On the main count, the court sentenced Malema to five years in prison. He received a further two-year sentence on a second count, while on the remaining three counts he was ordered to pay a fine of R20,000 or serve six months’ imprisonment. The court directed that the sentences run concurrently with the main term.

The case arose from the EFF’s fifth anniversary event in Mdantsane in 2018, where Malema was seen taking a rifle and firing shots into the air before a crowd.

In court, the defence argued that the firearm was not live and suggested it may have been a toy or loaded with blank rounds. The court dismissed that version, finding that the weapon was real and that the conduct amounted to a serious breach of the law .

In sentencing Malema, the magistrate said the fact that the shots were allegedly fired in celebration did not lessen the gravity of the offence. The court held that using a firearm in a public setting, particularly in a crowd, created an obvious risk and could not be excused as part of a political event.

The magistrate also said the evidence showed the act was deliberate, not accidental, and stressed that public stature could not shield anyone from criminal accountability.

Malema’s lawyer, Advocate Lawrence Hodes SC, indicated immediately after sentencing that the ruling would be challenged.

On Sunday, Gachagua, who has declared he wants to block Ruto from winning a second term, mocked the President’s appearance while speaking to supporters. In the remarks, he suggested Ruto had become noticeably thinner and implied the President’s wealth was not legitimate.

Ruto responded on Tuesday with a blunt attack of his own, telling critics to “go to the gym” and accusing them of overeating, with remarks aimed at opponents that were widely interpreted as personal insults rather than political rebuttal.

The exchange has drawn concern among observers that Kenya’s political discourse is sliding further away from policy debates into ridicule and personality-driven attacks, well ahead of the official campaign period.

The country’s general elections are scheduled to be held by August 2027. Voters will elect the president, and members of the National Assembly and Senate.

The Western Cape has emerged as the centre of South Africa’s ongoing diphtheria outbreak, accounting for nearly three-quarters of confirmed cases and the majority of related deaths, according to the National Institute for Communicable Diseases (NICD). Of the 91 laboratory-confirmed cases recorded nationwide between January 2024 and January 18, 2026, 67 were reported in the province. The NICD said “the majority of confirmed cases and carriers (76%) are from the Western Cape,” with repeated clusters in households, communities and correctional facilities pointing to sustained transmission. Nineteen deaths have been recorded nationally, 12 of them in the Western Cape, giving an overall case fatality ratio of 21%. The NICD warned that diphtheria is “a highly contagious vaccine-preventable illness” that can be fatal if treatment is delayed.  

ANC sets up ‘war room’ ahead of municipal elections

The ANC has announced the creation of a dedicated “war room” to tackle persistent local government failures ahead of this year’s municipal elections, with water shortages and rural road infrastructure flagged as top priorities. Deputy President Paul Mashatile said the intervention would be led by Secretary-General Fikile Mbalula and focus on speeding up implementation across municipalities. “This is the year of decisive action to fix local government and ensure a viable economy,” Mashatile said , adding that water reticulation rather than dam capacity was at the heart of many shortages. The initiative follows internal party assessments pointing to weak policy implementation as a long-standing challenge.

Ramaphosa denies ANC is ‘selling the country’ to private sector

President Cyril Ramaphosa has pushed back against criticism within the ANC that the party has embraced neo-liberalism or is privatising state assets. Addressing the ANC National Executive Committee at its lekgotla, Ramaphosa said the government was “not privatising anything” but partnering with the private sector through concession-style agreements. “What we are doing is to bring in partners,” he said, citing roads, Eskom and Transnet as examples where private participation is structured on a “build, operate and transfer” basis, with assets ultimately returning to the state.  

Malema defiant ahead of sentencing in firearms case

EFF leader Julius Malema struck a defiant tone outside the East London Magistrate’s Court as his pre-sentencing hearing got underway following his conviction on firearms-related charges. “The revolution must continue,” Malema said, insisting that no prison sentence would make him retreat from his political beliefs. He accused AfriForum, which brought the private prosecution  of using the courts to fight political battles, saying, “I will never retreat, I will never surrender to white supremacy.” Malema added that he feared poverty and landlessness more than imprisonment, while also casting aspersions on the judiciary despite serving on the Judicial Service Commission.

Top jurists warn of strain on constitutional democracy

Prominent jurists Dennis Davis and Geoff Budlender SC have raised concerns about the long-term health of South Africa’s constitutional democracy, warning that persistent failures to realise socioeconomic rights are fuelling public disillusionment. Davis said inequality is now worse than at the adoption of the constitution, calling the government’s economic policy record since 1994 a “monumental failure”. Both jurists noted growing political pressure to amend or discard the constitution, with Davis warning that parties sceptical of the current constitutional order now command a significant share of the vote. While stressing that South Africa has not crossed into authoritarianism, they cautioned that the warning signs are mounting.

Article 143 of Kenya’s constitution states that neither civil nor criminal proceedings can be “instituted in any court against the President or the person performing the functions of that office during their tenure of office in respect of anything done or not done in the exercise of their powers under this Constitution.”

The case was filed in 2024 by 13 activists and the Kenya Bora Tuitakayo Citizens Association, who want the electoral commission compelled to hold a referendum on whether Ruto should be removed for alleged incompetence, abuse of power and violations of the Constitution. They accuse the president of more than 30 breaches, including ethnically skewed appointments, misuse of executive authority and the controversial deployment of the Kenya Defence Forces during the June 2024 Gen-Z protests .

Ruto’s legal team, led by Senior Counsel Fred Ngatia, argued that the petition was unconstitutional because a sitting president cannot be sued directly. The court agreed, striking out Ruto as a respondent and transferring his representation to the Attorney General. Ngatia also insisted that the Constitution provides only one legal route for removing a president, impeachment by Parliament and warned against what he called attempts to “bypass structured constitutional processes”.

The petitioners dispute that view, saying the Constitution also grants citizens sovereign power to seek political accountability through direct democratic means, including a referendum. Their lawyer, Kibe Mungai, said the activists were not asking the court to oust the president but to declare whether he violated the Constitution, a finding they argue could justify a public vote.

The judge declined to stop the case, leaving open the question of whether a popular referendum can supplement or override parliamentary impeachment procedures. The petitioners now plan to request a larger bench to hear the matter, citing its constitutional relevance.

