath. According to the lawyers, the period was marked by mass arrests of opposition supporters, the use of force against civilians, restrictions on communications and sustained pressure on opposition leaders.

Several members of Bobi Wine’s National Unity Platform (NUP) were arrested during the campaign and around election day. Many were detained at roadblocks or during raids on party offices, while others were charged with offences such as inciting violence . The party says many of those arrested were its polling agents.

There are also reports that hundreds of people were detained after the election. The Ugandan military has said the arrests were based on violations of the law and denies that they were politically motivated.

Threats against the opposition

A major concern raised in the submission is public statements made by Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Uganda’s Chief of Defence Forces, who is also President Yoweri Museveni’s son.

In posts on social media, Gen Muhoozi claimed that the army had killed supporters of Bobi Wine and said the opposition leader would be “next.” Bobi Wine has said the military invaded his home during this period and that his family was left feeling unsafe. The army has denied occupying his residence.

The lawyers further argued that such statements amount to credible threats and that the Ugandan state has a duty under both domestic and international law to protect political opponents.

Benjaporn Maigate, a street food vendor in Chiang Rai, said money offered during campaigns does little to solve daily struggles.

“There’s a lot of money being thrown around to buy votes, but what people really need are policies that reduce the cost of living, especially electricity and fuel,” she said . She added that her family refuses to accept money in exchange for votes. “If someone tries to buy our vote, we shut the door on them,” she said.

Similar views were shared in Thailand’s north-east, known as Isan, where agriculture remains central to the economy. Farmer Rungnapa Kongsui from Ubon Ratchathani said cash handouts bring only short-lived relief.

“The happiness from money lasts only for a short time,” she said. “But if you support jobs, careers and markets, people will remember that forever.”

The shift in attitudes matters because nearly 25 million voters live in the North and North-east, which together account for 170 of Thailand’s 500 parliamentary seats. While these regions have traditionally backed the Pheu Thai party, recent elections have shown more mixed results.

Voters say empty promises and short-term giveaways are no longer enough. Farmer Saksayam Lakkan, who returned home after working abroad, said real change depends on education and technology. “If the government actually promoted technology and educated the new generation of farmers, we could develop and have a better life,” he said.

The election also includes a referendum on whether to amend Thailand’s 2017 military-era constitution, a process many voters view with scepticism after repeated failed attempts. Political analyst Purawich Watanasukh from Thammasat University said years of stalled reforms have left voters fatigued and wary of grand promises.

A government source said the decision was taken with immediate effect and warned that the two should not return to Uganda. “Smith and Amsterdam have proven themselves to be enemies of Uganda through destructive activism,” one senior official told local media.

Allegations of political interference

Authorities accuse the pair of moving beyond advocacy into direct political action against the Ugandan state. Officials claim they have promoted narratives aimed at delegitimising government institutions and inciting unrest, including by amplifying messages from groups considered subversive under Ugandan law.

The government also alleges the two have distributed what it calls defamatory and negative content about Uganda through foreign media and international platforms. “These are coordinated media offensives meant to tarnish Uganda’s image globally,” A source told Chimpreports news.

Ugandan security officials further accuse Smith and Amsterdam of lobbying foreign governments and international financial institutions to block development funding to Uganda. Authorities say such efforts amount to economic sabotage designed to weaken investor confidence and harm the country’s growth prospects.  

Sanctions and ICC lobbying  

The government also claims the two foreigners have supported calls for sanctions against Ugandan officials and pushed for international investigations, including potential referrals to the International Criminal Court (ICC).

“Seeking sanctions and international prosecutions against serving Ugandan officials is not neutral legal work,” an official is quoted.

The accusations follow a dossier circulated internationally by Amsterdam’s law firm, which called for punitive action against Uganda over alleged post-election repression.

This week, Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre’s office said the government will invite opposition leaders under the Somalia Future Council (SFC) to a national conference in Mogadishu starting February 1 to discuss disputes over constitutional amendments and the election model.

