The bar, made from nearly 2,000 kilograms of chocolate, surpasses the 220-metre record set in 2025.

Peressini said the group wants to end what it described as the use of hunger as a weapon of war, and accused Israel of trying to “exterminate and expel the Palestinian people.” He also cited a death toll of more than 70,000 Palestinians and alleged massive bombardment, figures and characterisations that could not be independently verified in the announcement.

Another activist, Celeste Fierro, said the mission was a response to what she called a “lie” ceasefire linked to US President Donald Trump , arguing that “the policy of ethnic cleansing and apartheid continue” and that activists therefore needed to keep up pressure through direct action.

The episode represents what could be described as a Latin American turn in a distant war. For decades, most countries in the region tried to maintain diplomatic balance in Middle Eastern conflicts, avoiding explicit alignment while preserving relations with multiple actors. Milei’s rhetoric breaks with that tradition. By openly identifying himself with Zionism and the strategic position of Israel and the United States, the Argentine leader has moved his country closer to the political logic of global blocs.

The shift is not only diplomatic but also ideological. Milei often frames international politics as a struggle between what he calls the “free world” and authoritarian regimes. In that worldview, support for Israel becomes part of a broader narrative that links Argentina to Western political and economic models. Foreign policy , therefore, is presented not simply as pragmatic diplomacy but as an extension of a larger ideological project.

This posture also reflects Milei’s effort to redefine Argentina’s international identity. Historically, Latin American diplomacy leaned toward multilateralism, neutrality, or regional consensus when confronting distant conflicts. By contrast, Milei’s discourse suggests a more assertive positioning within global disputes. In doing so, Argentina becomes one of the few countries in the region to openly take sides in a conflict unfolding thousands of kilometres away.

The implications go beyond Buenos Aires. If Argentina adopts a consistently aligned stance with Israel and the United States on Middle Eastern affairs, it could alter long-standing diplomatic patterns across Latin America . Some governments in the region have traditionally supported Palestinian causes, while others prefer cautious neutrality. Milei’s position introduces a new variable into that delicate balance.

Ultimately, the significance of the statement lies less in the phrase itself than in what it reveals about the changing geopolitical posture of the region. A Latin American turn in a distant war may still be largely rhetorical, but it reflects a broader question about the region’s place in an increasingly polarised world: whether Latin America will continue observing global conflicts from the sidelines, or whether some of its leaders will choose to take clearer positions in the battles shaping the international order.

At first glance, the phenomenon appears highly visual: teenagers wearing animal masks, mimicking animal movements or speaking about feeling connected to wolves, cats or other species. However, as the trend has spread, discussion has shifted from the imagery itself to the meaning behind it.

Those who identify as therians generally do not claim physical transformation. Instead, they describe a psychological or symbolic alignment with a particular animal, saying certain instincts, traits or emotional patterns feel central to their sense of self. For many, it is framed as an internal experience rather than a performance.

Public reaction in Latin America has been mixed, ranging from curiosity and support to scepticism and concern. Some see it as a form of adolescent self-expression amplified by social media, while others question whether it reflects a deeper or more lasting shift in how young people define themselves.

Specialists note that adolescence has long been a period of identity exploration. In a digital environment where online communities can grow rapidly across borders, new forms of self-description can gain visibility and legitimacy faster than in previous generations.

As therian identity in Latin America moves beyond viral content into wider cultural debate, the conversation increasingly centres on broader questions about personal identity: how it is formed, how flexible it can be, and how societies respond when emerging expressions of self challenge familiar categories.

According to multiple expert sources on citizenship routes, these nations stand out for their simplified requirements, whether through naturalisation, ancestral links, investment or residency pathways.

Top 10 countries where citizenship is easiest to obtain in 2026

1. Argentina

Argentina is widely regarded as one of the fastest naturalisation systems in the world. Under Argentine law , foreign nationals can apply for citizenship after two years of legal residence in the country. Unlike many jurisdictions, Argentina does not require a lengthy permanent residency phase before naturalisation. Applicants must demonstrate lawful income, basic Spanish proficiency and integration into society, but there is no formal minimum investment threshold. Dual citizenship is permitted. The relatively short statutory timeline makes Argentina one of the most straightforward legal routes to citizenship globally.

2. Dominica

Dominica operates one of the longest-running and most recognised citizenship-by-investment programmes in the Caribbean. According to Global Citizen Solutions , the country’s framework is considered transparent and efficient. Instead of waiting years through residency, applicants can obtain citizenship by making a government-approved financial contribution or investing in authorised real estate projects. Processing times are typically measured in months rather than years, and there is no physical residency requirement. This combination of speed, clarity and due diligence oversight places Dominica among the most accessible second passport options.