According to court papers, the companies began formal proceedings on August 14, following multiple unsuccessful attempts to recover the outstanding funds . The ANC was formally served with the full court application on August 26 at its headquarters, Luthuli House.

Under South African legal procedure, the party had 10 days, until September 9, to file a notice of intention to defend the lawsuit. However, the applicants allege that the ANC failed to respond within the required timeframe. As a result, they are now seeking judgment under Rule 31(5) of the Uniform Rules of Court, which allows for a default judgment when a respondent does not oppose a claim.

The consortium is demanding R20,878,220.22, plus 11% interest from the date of default, scale C legal costs, and additional relief. While the ANC is said to have paid R50 million (approximately US$2,750,000) of the total contract, it allegedly failed to settle the remaining balance.

In an affidavit, Sisonke Consortium director Mxolisi Tyawa stated that the company fulfilled “all contracted services ” and that the dispute has dragged on for more than 18 months without resolution. “The fallout has now escalated into a full-blown legal confrontation, months ahead of the local government elections next year,” a source familiar with the matter told reporters.

ANC spokesperson Mahlengi Bhengu-Motsiri did not respond to requests for comment at the time of publication.

In October, the ANC withdrew a court application seeking to unfreeze its bank accounts attached over an R85 million (approximately US$4,675,000) debt to Ezulweni Investments after reaching a last-minute settlement.

Ekane was arrested on October 24 in Douala following the post-election protest and was detained at a military garrison in Yaoundé on charges of hostility against the state, incitement to revolt, and calls for insurrection. Ekane denied all accusations.

The arrest came after the contested presidential election on October 12, in which President Paul Biya, aged 92, was declared the winner. Ekane, along with other opposition figures, rejected the results. 

Rival candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary also claimed victory and urged the population to reject the official outcome.

Ekane's party said he was in poor health during detention and lacked access to vital medical equipment. According to his lawyer, Ngouana Ulrich Juvenal, Ekane was barely able to speak during a recent visit. His sister, Mariane Simon-Ekane, confirmed his death on Facebook.

On November 30, Manidem issued a statement requesting his urgent transfer to a hospital that could provide more suitable care. The party had previously reported that essential medical equipment, including Ekane’s oxygen concentrator, was locked in his impounded vehicle at a military police station in Douala. Efforts to retrieve the equipment were allegedly blocked by the station commander. 

Ekane’s detention, along with that of fellow Manidem member Florence Aimee Titcho and other Tchiroma supporters, was condemned by opposition groups. These groups had called for their immediate and unconditional release.

In its November 30 statement, Manidem warned that it "would hold the Yaoundé regime responsible for the consequences of refusing the transfer".

Cameroon’s defence ministry confirmed Ekane’s death on Monday, citing "an illness" and announcing that an investigation had been opened into the circumstances.

Ekane had been active in Cameroonian politics since the early 1990s. He initially supported Maurice Kamto, who was later banned from contesting the election, and subsequently backed Issa Tchiroma.

Tchiroma, following the unrest, has since fled to Gambia, where he is being hosted on humanitarian grounds, according to Gambian authorities.

President Paul Biya was sworn in for an eighth term on November 6 in Yaoundé. Despite the youthful population of Cameroon’s 29 million citizens, where the median age is 18, Biya—who has ruled for more than four decades—will continue in office for another seven years.

“It was very certain that Biya was going to clinch another victory,” said Amindeh Blaise Atabong, a Yaounde-based journalist who covers politics and society. “He has the apparatus.”

At 92, Biya is one of Africa’s longest-serving leaders and the world’s oldest head of state. Over 42 years in power, he has built a vast political machinery that critics say extends well beyond the bounds of legality — and deep into the electoral process itself.

Atabong said many Cameroonians have lost faith in the ballot box entirely. The International Foundation for Electoral Systems has described the country as an “electoral autocracy,” one that holds regular votes but fails to meet basic democratic standards.

Protests erupted even before the official proclamation of results, triggering violent clashes in Douala, Cameroon’s commercial capital, that left at least four people dead. 

There were even reports from opposition candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who finished second with 35.2% of the vote, of civilians outside his home being shot at hours before the announcement.

“It was very, very tense, and it has only gotten worse since then, especially after the proclamation of the results,” Atabong told Global South World. 

Biya has acknowledged the post-election violence in a brief statement released online shortly after being declared the winner, in what was his first and only public comment since re-election.

As protests swell across the country, uncertainty now hangs over Biya’s new seven-year term — including whether he will even be able to see it through, which would leave him in office until just shy of his 100th birthday.

“It's possible,” Atabong said when asked if Biya could step down before the term ends. “We've seen that in other places in Africa, with the most recent example being Madagascar, where the president had to flee because of popular protests.”

“So, everything is possible. We can’t rule that out.”

Change or nothing

Biya is set to be inaugurated on November 6 in Cameroon’s capital, Yaoundé. 

Atabong said the president returns to power over a country increasingly weary of the same leadership, with frustration especially high among the youth, a generation that feels locked out of opportunity and excluded from decision-making.

“The youth are really frustrated. Most of them are trying to leave the country. They are fed up with the system, which is mostly owned by octogenarians,” he said. 

Now entering his eighth term, Biya faces a Cameroon under growing strain, from global shocks such as the wars in Ukraine and Gaza to domestic challenges including the long-running Boko Haram insurgency and deep linguistic divisions between the country’s English- and French-speaking regions.

With a 92-year-old president who frequently disappears from public view, questions are mounting over whether Biya remains fit to govern.

“Economically, the country is shrinking, there is bad governance , there is corruption, there is high level of unemployment, the cost of living is high, and we have not really capitalised on the transformation of most of our local resources,” Atabong said. 

“All of that put together, it's a cocktail that can easily degenerate.”

Ruling for more than four decades has left Cameroon deeply dependent on Biya’s grip. Still, Atabong said many citizens are bracing for the inevitable instability that will follow his eventual exit, whenever that comes.

“There is no indication that he is ready to step down because after he modified the constitution in 2008, striking off the term limit, he is still free constitutionally to go in for another mandate after this current one, which he just won,” he said.

“People just want change, even if it means moving from bad to worse.”

What now?

For now, as Biya remains out of public view, opposition figures continue to contest the results of the October 12 election.

Tchiroma had called for a three-day national lockdown, urging Cameroonians to “let the entire country come to a standstill,” to show the world that “we are resisting and that we will not yield” and to remind the Biya government that “the strength of an economy is its people.”