“The conference… is intended to strengthen national unity and social cohesion,” the government said.

The opposition signalled it would attend, raising hopes that dialogue could prevent a political breakdown.

Somalia has long used an indirect, clan-based voting system, but the government has pushed for one-person-one-vote elections. A trial run of local polls in Mogadishu in December went well, but doubts remain about whether universal suffrage can be implemented nationwide amid insecurity and weak institutions.

Lawmakers exchanged blows in parliament this week during heated arguments over constitutional changes, prompting condemnation from former President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed.

“Any attempt to further alter the Provisional Constitution that generates violence is a sign of bad intention,” he warned.

International partners, including the UN, UK and EU have welcomed the planned conference, calling it a positive step toward easing tensions.

This concludes our live coverage of Costa Rica’s general election, a closely watched vote shaped by concerns over security, political fragmentation and institutional trust. Follow Global South World for continued updates as results are finalised and the country moves into the next phase of the electoral process.

01:00 GMT: Vote counting continues across multiple precincts as ballots are tallied.

00:00 GMT: Polls close across Costa Rica, marking the end of voting in a closely watched presidential and legislative election as the vote count begins.

22:40 GMT: Polling stations reported heavy turnout as ballot boxes filled up with only hours left before voting closed.

20:45 GMT: Costa Rican President Rodrigo Chaves cast his ballot as voting continued nationwide.

20:32 GMT: Children take part in a symbolic election at the Children's Museum during Costa Rica's general election day in San Jose.

20:15 GMT: Costa Rica’s Supreme Electoral Tribunal said voting was proceeding normally, adding there were no reports of violence at polling stations so far.

19:00 GMT: Costa Rican President Rodrigo Chaves was seen surrounded by supporters of the Sovereign People’s Party, reacting with gestures amid cheers and boos, in a moment captured on video.

17:35 GMT: The election observation mission deployed across designated monitoring routes nationwide as voting continued.

17:10 GMT: Presidential candidate Álvaro Ramos of the National Liberation Party (PLN) casts his ballot during Costa Rica’s general election.

16:30 GMT: Ariel Robles, presidential candidate of the Broad Front (Frente Amplio), cast his vote in Pérez Zeledón and is moving toward Cartago.

15:50 GMT: Claudia Dobles, presidential candidate of the Citizen Agenda Coalition (CAC), cast her vote and urged Costa Ricans to go out early and participate in the democratic process, saying the future of the country is in their hands. She also noted early reports from voting stations in Australia showed her winning at some polls there.

15:20 GMT: José Aguilar Berrocal, presidential candidate for the Avanza Costa Rica Party, cast his vote and said his campaign had been a success, urging voters to back unity, change, and support for entrepreneurs while rejecting higher taxes and bureaucracy.

14:50 GMT: Former Costa Rican president José María Figueres cast his vote and spoke about national unity in defending the country’s democracy.

13:40 GMT: Costa Rican presidential candidate Laura Fernández called on voters to back the country’s “project of change”.

13:30 GMT: Presidential candidate Laura Fernández of the Sovereign People’s Party (PPSO) casts her vote at a polling station.

12:00 GMT: Voting begins across Costa Rica

The voting process is set to run for 12 hours on election day, with polls expected to open at 6 AM local time (12 PM GMT) and close at 6 PM local time (12 AM GMT).

What to know

On February 1, Costa Rica holds its general election where voters choose a new president, two vice-presidents and all 57 members of the Legislative Assembly. If no presidential candidate wins at least 40 % of the vote in the first round, a runoff is expected on 5 April 2026. Voting is voluntary, but turnout has traditionally been high compared with regional averages. Eligible voting age is 18 and above.

The election comes amid rising public concern over security, driven by increases in homicide rates and organised crime, issues once rare in what’s been seen as one of Latin America’s most stable democracies. Security, economic pressures, and confidence in political institutions are central themes shaping voter attitudes.