3. Antigua and Barbuda

Antigua and Barbuda also offers citizenship through investment and is frequently ranked favourably by mobility consultants. The programme allows applicants to qualify through a national development fund contribution, approved property investment or business participation. While there is a minimal physical presence requirement, it is limited and manageable. The country’s programme is designed to accommodate families, and processing timelines are comparatively efficient. Its established legal structure and predictable requirements contribute to its reputation as one of the more accessible citizenship-by-investment routes.

4. Paraguay

Paraguay is often cited as a relatively simple naturalisation pathway within South America. The general process involves securing permanent residency and maintaining residence in the country for several years before applying for citizenship. While recent enforcement has emphasised genuine physical presence and integration, the legal framework itself remains comparatively straightforward. The cost of living is relatively low, and the administrative procedures are less complex than in many Western jurisdictions. For individuals prepared to establish real ties in the country, Paraguay remains one of the more attainable naturalisation options.

5. Ecuador

Ecuador offers a clear progression from temporary residency to permanent residency and eventually citizenship. After approximately three years of legal residence, applicants may apply for naturalisation. They are required to pass a Spanish language and civic knowledge assessment, but the financial thresholds are not prohibitive compared with other countries. Dual citizenship is allowed. Analysts frequently note that Ecuador’s combination of flexible visa categories, moderate residency requirements and manageable costs makes it one of Latin America’s more practical routes to citizenship.

6. Brazil

Brazil provides multiple naturalisation pathways , which increase its accessibility. The standard requirement involves several years of permanent residence along with proof of Portuguese language ability and good character. However, the timeline may be reduced significantly in cases involving marriage to a Brazilian citizen or parenthood of a Brazilian child. Brazil recognises dual citizenship and maintains one of the strongest passports in Latin America in terms of global mobility. The country’s large economy and flexible legal provisions contribute to its inclusion on lists of easier citizenship jurisdictions.

7. Portugal

Portugal remains one of Europe’s most discussed destinations for long-term citizenship planning. Following five years of legal residence, individuals may apply for Portuguese citizenship provided they demonstrate basic language proficiency and maintain a clean criminal record. Although reforms have reshaped aspects of its residency-by-investment framework, Portugal continues to offer a structured and predictable route from residency to citizenship. Because Portuguese nationality grants full European Union rights, advisory firms often describe it as one of the most strategic and comparatively accessible options within the EU.

8. Canada

Canada’s citizenship pathway is regarded as transparent and rule-based. Applicants must first become permanent residents and then accumulate a defined period of physical presence within Canada before applying for naturalisation. Language proficiency and a citizenship knowledge test are also required. While Canada is not the fastest jurisdiction in terms of statutory timelines, it is frequently highlighted for procedural clarity and institutional stability. The country permits dual citizenship and maintains a strong global passport ranking, making it an attractive long-term option.

9. Ireland

Ireland stands out particularly for citizenship by descent. Individuals with an Irish-born parent or grandparent may qualify through registration in the Foreign Births Register, making it one of the more accessible European nationality routes for those with ancestral ties. For those without descent claims, naturalisation typically requires five years of reckonable residence. Ireland’s passport provides full European Union rights and strong global travel access. Because of its descent provisions and stable legal framework, Ireland consistently appears in mobility rankings as one of the more attainable European citizenship options.

10. New Zealand

New Zealand offers a structured and clearly defined naturalisation route. Applicants are generally required to complete five years of residence while meeting minimum physical presence thresholds and demonstrating English language ability. The process also requires proof of intention to maintain ties to the country. Although the timeline is not exceptionally short, the legal clarity and administrative transparency contribute to its reputation as an accessible pathway. New Zealand permits dual citizenship and is frequently cited for governance standards and quality of life, factors that strengthen its appeal among global applicants.

Supporters of Mexico’s reform argue that shorter working hours can strengthen productivity, formal employment and social wellbeing, particularly in sectors where long shifts are common. The measure builds on previous increases to the minimum wage and expanded labour rights in recent years, signalling continuity in a policy direction that prioritises stronger state involvement in regulating working conditions .

Argentina, under President Javier Milei, is taking a contrasting route. The government has advanced a labour reform focused on deregulation, including easing hiring procedures, adjusting severance frameworks and modifying rules that affect union activity. Officials describe the changes as necessary to encourage private investment, reduce informality and address long-standing economic instability.

The Argentine approach reflects a broader pro-market agenda aimed at reducing what the government views as rigidities in the labour system. Trade unions and opposition groups have raised concerns about the potential impact on worker protections, while the administration argues that greater flexibility could generate employment opportunities in a struggling economy .

Together, the two reform processes highlight a clear regional divergence. Mexico is expanding statutory protections and reducing legal working hours, reinforcing a model centred on labour safeguards. Argentina is pursuing structural liberalisation intended to stimulate growth through market mechanisms. Rather than a question of right or wrong, the contrast underscores two distinct interpretations of how labour policy should respond to economic challenges in Latin America .