However, following violent clashes outside his Garoua home, Tchiroma was reportedly forced to flee with the help of “loyalist army” members, a move that, if confirmed, could signal growing cracks within Biya’s own ranks.

“The way going forward, I think it will depend on a couple of factors. First of all, it depends on within the rank of the security forces,” Atabong said. “If that doesn't happen, then I think not long from now, the riots will grow. So, it all depends on the days ahead, how it's going to play out.”

Atabong also noted the muted reaction abroad. The African Union even congratulated the longtime Cameroonian president in a statement that also expressed concern over the post-election unrest in the country.

“Since Cameroon, and largely Africa, has been a diplomatic battlefield, most of the foreign powers are very cautious on how they go about relations with the incoming government,” he said.

“Big countries like the US, maybe Russia, maybe China, they will more or less end up at lip service and be more cautious about how they comment on the developments in Cameroon because they have their interest in the country,” he added. “For now, the international community is failing Cameroon.”

With just days to go before Biya’s November 6 inauguration, unrest continues to define the political climate. What unfolds in the coming days could determine not only the next seven years of Biya’s rule, but also whether Cameroon’s fragile calm can hold at all.

Viory reports that shortly after the vote, Colonel Michael Randrianirina of an elite military unit appeared on national television to proclaim that the armed forces had assumed control of the state. He announced the suspension of key constitutional institutions, including the Senate and the Constitutional Court, while installing a transitional authority expected to govern for up to two years before a national referendum and elections . The National Assembly, however, will remain in place during the transition. 

Earlier in the day, President Rajoelina condemned the developments as an attempted coup, urging calm in a televised address. Reports later emerged that he had fled the country aboard a French military aircraft, though his whereabouts remain unconfirmed.

The move comes amid weeks of widespread unrest across Madagascar, driven largely by young protesters angry over corruption, rising living costs, unemployment, and chronic shortages of power and water. The United Nations estimates that at least 22 people have been killed and more than 100 injured in recent clashes, although government officials dispute these figures.

Rajoelina, a former DJ-turned-politician, first came to power in 2009 after mass protests led to the ousting of then-President Marc Ravalomanana. He was re-elected in 2018 and again in 2023.

Taking the oath of office before thousands of supporters, Mutharika pledged to unite Malawians beyond tribal and party lines and warned public officials against corruption and abuse of power.

“To all my friends in the DPP and anyone in public office, remember this: Malawi belongs to all Malawians. This country does not belong to any person, any tribe, or any political party,” Mutharika declared to loud applause.

He also issued a stern warning to those who might seek to exploit his return to power.

“I will not allow anyone to destroy this country under my watch, and I mean anyone. Whether you are a party official or whoever you are, I will go after you,” he said.

During the ceremony, the chief justice presented Mutharika with the presidential coat of arms, which symbolised his return to the country’s highest office.

Here are the four key issues driving the movement.

1. Collapse of public healthcare

Protesters say Morocco’s public hospitals are underfunded, overcrowded, and broken. Some described being forced to buy their own bandages and medicines from street sellers because hospitals lacked supplies. Others accused medical staff of exploiting shortages. One demonstrator said, “We are just asking for healthcare, nothing more.”

"I'm a citizen, and all I'm asking for is healthcare and education. If someone goes to Mohammed V Hospital or any hospital, they're told to bring their own medicine. My brother had his leg amputated, and another man tells me to bring bandages and medicine - even though he has them - and wants me to buy them from him. I told him I need the ones he already has, and he told me to get them from the street,” another protestor told Viory.

2. Poor quality of education  

Many protesters blame poor-quality schooling and limited access to good universities for leaving an entire generation unprepared for work. Several said degrees are worthless because qualified graduates cannot find jobs. Placards read, “Failed policies destroy the new generation.” A protestor said, “We want to go to school and actually find quality education. We want to say, 'thank God we're in our country.' We don't want to migrate."

3. Unemployment and lost futures

Youth unemployment remains stubbornly high, and many young Moroccans say they feel forced to consider migration. Protesters demanded a government “made up of the people,” accusing leaders of prioritising politics and wealth over real economic reform.

4. Corruption and inequality

Chants of “people want to bring down corruption” echoed through the streets. Demonstrators accuse officials of mismanaging public funds and enriching elites while ordinary citizens struggle to afford basic needs. The protests have become a rallying cry for freedom and dignity.

While most marches began peacefully, some gatherings turned violent. Morocco’s Interior Ministry reported 263 injured security officers, 23 civilian injuries, and damage to government buildings, banks, and vehicles. Authorities detained nearly 490 people, saying they acted to maintain public safety while protecting citizens’ rights.

The coalition includes prominent organisations such as Activista, the Gambia National Youth Parliament, Team Gom Sa Bopa, the Solo Sandeng Foundation, Think Young Women, and the Kenya Human Rights Commission, among others.

The activists noted the removal came on September 15, International Day of Democracy, calling it a bitter irony. “On a day meant to honour freedom, justice and dignity, the Government instead chose to undermine constitutionalism and attack the foundations of democracy in The Gambia,” Dibba said.

They stressed that Gambia’s democracy is still fragile, less than a decade after the fall of Yahya Jammeh’s two-decade dictatorship. “The bitter irony is that the very individual who benefited most from the people ’s rejection of dictatorship, President Adama Barrow, is now dismantling the same democratic order that brought him to power,” Dibba declared.

Why is the removal unlawful?

According to the 1997 Constitution and the National Audit Office Act of 2015, an Auditor General can only be removed under four conditions : completion of a nine-year tenure, voluntary resignation, attainment of retirement age, or proven incapacity or misconduct confirmed by a tribunal or medical board.

None of these conditions applied, the coalition said, accusing Barrow of deliberately bypassing constitutional safeguards. “This is not a mistake or a misunderstanding. It is a deliberate and calculated assault on accountability, transparency and democratic governance,” Dibba said. The civil society groups warned that if the unlawful interference is allowed to stand, it could set a dangerous precedent, threatening the independence of other independent state institutions.

Malawi remains one of Africa’s top fertiliser consumers, yet child stunting persists at high levels, according to the Africa Food Systems Report (AFSR 2025) released in Dakar, Senegal. The report warns that despite heavy investment in fertiliser subsidy programmes, nutrition gains remain limited. “Malawi is among the top five fertiliser-consuming countries in Africa, but stunting rates remain high,” the report noted, spotlighting gaps between input distribution and sustainable child health outcomes. Experts stress that fertiliser subsidies must be complemented by investments in irrigation, infrastructure, and food diversification, Nation Online reports. The report places Malawi’s struggle within a continental food crisis, where 307 million Africans were undernourished in 2024.