The political landscape is highly fragmented. Around 20 presidential candidates compete, but only a few gain significant traction, leaving a large share of undecided voters and making outcomes uncertain.

Front-running candidates & proposals

According to the country’s constitution, voting is defined as a “ compulsory civic function .” However, there are no legal penalties for individuals who choose not to participate in the electoral process.

More than 3.7 million Costa Ricans are eligible to vote. Despite this, public sentiment toward the election appears muted. A poll conducted on January 21 by the University of Costa Rica’s Centre for Political Research and Studies (CIEP) reported that nearly 79% of respondents felt little or no enthusiasm about the campaigns.

However, the same survey revealed a more nuanced outlook on voter participation. Over 57% of those surveyed indicated they were motivated to vote, while 19.5% expressed no desire to participate.

The most recent CIEP poll, released on January 28, shows that 43.8% of respondents intend to vote for Fernandez. This level of support could allow him to secure a first-round victory, avoiding a runoff. Such outcomes are rare in Costa Rica’s recent electoral history.

Ramos ranks second in the poll with 9.2% support, followed by Dobles at 8.6%. Robles is in fourth place with 3.8%. Meanwhile, the percentage of undecided voters stands at approximately 26%, a decrease from 32% the previous week.

Although Fernandez leads by a significant margin, political analysts note that upsets remain possible due to the high number of undecided voters and the weakening of traditional political alliances. In 2022, Chaves won the presidency despite having only 7% support in pre-election polling.

Political climate & stakes

Costa Rica’s fragmented political options and high levels of voter indecision reflect broader scepticism toward traditional parties and political leadership, as well as frustration over persistent economic pressures and rising insecurity. Campaign debates have been dominated by security policy, including controversial proposals such as expanding prison capacity, strengthening police powers and tightening criminal controls, measures that have also raised concerns about civil liberties and institutional balance.

Institutionally, the election will test Costa Rica’s consensus-oriented democratic model. With no party expected to secure a legislative majority, the next president is likely to face a fragmented Legislative Assembly, potentially limiting the government’s ability to pass reforms without broad cross-party negotiation. As a result, the composition of parliament and post-election alliances are expected to be as consequential as the presidential outcome itself.

Crime remains a major concern for many voters, as criminal groups compete for control over key cocaine trafficking routes to Europe and the United States. This growing violence has cast a shadow over the Central American country, long known for its appeal as a wildlife tourism destination.

The campaign focused largely on President Chaves, a controversial leader who is ineligible for re-election due to constitutional limits on consecutive terms.

The 2022 election marked a turning point in Costa Rican politics. Chaves, an economist and former World Bank official who left the institution following sexual harassment allegations, won the presidency after tapping into public frustration with corrupt political elites.

Since taking office, Chaves has sought to boost the economy with mixed results, while often clashing with political institutions. His leadership style has been marked by a rejection of established norms and an abrasive tone.

Legal attempts to prosecute Chaves on corruption and election interference charges were blocked by Congress, preserving his presidential immunity. Fernández has stated she would appoint Chaves to her cabinet if elected, which would allow him to maintain immunity beyond his term.

Traditional political parties have faced difficulties in reshaping their platforms. Despite a rise in organised crime and violence during his presidency, Chaves maintains an approval rating of around 50%.

Costa Rica, once considered one of the region’s safest countries, now reports a homicide rate of 16.7 per 100,000 people – the third highest in Central America. Last year, authorities dismantled the so-called South Caribbean Cartel, Costa Rica’s first identified transnational crime group, and arrested a former security minister on U.S. drug trafficking charges.

In response to the violence, Chaves has referenced the security policies of El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele. He invited Bukele to attend the inauguration of a new prison modelled after El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Centre.