Top parties clash over election opinion polls

With the September 16 General Election approaching, the ruling Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) are at odds over the credibility of opinion polls. MCP has accused the DPP of sponsoring “fake surveys” to project former president Peter Mutharika as the frontrunner. At a rally in Lilongwe, MCP secretary general Richard Chimwendo Banda alleged , “The DPP has found a new team to do fake research for it. They want that survey to show that Mutharika will win. They did the same recently, but people didn’t listen to them. They have now engaged some foreign people, just to confuse Malawians.” A July poll by the Institute of Public Opinion and Research suggested Mutharika could secure 43 percent of the vote compared to 26 percent for incumbent President Lazarus Chakwera.

New passports gain international recognition

Malawi’s new passports are now fully compliant with International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) standards, meaning they will be recognised and verifiable worldwide. An insider at the Ministry of Homeland told Nyasa Times that the breakthrough was “a turning point in Malawi’s travel document history.” The source added that, “For the first time in many years, we have a passport system that is not just functional but internationally recognised. Every Malawian holding this new passport will be able to pass through global borders without fear of rejection.” ICAO compliance ensures interoperability with border systems in countries such as the United States, South Africa, and the European Union.

Support for women candidates in elections

Minister of Gender Jean Sendeza has urged political parties to back aspiring female candidates ahead of the September 16 elections. Speaking at a forum convened by the NGO-Gender Coordination Network, she said limited resources and systemic barriers are keeping women out of politics. “Political parties must uphold their pledges to field more women candidates and support them so that we see more women being elected in Parliament and district councils,” Sendeza said , adding, “It is necessary that we must be united and strategic in order to promote women’s leadership and participation. Let us build a political culture where women are not only present but their ideas shape policy.”

New U.S. Deputy Chief of Mission

The United States has appointed Melania R. Arreaga as Deputy Chief of Mission at its embassy in Lilongwe. Arreaga previously served as Chargé d’Affaires and Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Ljubljana, Slovenia. Her arrival in Malawi comes at a time when U.S.-Malawi relations are deepening in health, governance, and economic development. The embassy said her diplomatic experience positions her to strengthen bilateral cooperation in key sectors, Malawi 24 reports.

Local and international stakeholders gathered at the Delegation of the European Union in Liberia for the presentation of a political economy analysis on inclusion and exclusion in Liberian politics. The study, conducted by the Ducor Institute for Social and Economic Research under the Liberia Electoral Support Project, was commissioned by the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy. Presenting the findings, Dr. Aaron Weah, Executive Director of the Ducor Institute, noted that decision-making within parties is highly centralised. “Opportunities for meaningful engagement by women and young people remain limited as senior leaders dominate decision-making processes,” the New Dawn Liberia reports. The report called for reforms to expand participation and foster greater inclusivity.

Detoxification program

Liberia’s anti-drug campaign has suffered a major setback after 485 out of 600 youths enrolled in a government-backed detoxification program abandoned the initiative. Jewel Tarpeh Kollie, Montserrado County Health Officer, confirmed the numbers. “From the start, we had about 600 youths in the program. But as of yesterday, the number dropped to 115 (105 males and 10 females). Sometimes you see the number increase, and other times it decreases, because the process is voluntary and many of them walk away,” he said. The program was designed to provide treatment and recovery services to vulnerable youth, but officials now face questions about sustainability and effectiveness, the New Dawn Liberia reports.

Liberia hosts anti-illicit financial flows workshop

Liberia hosted the fifth Anti-IFFs Policy Tracker workshop in Monrovia from September 1–3, 2025, bringing together policymakers, civil society leaders, and international partners to assess efforts to curb illicit financial flows. The workshop focused on identifying high-risk areas in the financial system and strengthening national strategies. Harold Aidoo, Executive Director of Integrity Watch Liberia, welcomed participants, “We are very happy that you could join us here in Liberia. I know it’s your first time here for many of you, and please permit me to formally welcome you. This is a very loving and peaceful country striving to grow and develop like many African countries.” The Anti-IFFs Policy Tracker is designed to help African governments evaluate responses and develop policy reforms, the Liberian Observer reports.

GAC audit flags $2.8m in irregular spending

The General Auditing Commission has flagged $2.8 million in budget irregularities in the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning’s audit of the Consolidated Funds Account for the 2024 fiscal year. The audit revealed overspending by multiple entities, including the Ministry of Public Works, which spent $40.34 million against a budget of $38.01 million. It also found payments made without adequate documentation. The GAC warned that such practices could undermine financial discipline. Responding to the findings, the MFDP denied any missing funds, “All transactions were executed with proper authorisation and supporting records. However, some documentation could not be immediately located due to limitations in the inherited filing and document storage system,” Liberian Observer reports.

Boakai criticised for missing Grigsby’s U.S. funeral

President Joseph Nyuma Boakai is facing backlash for failing to attend the U.S. funeral of his late Chief of Staff and longtime confidant, Sylvester Mondubue Grigsby, who died on August 9 while on a medical checkup. Opposition figure Wantoe Teah Wantoe called the absence inexcusable, “Did he attend? No. Wasn’t Grigsby his Chief of Staff and Minister of State? Yes. Wasn’t Grigsby his best friend and childhood companion? Yes. These are the facts. Missing Grigsby’s burial is not just a personal failure. It is a public betrayal of friendship, duty, and the values the presidency should uphold,” Wade Williams, another critic, argued the burial should have been treated as a state matter. “So President Boakai’s Minister of State for Presidential Affairs dies and is buried outside Liberia. He is not present at the funeral. Something isn’t right. Shouldn’t this have been a state funeral?” Smart News Liberia reports.

According to rights groups and media reports , at least 66 people died in clashes with security forces during demonstrations in support of Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and against former President Macky Sall’s government. Families of the victims say no trials have yet been held for the bloodshed or alleged torture.

Protesters demand accountability

Many of Sunday’s protesters accused the government of applying a “two-tiered justice system.”

“Since they came to power, we've felt like we've had a two-tiered justice system. Still nothing for the young people who were killed during the protests,” said protester Alioune Gueye. “I expect nothing more from them than justice for our brothers and sisters who died for their country. That was their campaign promise, and they must keep it,” he added.

Another demonstrator, Boubacar Sonko, said the lack of accountability was unacceptable.

“We've been demanding justice for months. We fought to put Diomaye and Sonko in power. It’s regrettable that we see justice not being served for our brothers who were unjustly killed. We are here to ask the justice system to do its job,” he told Viory.

Government response

At the end of July, Justice Minister Ousmane Diagne reportedly requested that the Attorney General open an investigation into the killings. But protesters say progress has been too slow and that authorities must act swiftly to honour campaign promises of accountability.

“As you have seen, we are unfortunately witnessing the establishment of a practice that consists of manipulating the justice system to settle political scores. We cannot stress this enough, and it is regrettable for our country,” he added. 

Masra, who served as prime minister between January and May last year, leads the Transformers party and is a prominent critic of President Mahamat Deby. 

He was accused alongside 67 co-defendants, mostly from the Ngambaye ethnic group, of triggering a violent clash between herders and farmers in Logone Occidental in May. The violence left 35 people dead and six others injured.

The former prime minister has denied all charges. He also contested the results of the May 2024 presidential election, in which Chad’s electoral body declared Deby the winner with 61.3% of the vote. Masra placed second, securing 18.53%.

Ouattara, who has been in power since 2011, framed the next term as a period of “generational transition,” promising to appoint a new team that would continue to improve the lives of Ivorians while maintaining national progress.

“This new term will be one of generational transition with the team I will put in place,” he said. “We will be able to consolidate our achievements and continue to improve the daily lives of our fellow citizens, especially the most vulnerable,” he said.

During Uganda’s turbulent 1980s, Ali led the Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) rebel group before reconciling with President Yoweri Museveni in 1986. His fighters were integrated into the national army, earning him the rank of major general, later rising to a full general by 2012.

Fast forward to 2025, General Ali is contesting in the National Resistance Movement (NRM) primaries for Adjumani West Constituency, a seat he has held in most elections since 2001. Despite visible health concerns, his camp insists he remains fit and capable. "Contrary to what the public thinks, my boss is fit and is seeking re-election to represent the people of Adjumani," said Gabu Amacha, Gen. Ali’s political assistant told Nation.Africa .

Amacha emphasised that Gen. Ali’s experience is unparalleled, having served in various ministerial roles including finance, trade and industry, youth and culture, tourism, internal affairs, and disaster preparedness. "His service in government spans from 1968, when he joined the army and rose to the rank of a four-star general," Amacha added.

Following his nomination, famously done from inside his car, Ali wasted no time hitting the campaign trail, hosting a thanksgiving event where he even tried to show off some dance moves to demonstrate his vitality.

His campaign task force says Gen. Ali’s priorities include upgrading Adjumani Town Council to municipality status, improving infrastructure like roads and health facilities, and enhancing the implementation of government programmes in the region.

Although his team insists this will be his last parliamentary term, the general has often been represented by his aides rather than making public appearances himself.

On Tuesday, Tourism and Leisure Minister Bello Bouba Maigari became the second prominent northern politician to step down, saying he would focus on his presidential bid. Maigari, 78, was endorsed over the weekend as the flagbearer of the National Union for Democracy and Progress (NUDP), a party that has traditionally allied with Biya’s Cameroon People ’s Democratic Movement (CPDM).

“This time round, the governing arm of our party has decided that we participate in the next presidential election with our own candidate and has asked me to be that candidate, a request which I have accepted,” Maigari told reporters.

Earlier, Employment and Vocational Training Minister Issa Tchiroma Bakary also resigned to enter the race under the Cameroon National Salvation Front (FNSC). In a 20-page open letter to Cameroonians, Tchiroma, 79, said he was answering the call for new leadership after decades of what he described as stagnation. “The time for self-deception is over,” he wrote. “The time has come to look at our reality head-on, with clarity, courage, and a sense of duty.”

Both men hail from the northern regions of Adamawa, North, and Far North, areas that account for about two million of the more than eight million registered voters, according to the election body, Elecam. Their departures are seen as an unprecedented political challenge to Biya, 92, who has ruled since 1982 but has yet to declare whether he will seek re-election.

A report from the East African indicates that senior government officials have begun efforts to contain further defections. Ferdinand Ngoh Ngoh, Secretary-General at the Presidency, convened meetings this week with political leaders from all 10 administrative regions as part of damage-control efforts.

Abubakar and Obi have both broken away from their longtime parties - the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the Labour Party (LP), respectively - to adopt the African Democratic Congress (ADC) as their new political home. Since Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, the PDP and APC have dominated the political scene, making this realignment a potentially game-changing one.

“This decision was not made lightly. It comes from deep reflection on where we are as a country and what must be done to move forward,” Obi said in a post on X (formerly Twitter). “Our commitment is to sacrifice and work together towards the 2027 General Elections, ensuring that Nigeria gets competent, capable, and compassionate leadership that will prioritise the nation’s future by putting the welfare of Nigerians first.”

He added, “No one group can change Nigeria alone. To dismantle the structures that keep our people in poverty and insecurity, we must build bridges, not walls, even when those bridges are uneasy.”

The coalition also includes other prominent figures such as former Transport Minister Rotimi Amaechi, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, and former Senate President David Mark, who was named National Chairman of the ADC, with Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola serving as National Secretary.

Not everyone has welcomed the alliance. Dumebi Kachikwu, who ran for president on the ADC ticket in 2023, accused the coalition of being a self-serving political arrangement. “The same people who put our country on its knees are the same people who claim they are the fire brigade and they want to put out the fire,” Kachikwu said. “They are political jobbers…they have nothing to offer.”

After the 2023 election, Tinubu won with just 37% of the vote, while Abubakar and Obi split the opposition with 29% and 25%, respectively.

The fallout began after a deadly February 2024 attack on Mogadishu’s General Gordan military base, which killed four senior Emirati officers, including former intelligence chief Mahad Salad and Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre. While some changes were made, Villa Somalia rejected broader demands, accusing the UAE of unacceptable interference and backing opposition-aligned regional leaders in Puntland and Jubaland.

In response, Abu Dhabi has reportedly shifted to covert political engagement, including financing opposition figures and planning high-level meetings aimed at forming a united anti-government front.