The country is currently governed by President Rodrigo Chaves, who took office in 2022 and is constitutionally barred from seeking another consecutive term. His administration has operated without a stable majority in the Legislative Assembly, reflecting a broader pattern in Costa Rican politics in which fragmented parliaments limit executive power and force negotiation across party lines. This institutional design makes legislative results as important as the presidential contest itself.

Polling ahead of the election suggests that the candidate, Laura Fernández, linked to the current governing camp, is leading the race and approaching the threshold required to win outright in the first round. Opposition parties, meanwhile, remain divided among multiple contenders, making it difficult to consolidate support behind a single alternative. A large share of undecided voters means the outcome is still not guaranteed, but the current polling landscape points to continuity rather than a sharp political rupture.

This dynamic matters because the presidency in Costa Rica holds key responsibilities, including directing public policy, overseeing security strategy and representing the country internationally. At the same time, a fragmented legislature can constrain the next president’s ability to pass reforms, making the balance of power between the executive and parliament central to how effectively the next government can govern.

The election takes place against a backdrop of growing public concern over crime, economic pressures and confidence in institutions. While Costa Rica remains one of Latin America ’s most stable democracies, these issues have intensified political debate and tested the traditional consensus-driven model that long defined the country’s politics.

For Costa Rica, the 2026 vote is not only about choosing a new leader, but about how its democratic system functions in a more fragmented and demanding political environment . The result will indicate whether the current governing approach retains voter backing and how the country’s long-standing institutional framework adapts to changing political realities.

Wine, a pop-star-turned-politician, rejected the outcome, alleging fraud and accusing security forces of harassment and intimidation.

Muhoozi’s accusations

In a series of posts on X, Gen. Muhoozi claimed Ugandan troops were actively hunting Wine “dead or alive,” and alleged that Wine’s escape from his home in Magere during a night raid was coordinated with the “current administration at the US Embassy.”

“We, as UPDF, suspend ALL cooperation with the current administration at the US Embassy in Kampala,” Muhoozi wrote, adding that this could include Uganda’s military cooperation with the United States in Somalia.

Muhoozi later deleted some of the posts and apologised, but the remarks raised concerns about the future of Uganda - US security ties.

Contradictions within government

Muhoozi’s comments came just hours after Prime Minister Robinah Nabbanja told local broadcaster NTV Uganda that Wine was not being pursued by the state. “Everyone is wondering why he chose to leave. He is not wanted by the government,” she said.

Other government officials have made similar statements, creating confusion over whether Wine is formally under arrest or being targeted by security forces.

Raid on Wine’s family home

Wine has said troops broke into his residence overnight, assaulted staff and choked his wife, Barbara Kyagulanyi, forcing her to seek medical attention.

Muhoozi posted a photo claiming soldiers had “captured and then released” Wine’s wife during the raid, describing her as “helpful” in locating her husband.

Fernández’s platform emphasises continuity of President Rodrigo Chaves’s policies, including a tough stance on organised crime, bolstering national security and justice systems, and measures to attract foreign investment and modernise infrastructure. She has proposed stronger territorial control, support for the extradition of serious criminals, and improvements to logistics and public spending efficiency.

Alongside Fernández, Álvaro Ramos represents the National Liberation Party (PLN), one of Costa Rica’s traditional parties. An economist and experienced public administrator, Ramos has pitched his campaign around security reform and public services. His proposals include a “smart-security nerve centre” using technology to prevent crime, the recruitment of additional police officers, and initiatives to strengthen the healthcare and social security system, including community mental health centres. Ramos also seeks to modernise the legal framework to support public-private partnerships and sustainable economic activities.

On the centre‑left and progressive side, Ariel Robles of the Broad Front (Frente Amplio) focuses on equity, justice and social solidarity. His platform highlights policies to reduce inequality, expand access to quality education, and promote environmental sustainability integrated with urban and rural development. Robles seeks to mobilise voters looking for structural change and greater social protections.