President Mohamud’s administration has begun military restructuring, reappointed Mahad Salad to lead the intelligence agency, and sought closer ties with Saudi Arabia and other Gulf allies as a counterbalance.

With national elections looming, officials in Mogadishu warn that the UAE’s actions now amount to direct interference designed to destabilize the federal government.

Majority Leader Billay G. Tunkara, who introduced the motion, said the investigation must go beyond the existing record. Legislators echoed the call for a more comprehensive review, citing persistent gaps in asset tracing and concerns over the sale and management of Jammeh’s seized properties.

“The committee must determine how much was seized, how much was accounted for, and what remains hidden,” said Kebba Lang Fofana, a nominated member.

Lawmakers credited investigative journalist Mustapha Darboe and the youth-led movement of Gambians Against Looted Assets (GALA) for exposing mismanagement and spurring renewed political will

The Janneh Commission, established after Jammeh’s ouster in 2017, uncovered widespread financial impropriety and asset accumulation. However, lawmakers said its findings were incomplete and lacked full public disclosure.

The motion was adopted after hours of deliberation whereby the assembly will reconvene to appoint committee members charged with leading the investigation. The committee will have at least 180 days to complete its inquiry.

“Unity is absolutely essential. Africa has 1.4 billion people. China has 1.4 billion. India has 1.4 billion. But Africa is 55 countries, not by choice, but because that’s how the imperialists divided the continent,” Sachs told Global South World.

By contrast, Sachs explained, China and India retained their unity due to different colonial trajectories. China was never fully colonised, and India remained under a single imperial power, Britain. This, he argues, has enabled them to develop cohesive national strategies and global leverage, something Africa still struggles to achieve.

“I want Africa to speak with the voice of 1.4 billion people ,” he said. “By mid-century, Africa will have a larger population than India and China. It must have its voice heard at that scale.”

Sachs warned that Africa’s division into 55 states allows external powers, including the United States , to continue a “divide and conquer” approach that weakens Africa’s geopolitical clout. 

In recent years, Sachs has been an outspoken advocate for the African Union’s elevation to a global decision-making role. His efforts contributed to the AU becoming the 21st member of the G20 , a milestone he now urges African leaders to fully capitalise on. 

Ongmakagne’s announcement distinguishes her from a field of already-declared male candidates, making her a symbol of new energy and a potential change agent.

She will be contesting against the incumbent President, Paul Biya, now 92, seeking an eighth term after more than four decades in power.

Although she is not yet a known figure in Cameroon’s political sphere, Ongmakagne brings a background in business and fashion leadership to the race. She described her transition from the creative world to the political arena as a call to service and national transformation.

“I believe in a united, prosperous Cameroon, where everyone has their place. We need a new dynamic, a new era where the doors are open. I believe in a Cameroon that can catch up with the world and embrace globalisation,” she said.

In her video address, Ongmakagne framed her campaign as a “fight of light against darkness,” invoking a vision of peace , dignity, and national unity.

She called on Cameroonians to join her in ending fear and oppression, urging citizens to be active participants “in putting an end to the oppression and fear.”

While Ongmakagne is the first female to declare her candidacy for the 2025 race, she follows in the footsteps of  Edith Kabbang Walla , who was the only female candidate in the 2011 election and the first Cameroonian woman to announce a presidential bid.

The project is expected to expand to other major cities across the country.

"Travelling around our country has become much more complex, and we need to bring our traffic and location systems up to international standards," Alphonse N’Guessan, the official overseeing the program for street name changes, renovation, and urban restructuring, told the AFP.

Beyond practical concerns, the initiative carries deep symbolic meaning for many Ivorians who see it as a reclamation of national identity and memory.

“It marks the history of Ivory Coast. Every boulevard is named after a politician, a minister or a renowned artist,” said receptionist Perpetue Bugre.

Streets previously named after French or unfamiliar foreign figures are now being renamed after those who played a central role in the country’s history. For some, the changes bring a long-overdue sense of pride and recognition.

"Let’s just say that it's already a great satisfaction for us," said Jean Bruce Gneple, a local salesperson. “President Félix Houphouët-Boigny was and will remain in the memory of all Ivorians as the first man of Ivory Coast, so this is a tribute to him, and we are proud of it.”

Franck Hervé Mansou, a 31-year-old technician, emphasised the educational value of the project.

“They say it's 'Boulevard Giscard d’Estaing,' 'Boulevard Blanchard.' We didn’t know Blanchard,” he said. “At school, we were taught about Félix Houphouët-Boigny, Biaka Boda, Marie Koré. The names of the streets in Ivory Coast should belong to Ivorian revolutionaries, Ivorian politicians. In the future, we will be able to explain this to our children .”

The street renaming is part of the government's strategy introduced in 2017 to modernise urban management and improve identification systems in growing cities.

“While our political parties may differ in strategy, we share a common goal—to build a united, secure, and prosperous Kenya,” Ruto said at the signing ceremony. He emphasised that the deal was not about political positions or elections but about serving the people .

Odinga echoed this sentiment, pledging to uphold the Constitution, the rule of law, and human rights . “We commit to tackling unemployment, the cost of living, crippling poverty, and institutional inefficiencies that have plagued Kenya for decades,” he stated.

He also stressed the importance of addressing corruption , leadership integrity, and fundamental freedoms such as free speech and public assembly.

The partnership comes amid economic struggles, including rising debt and persistent corruption.

Odinga is a five-time presidential candidate and has long been a key opposition figure in Kenya’s politics .

Timba, interim leader of the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC), was arrested on June 16 along with 79 others in what rights groups have called a politically motivated crackdown.

While many were released, Timba and 34 allies were found guilty and remained detained until Wednesday's sentencing. Magistrate Collet Ncube cited their status as first-time offenders, opting for suspended sentences. Timba and Jason Kautsa, another CCC member, received two-year sentences suspended for five years, while others received lesser penalties. 

Defense lawyer Takunda Jacob expressed dissatisfaction with the judgment, hinting at a possible appeal. “We are not happy with the ruling and await instructions from our clients,” he said. 

"The extreme group had to get 24 months of imprisonment; all of these custodial sentences were suspended for 5 years on condition of good behaviour and that in the next 5 years these people will not commit crimes that involve unlawful gatherings, and the intention to cause violence being one of the essential elements to that crime," Jacob told the AFP.

The case has drawn international attention, with Amnesty International and other rights organisations decrying the arrests as a suppression of political dissent.