Former first lady Claudia Dobles, of the Citizen Agenda Coalition (CAC), has also been a visible candidate, proposing increased education spending, technological modernisation of schools, and a National Police task force to bolster public security alongside cultural and community initiatives.

While Laura Fernández currently leads in polls and could secure a first‑round victory if she surpasses the required vote share, a large undecided bloc of voters remains, leaving the race open and unpredictable. Analysts note that fragmented support among opposition candidates and high levels of voter uncertainty could influence whether an outright win is possible or whether a runoff on 5 April will be needed.

The upcoming election features an unusually crowded field, with around 20 presidential candidates, but only a few have gained significant traction in opinion polls . Surveys show that a large proportion of the electorate, nearly half, has not yet cemented support for a candidate, creating an unpredictable race that could result in a second round if no contender reaches the 40 per cent threshold required to win outright.

Security policy has emerged as a central theme in the campaign. Costa Rica, once known as one of Latin America ’s safest countries, has experienced rising homicide rates and public concern over organised crime. In this context, initiatives such as the inauguration of a new high-security prison modelled on El Salvador’s controversial CECOT facility have been spotlighted, with President Rodrigo Chaves and visiting leaders emphasising tough-on-crime approaches.

But alongside policy debates, the campaign has been marked by heightened political confrontation and public frustration. Observers note that traditional party structures are weak, many voters express apathy or disillusionment, and personalistic leadership styles have dominated discourse, potentially overshadowing substantive policy discussion. Some analysts warn that the often aggressive tone of the campaign — amplified on social media — poses a challenge to Costa Rica’s reputation as a stable and highly regarded democratic system in the region.

In response to calls for greater voter information, the Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones has launched initiatives such as the “Votante Informado” programme, designed to provide candidates’ plans and profiles to citizens ahead of election day. As Costa Ricans prepare to cast ballots both at home and abroad, these efforts aim to improve engagement and understanding in a contest where the outcome remains far from certain.

“Kabobi,” a Swahili term meaning “small Bobi,” is a derogatory nickname used by Kainerugaba, to refer to opposition leader Bobi Wine, whose real name is Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu.

“Now I tell you that NUP will be removed and extinguished from our land like a bad dream! We have killed 22 NUP terrorists since last week. I'm praying the 23rd is Kabobi. We will kill on sight all NUP so called 'Foot Soldiers',” his tweet read in part.

Kainerugaba, who is also the commander of Uganda’s land forces, said only President Museveni could stop him.

The comments come amid heightened tensions following Uganda’s disputed elections , which the opposition says were marked by fraud, military intimidation and repression.

President Museveni who won his seventh term in office has been in power since 1986 and has amended the constitution twice to remove age and term limits.

What they said

The United Nations described the election period as being marred by “widespread repression and intimidation.” Bobi Wine claimed “massive ballot stuffing” was taking place and later said, “Currently, I am not at home, although my wife and other family members remain under house arrest. I know that these criminals are looking for me everywhere, and I am trying my best to keep safe.” His party rejected the outcome, calling it “a sham.” Election observers flagged concerns about “intimidation, arrest and abductions,” and Goodluck Jonathan said the incidents undermined confidence in the process, adding the internet shutdown “disrupted effective observation” and “increased suspicion,” even though voting day was described as “peaceful.”

“I managed to escape from them,” Wine said, adding that he is currently not at home. His wife and other family members, however, remain under what he described as house arrest.

Wine said the heavy security presence and the overnight operation led neighbours to believe he and his family had been abducted, rumours he said were worsened by a nationwide internet shutdown that has limited access to information.

The opposition leader accused authorities of hunting for him and said he was taking steps to stay safe. He also repeated his rejection of the election results being announced by the electoral commission, describing them as fraudulent and lacking any credibility.

Wine alleged widespread ballot stuffing, military interference in the vote, the arrest of opposition leaders and polling officials, and other electoral abuses. He also condemned the killing of citizens who, he said, were peacefully protesting against what he called the theft of the election.