U.S. Ambassador Pamela Tremont urged Zimbabwean authorities to respect rights to free speech and assembly, emphasising the need for an independent judiciary.

“We need the judiciary to be able to deliver justice independent of political considerations, and we need Zimbabweans rights to assembly and free speech to be fully respected," she said.

Critics have accused President Emmerson Mnangagwa's ZANU-PF government, in power since 1980, of using heavy-handed tactics to silence opposition voices ahead of elections .

This historic amendment led to the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) clearing 14,889 candidates, including 70 political parties and 11 independents, to contest 887 seats in the 2024 election.

According to the IEC, 27.79 million South Africans aged 18 and above have registered for the elections this year up from 26.74 million in 2019.

Voters with special needs, such as expectant mothers and individuals with disabilities, cast their ballots two days before election day on May 27 and 28, while registered voters residing overseas cast their ballots on May 17 and 18, according to the IEC.

Here is a step-by-step guide to the voting process for the 2024 South African elections:

Voting

The first step in the voting process is verification , where voters' names are checked against the voters' roll. Following verification, voters proceed to ink marking. Here, indelible ink is applied to the thumbnail of each voter. This measure is taken to prevent double voting and serves as a physical token of a citizen's participation in the democratic process

Voters are then presented with three distinct ballots. The National Ballot, coloured blue, is for electing political parties to the National Assembly. The Regional National Assembly ballot, orange in hue, is unique to each province, allowing voters to elect a political party or an independent candidate within their region. Lastly, the Provincial Legislature ballot, pink in colour, is also unique to each province, where voters choose political parties and independent candidates for the provincial legislature.

Election results

The election results are promptly made available online on the official IEC website following the ballot count. At the polling stations, results are shown on the station doors after the count.

To facilitate voter access to information, a Voter app. Available on major mobile app stores has been introduced, according to the IEC , this application has detailed resources for all election-related information, ensuring voters are well-informed and prepared.

The final results of the election are expected to be announced by the IEC on June 2.

Filed by Lumumba & Ayieko Advocates, her application requests a court order to ensure her political party registration and candidacy before the May 30 deadline. The petition highlights, "That the honourable court be pleased to issue an order compelling Ms Ingabire to register a political party and participate in the July 2024 presidential elections as a candidate pending the inter-partes hearing," the East African reports.

Ingabire's application further noted the Rwandan government's failure to grant her authorization to travel, which she argues violates the East African Community (EAC) Treaty principles on human rights, the rule of law, accountability, and transparency. “The actions of the Rwandan government in ignoring Ms Ingabire’s multiple requests for authorization to leave the country are in breach of the fundamental and operational principles of the EAC Treaty,” the petition asserted

A staunch critic of President Paul Kagame, Ingabire was imprisoned for eight years, five of which were in solitary confinement. She was released in 2018 on a presidential pardon. Despite the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights ruling that Rwanda violated her right to freedom of expression, the government has not acknowledged this decision.

Ingabire stated, "I cannot run for any elections unless I am rehabilitated. Laws allow President Kagame to do so. Whether he will accept to rehabilitate me, I do not know,” she told the East African in 2023.

The National Election Commission (NEC) of Rwanda has set the application period for presidential candidates from May 17 to May 30. 

Recent reports by the Johannesburg-based  Brenthurst Foundation on the election on March 8 suggest that the ANC could receive less than 50% of the national vote for the first time.

Candidates

Independent candidates are permitted to compete for seats in both the National Assembly and provincial legislatures. A total of 14,889 candidates, nominated by 70 political parties (excluding 11 independents), have been cleared by the election commission to contest 887 seats. 31 political parties will participate in the national elections for the first time.

The electoral system

South Africa holds elections every five years under a proportional representation system, where parties and candidates  vie for 400 seats in the National Assembly. Of these, 200 seats are contested nationally, while the remaining 200 are divided among the nine provinces, contested by parties and independent candidates. Provincial legislature seats are allocated based on population size in each province.

On election day, voters will be issued with three ballots instead of the usual two. Each ballot requires voters to select either one party or one candidate. Two of these ballots will be used to determine the composition of the National Assembly, while the third will be designated for the election of members to the provincial legislature in each province.

What's at stake?

Even though the ANC replaced former President Jacob Zuma with Cyril Ramaphosa as the leader of the ANC in 2018, enabling him to lead the party into the 2019 elections, internal divisions continue to plague the ANC.

While President Ramaphosa has gradually garnered more backing within the party and is set to represent the party in the 2024 elections, there is a growing division within the party. Zuma's support for a new party, uMkhonto weSizwe, poses a direct challenge to Ramaphosa's leadership.

The ANC party faces mounting pressure due to issues such as high unemployment, economic disparities, corruption allegations, and ongoing internal divisions. Rising violent crime rates, an average of 130 rapes and 80 murders a day in the last three months of 2023 have further strained public confidence in the authorities. The election will be closely watched as a test of the ANC's ability to address these pressing issues and maintain its political dominance.

What they said

Succes Masra in a post on social media announcing his appeal of the preliminary result said, “Helped by our lawyers, we today appealed to the Constitutional Council for the truth of the ballot boxes…, we ask you to continue to remain peaceful for the love of our country because the change you want to see cannot take place in a destroyed country. This change is irreversible, it is already here and it will be implemented in one way or another by all the people so that Justice and Equality reign.”

After his ascension to the highest office of the West African nation, Faye, the new president, appointed 49-year-old Ousmane Sonko as prime minister.

Sonko, the man on whose political influence he relied to clinch victory in an election that had the whole world watching.

Senegal's democratic journey

The political background of Senegal is characterised by a long history of democratic governance amid various challenges. Since gaining independence from France in 1960, Senegal has maintained a relatively stable political environment compared to many other African nations.

The country has a multi-party system, with the Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS) and the Alliance for the Republic (APR) as key political players. However, the political landscape has also been marked by political unrest, such as the 2012 election , which saw violent protests and allegations of electoral fraud.

The 2024 election in Senegal was also controversial as it was originally postponed from February to December 2024, leading to deadly protests. However, the Constitutional Council overruled the postponement, and the election was held on March 24.

The events leading up to the election were marked by arbitrary arrests of opposition figures like the current president and prime minister Bassirou Diomaye Diakhar Faye and Ousmane Sonko respectively, excessive use of force by security forces, and concerns over human rights violations.

Leadership under Macky Sall

During the Macky Sall era, Senegal experienced notable economic growth and infrastructure development. Under his leadership, the country's GDP consistently expanded, averaging around 6% annually .

While infrastructural development was a priority under the leadership of Sall, there were struggles among the Senegalese population and also concerns about political freedoms and human rights, with critics accusing the government of stifling dissent and restricting freedom of expression .

"Admittedly, Macky Sall has invested several billion CFA francs in his Senegal Emergent Plan and has built roads, hospitals, new universities and transport infrastructure, but these projects do not sufficiently meet the real needs of the Senegalese population," Mamadou Samba Hane, an economics professor at the University of Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar told DW .

How does Sonko come into the picture?

Ousmane Sonko got into the Senegal political scene in 2016 after he blew the cover over illegal offshore tax deals in the country after working as a tax inspector for 15 years.

Sonko revealed the utilisation of offshore tax havens , notably a $50 million mineral sand processing plant employed by a Canadian company to evade $8.9 million in taxes.

The exposé immediately cost him his job but he didn't stop there. He wrote a non-fiction book titled Pétrole et gaz au Sénégal to throw more light on his findings in 2018.

Fast-forward to 2019, Sonko contested the presidential election in Senegal on the ticket of his party PASTEF. He surprisingly came in third with 15% of the total votes cast. This move announced his formidable presence in Senegalese politics.

Sonko's journey to prime minister was fraught with various instances of arrests over a rape allegation in 2021 and a subversive individual in 2023.

He faced legal challenges that barred him from running in the elections . Bassirou Diomaye Faye stepped in to replace him as the leading figure of the main opposition coalition.

What is expected of Sonko?

Ousmane Sonko's young age is a fresh start for many Senegalese who believe that the country needs a young and vibrant mind to think and decide from the perspective of a nation whose significant part of the population is under the age of 25.

Sonko's commitment to fulfilling every promise given to the Senegalese populace echoed during his acceptance speech as prime minister on April 2, 2024. "We will spare no effort to achieve the goals we have promised the people,” he said .

What they said

The former prime minister Lukonde after submitting his resignation to President Tshisekedi on February 20 said "My choice fell on that of the mandate of national deputy to represent the constituency of Kasenga (a town in the Haut-Katanga province in DRC near the border with Zambia). The request to come and present myself before the President of the Republic was to inform him of my choice and consequently my resignation." “It was a friendly meeting where the President of the Republic took note of this decision. It was an opportunity for us to thank him,” he added.

“When I say young, not just any young, we need credible young people. That's extremely important because you could have young leaders with the same mindset of rulers that have derailed the future of the continent and will be in more trouble,” said Chike in an interview with GSW’s Ismail Akwei.

“We have people who are Gen Z and younger who are also upcoming. So as we clamour and fight for the voice of the young person to be heard, our generation needs to understand that there are also people behind us and start now to groom them… our failure to incorporate young minds in decision-making is the fact that the older generation did not have a transition mechanism or a system to groom people who are credible and capable of leadership. It is important that we don't pass on that problem to the next generation,” he added.

Chike became Nigeria's youngest presidential candidate when he joined the 2019 presidential race at 35 years old after former Nigerian president Muhammadu Buhari passed a bill that reduced the age requirement for presidential aspirants from 40 to 35.

Including Nigeria’s recent election of President Bola Tinubu aged 71 into office, the most recent African elections have seen the election of African presidents over the age of 40.

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi aged 69, Felix Tshisekedi, aged 60 of the Democratic Republic of Congo and Madagascar’s Andry Rajoelina, aged 49 all secured re-elections in their respective nations while Liberians swapped former president and football icon George Weah aged 57 for an older president in Joseph Boakai who turns 80 in November 2024.

Chike made this statement in an interview with GSW’s Ismail Akwei following the public outcry after reports of the purchase of a presidential yacht in November 2023 by the Nigerian government amid the economic struggles in the country.

“If you look at some of the African countries, in my opinion, that are doing well, they have leaders with a vision. When I talk about vision, I don't mean let's just build roads or let's feed the hungry, those are important. But if you're building roads for 200 million people today, for a nation whose population might double in the next three decades, it means that 20 years from now, you have created another problem because you still have overpopulation, So the main problem we have in Nigeria is not having leaders who understand a vision that can carry the nation beyond now,” Chike said.

“We have a Congress that is buying cars for itself. You have a president who is doing whatever. Meanwhile, there are people in Nigeria who live in extreme poverty. It's like we have tone-deaf leaders who don't care about the masses. When the two basic responsibilities of governance are to provide and protect the people or create the environment that enables them to do that safely and as of yet, we're yet to see that,” he added.

Between 2014 and 2023, Nigeria's youth unemployment rate averaged 24.28%. In September 2023, the West African nation had a 26.72% inflation rate, 5.94% more than the 20.77% rate in the same month the previous year, the Guardian Nigeria reported.

Nigeria was also ranked as the 145 th best out of 180 nations globally in a Corruption Perceptions Index report according to corruption in the public sector.

Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Sénégal and Togo started ECOWAS with Cabo Verde joining the union in 1977.

The ECOWAS is headed by a chairman and the requirements for choosing a chairman are stated clearly by the committee which comprises of the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary.

The committee operates under a well-structured system of governance aimed at effectively overseeing the region's affairs.

Many West African countries have had their leaders represent as chair, countries including Ghana with President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo in 2020, Guinea-Bissau with President Umaro Sissoco Embalo in 2022, and Nigeria’s President, Bola Tinubu as the current chairperson.

The chairman is the current Head of State and Government. He is appointed by other Heads of State and Government to oversee the affairs for a period of one year after which he is succeeded.

Other roles

The president of the ECOWAS Commission is the driving force of the community appointed by the authority and serves a non-renewable four-year term. A vice president and 13 commissioners support the president.

ECOWAS has a parliament that serves as the legislative pillar and is led by the speaker of Parliament. Administrative duties are overseen by the Secretary General of the Parliament. Parliamentarians are seconded by national Parliaments to the Community Parliament, serving four-year terms as direct universal suffrage elections are planned for the future.

The Court of Justice takes care of judicial matters in the community and is headed by the Court’s president and judges, all members of the community.

This Court plays a vital role in interpreting and implementing Community laws, protocols, and conventions.

Administrative responsibilities are managed by the Court Registrar, assisted by a team of professionals.