“The people of Uganda have the right to protest in defence of their sovereign right to determine a government of their choice,” Wine said, accusing the authorities of using violence and intimidation to suppress dissent.

Ugandan security forces have not publicly responded to Wine’s latest claims.

What they said

Police spokesperson Lydia Tumushabe said security forces fired in self-defence after opposition “goons” attacked a police station and tally centre, adding that 25 people were arrested. MP Muwanga Kivumbi rejected that version of events, saying, “They killed 10 people inside my house…They broke the front door and began shooting inside the garage. It was a massacre.” President Museveni, after voting, said he expected to win with around 80% of the vote “if there’s no cheating”. Bobi Wine accused authorities of orchestrating fraud and repression, saying the internet shutdown was designed to silence dissent and block scrutiny of the vote. He further posted on X that, “yesterday, after casting my ballot, the military deployed all around my home in order to place me under house arrest. These criminals even jumped over the fence and entered our compound. My house is still besieged - no one allowed to come in or go out. This ain't strength. They do this out of fear for the people they have offended by committing so many atrocities against them. They do this because they are afraid of the people's reaction after stealing their vote.”

Based on the partial tally, Museveni, the flag-bearer of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), has secured 3,960,438 votes, accounting for 76.25% of the valid votes counted so far.

His closest challenger, opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, popularly known as Bobi Wine of the National Unity Platform (NUP) has garnered 1,312,047 votes, or 19.65%.

The remaining candidates trail far behind. Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) candidate James Nathan Nandala Mafabi has received 108,301 votes (2.08%), while Gregory Mugisha Muntu of the Alliance for National Transformation (ANT) has polled 29,504 votes (0.57%). Other candidates each remain below one percent of the vote.

Justice Byabakama said a total of 5,323,779 votes had been received so far, representing 24.59% of the 21.6 million registered voters on the national voters’ register. Of these, 5,194,338 were valid votes, while 129,441 ballots were declared invalid, about 2.43% of votes cast. Spoilt ballots stood at 17,281.

The Electoral Commission said it would continue to release provisional results at regular intervals, with the next update scheduled for 2:00pm on Friday.

The latest figures is a sharp increase in Museveni’s lead compared with the first set of provisional results released late Thursday night, which were based on returns from just 133 polling stations, or 0.26% of the total.

The final results are expected to be announced within 48 hours, once tallying from all polling stations is complete.

This brings our live coverage of Uganda’s 2026 general election to an end. The vote is widely expected to extend President Yoweri Museveni’s four-decade rule. Follow Global South World for ongoing updates as the process continues, with final results expected from the Electoral Commission within the next 48 hours.

18:00 GMT: Yoweri Museveni takes early lead

15:00 GMT: Vote counting commences in several parts of the country

14:30 GMT: No "serious violations" detected during voting in Kampala, Russian election observer reports

14:00 GMT: Polls officially close at most polling stations across the country

1:30 GMT: Opposition leader Bobi Wine allege incidents of ballot stuffing

1:00 GMT: Uganda's National Tally Center in Lubowa is ready for first round of result later this evening

12:30 GMT: Polling hours have been extended from the earlier communicated 4:00pm to 5:00pm

12:00 GMT: Health Minister Dr Jane Ruth Aceng casts her vote

11:00 GMT: Voting underway at Kampala Road

10: 30 GMT: Presidential candidate Yvonne Mpambara raises concerns over technical failures on election day

10:30 GMT: Common Man’s Party Presidential flagbearer Mubarak Munyagwa votes

10:00 GMT: Opposition leader Bobi Wine votes in the company of his wife

9:30 GMT: President Yoweri Museveni speaks after voting

President Museveni has addressed the nation after casting his ballot on matters relating to election rigging, delays in opening polls, malfunctioning biometric machines, amongst others.

9:00 GMT: Incumbent President Yoweri Museveni votes

9:00 GMT: President Yoweri Museveni arrives at Rwakitura to vote

8:30 GMT: The Alliance for National Transformation (ANT) presidential candidate, Major General Gregory Mugisha Muntu (Rtd) casts ballot

8:00 GMT: Electoral Commission orders voting process to commence immediately despite machine malfunctions

Uganda’s Electoral Commission chief, Justice Simon Mugenyi Byabakama has ordered the immediate commencement of polls across all polling stations. This comes after reported delays and biometric machine malfunction in several polling stations across the country.

7:30 GMT: Polls delay and biometric machines malfunction

Polls was expected to open by 7am however reports from several parts of the capital, Kampala, and the city of Jinja said voting had yet to begin by 9am (0600 GMT), with reports that ballot papers had not been delivered and biometric machines used to check voters' identities were not working. "Nobody is here to tell us what is happening," said Abuza Monica Christine, a 56-year-old businesswoman in central Jinja, told AFP.

7:00 GMT: Voting begins across Uganda

Voting officially commenced at 7:00 am in various polling station across the country

Campaign Season

In the months leading up to the campaign, the Ugandan government stepped up actions against the opposition National Unity Platform (NUP), with arrests and charges against its members. In October 2025, ten NUP members were arrested in northern Uganda, and in November at least 95 more were charged with minor offences. After campaigning began, the pressure continued, including an incident on 6 December 2025 in Gulu where Bobi Wine and several supporters and staff were attacked and beaten by security forces while on the trail. President Yoweri Museveni, in a New Year’s Eve address on 31 December 2025, urged security forces to use more tear gas to disperse crowds, describing the opposition as “criminal” and arguing that tear gas was preferable to live ammunition.

Key Issues

Electoral System

Uganda’s president is elected under a two-round system, meaning a candidate must win 50% plus one vote to take the presidency in the first round. The law requires presidential candidates to be Ugandan citizens by birth, eligible to be an MP, and of sound mind, and it bars anyone with a formal connection to the Electoral Commission from running; term limits were removed in 2005, and elections are overseen by the Electoral Commission of Uganda.

Parliament has 529 seats: 353 are elected in single-member constituencies using first-past-the-post, and 146 district-based seats are reserved for women (one per district) and filled the same way. The remaining 30 seats are filled indirectly through special electoral colleges, 10 for the army and 5 each for youths, elders, unions and people with disabilities with requirements to ensure women are represented in each group.

The Candidates

A total of seven candidates were nominated during the two-day exercise held on 23rd and 24th September 2025 at the Electoral Commission grounds in Lweza-Lubowa, Wakiso District. Among those nominated is President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, standing on the ticket of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM). Now in power for nearly four decades, Museveni first took office in 1986 after leading a guerrilla war that promised to restore democracy following years of instability. The opposition field is led by Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, popularly known as Bobi Wine, the candidate of the National Unity Platform (NUP). A former pop star turned politician, Bobi Wine, is widely viewed as Museveni’s strongest challenger. Read more

Background and Electoral History

Uganda’s first national election was the 1962 Uganda National Assembly vote, which produced a post-independence government after an alliance between the Uganda People ’s Congress (UPC) and Kabaka Yekka (KY) won a parliamentary majority and made Milton Obote executive prime minister. Elections then stalled for years amid dictatorship and political turmoil, including the eras of Idi Amin, Yusuf Lule and Godfrey Binaisa, until a disputed presidential election in December 1980 returned Obote to power amid allegations of fraud. One of the contenders, Yoweri Museveni, rejected the outcome and launched an armed rebellion, and his National Resistance Army eventually took power in 1986 after the short-lived government of Gen Tito Okello.

Under Museveni, Uganda introduced a “no-party” system that barred parties from fielding candidates directly, and the country held nonparty elections in 1996, its first popular presidential election since 1962, when Museveni won while formally running without a party, despite the existence of parties such as the Democratic Party, UPC and later the Forum for Democratic Change. Museveni also won again in 2001, in a vote challenged by his main rival Kizza Besigye but ultimately upheld by the Supreme Court. In 2005, Ugandans voted in a referendum to restore multiparty politics, setting up the 2006 general election as the first multiparty contest in 25 years, which Museveni and the NRM won; he later defeated opposition challenger Bobi Wine in the 2021 presidential election.

Voter Statistics

According to the Ugandan Electoral Commission in its latest voter statistics, the country currently has 146 districts, 312 counties, 353 constituencies, 2,191 sub-counties/towns/municipal divisions, 10,717 parishes and 71,214 villages, while the scale of election administration has expanded since the last general cycle. The number of polling stations has risen from 34,684 in 2021 to 50,739 as of 13 November 2025, and the registered voter roll has grown from 18,103,603 (2021) to 21,681,491 (as of 13 November 2025).

“All those in Uganda, who are able to bypass the criminal regime’s internet blockade – big up yourselves!” he wrote. “Pass around the message. Let everyone know how to do it. They cut off the internet in order to hide rigging and atrocities. Record everything and share with the world .”

The call came less than 24 hours after the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) ordered mobile network operators and internet service providers to suspend public internet access and selected mobile services starting at 6:00 pm on January 13, 2026. The suspension is expected to remain in force until further notice.

The UCC said the move was aimed at maintaining public order during the election period.

Just days earlier, government officials had dismissed claims by the opposition that an internet shutdown was planned.

Fredrick Aloo, national chairman of the Kenya International Freight and Warehousing Association (Kifwa), said modern logistics rely heavily on constant internet connectivity. “Cargo cannot move without communication. Tracking, document submission and coordination all depend on internet access,” he told the Nation.Africa .

Cargo handlers said messaging platforms such as WhatsApp, Telegram and SMS, which are widely used to communicate with drivers and clients, have become inaccessible. In addition, GPRS tracking systems that rely on mobile data to monitor transit cargo have been disrupted, making it harder to ensure security and timely delivery.

The internet shutdown has also affected customs and logistics platforms used in cargo clearance, raising concerns about congestion at key border points such as Busia and Malaba. Transporters say the suspension of outbound data roaming has further limited drivers’ ability to navigate routes and receive real-time updates.

Some transporters have also begun scaling back operations. Roy Mwanthi, a transporter based in Mombasa, said his company was prioritising local cargo until the situation stabilises. “Cleared transit cargo will move to the border, but to avoid losses and safety risks, we are focusing on local deliveries for now,” he said.

Uganda’s communications regulator ordered mobile network operators to block public internet access from Tuesday evening, with the reason that the shutdown was intended to prevent misinformation and protect national security during the election period.

Just days earlier, authorities had denied claims by the main opposition that the government intended to cut internet access to prevent mobilisation and the sharing of election results. Those concerns intensified last week after satellite internet provider Starlink restricted its services in Uganda following an order from the regulator.

According to the UCC, the shutdown follows a “strong recommendation” from the Inter-Agency Security Committee and is aimed at preventing the spread of misinformation, disinformation, electoral fraud and incitement to violence during the polls. The commission said the measures are necessary to protect public confidence and national security .

Under the directive, services to be suspended include public internet access, the sale and registration of new SIM cards, and outbound data roaming services to countries within the One Network Area. The shutdown applies across mobile broadband, fibre optic connections, leased lines, fixed wireless access, microwave radio links and satellite internet services.

The UCC said all non-essential public internet traffic, including social media platforms, web browsing, video streaming, personal email services and messaging applications, must be blocked during the suspension period.

A limited number of essential services will be exempted under a strictly controlled exclusion list, allowing continued access for critical national functions such as network monitoring and infrastructure management. Access to these systems will be restricted to authorised personnel and secured through whitelisted mechanisms such as dedicated IP ranges or private networks. Operators have been instructed to suspend access immediately if any abuse is detected.