Organisers officially counted 1,837 participants, falling short of the current record of 1,941 people set in 2017 at Lake Epecuén. Although no Guinness adjudicators were present, the event followed internal counting protocols supported by photographic and audiovisual documentation. Festival organiser Griselda Cuello said the final number may have been higher, noting that some people entered the water without wristbands and could not be counted.

Beyond the record attempt, the festival featured live music , DJ performances and food stalls, drawing locals and tourists alike. Organised by La Escuelita Cultural Space and Public Library with support from the local government, the event highlighted Mar Chiquita as a unique natural attraction and reinforced Miramar de Ansenuza’s growing profile as a destination for community-driven tourism initiatives.

President Javier Milei’s administration is preparing to submit Argentina’s proposed participation in former U.S. President Donald Trump’s so-called “Board of Peace” initiative to Congress, a move that could open intense political debate. The decision reflects Milei’s broader effort to realign Argentina’s foreign policy and deepen ties with conservative international partners, particularly in Washington. Lawmakers are expected to scrutinise both the legal basis and diplomatic implications of joining such a body, especially as Argentina continues negotiations with international creditors and multilateral institutions. Opposition figures are already signalling concerns about sovereignty and the country’s traditional multilateral posture, while government allies frame the proposal as part of a new global engagement strategy.

Alleged nuclear plant overpricing

A senior figure close to President Milei is under mounting political pressure following allegations that contracts linked to Argentina’s nuclear facilities were overpriced. The claims have triggered calls for transparency from opposition parties and civil society groups, who argue that the controversy undermines the administration’s anti-corruption rhetoric and fiscal discipline agenda. Government officials have responded cautiously, stressing that investigations are ongoing and that no conclusions have yet been reached. Nonetheless, the affair has complicated Milei’s efforts to portray his government as sharply different from previous administrations, especially as energy policy and public spending remain politically sensitive issues in a country battling inflation and budget constraints.

Governor protests Federal takeover of Ushuaia port

Political tensions between Argentina’s federal government and provincial leaders escalated after Milei placed the strategically located Ushuaia port under trusteeship. The governor of the southern province has publicly condemned the decision, accusing Buenos Aires of overreach and arguing that the move threatens local autonomy and economic interests tied to maritime trade and tourism. Federal authorities, however, maintain that the intervention is necessary to restore order and proper administration at the port, which is a critical gateway for Antarctic logistics and shipping routes. The dispute is likely to intensify in Congress and the courts, adding another layer to Milei’s already contentious reform agenda.

Bill to lower criminal responsibility age

President Milei has introduced legislation aimed at lowering the age of criminal responsibility, part of a broader push to tighten security policies amid public concern about crime. Supporters say the bill would modernise Argentina’s justice system and deter youth involvement in violent offences, positioning it as a necessary response to social insecurity. Critics, however, warn that the proposal risks criminalising vulnerable minors and failing to address root causes such as poverty and lack of access to education.

Overpricing claims

The nuclear-sector controversy deepened after reports that officials were removed in connection with the alleged overpricing, further intensifying scrutiny of Milei ally Reidel. The dismissals have raised questions about whether the government is attempting to contain political fallout or signalling a tougher stance on accountability within state-linked energy operations. Analysts note that the episode could have lasting implications for Milei’s governing coalition, particularly as it seeks to maintain public support for economic reforms and privatisation plans.

The shipment aligns with Argentina’s policy of opening imports of electrified vehicles, which allows up to 50,000 electric and hybrid cars per year to enter the country without the standard 35 per cent extra-zone tariff if technical requirements are met. Economy Minister Luis Caputo said the move aims to boost competition, lower vehicle prices and widen consumer access, as Argentina’s electric and hybrid market continues rapid growth, with registrations rising sharply over the past two years.

Reactions among Paraguayans reflect a mix of scepticism and expectation. Francisco Solano, a local resident, questioned Europe’s motives, arguing that the relationship has historically been unequal. “Europeans were never benevolent with us. They always exploited us,” he said, adding that the EU is now turning to Latin America because it lacks sufficient food supplies. “I think there is a dependency, and they are betting on Latin America,” Solano remarked.

Others see the agreement as an opportunity to expand trade and strengthen economic ties. Paraguayan officials say the signing will be attended by senior EU figures, including Ursula von der Leyen and António Costa, as well as regional leaders from South America . While the ceremony marks a major political milestone, the agreement will still need approval by the European Parliament and ratification by Mercosur member states, a process expected to take several months amid ongoing opposition from European farming groups.

In practical terms, it is designed to lower barriers to trade and investment, set common rules for doing business, and create a more predictable framework for political and economic cooperation between the two regions.

Two structural details that explain both the ambition and the political pain:

What’s actually in it

At its core, the agreement targets tariff and non-tariff barriers across a large share of goods trade:

The Council’s own framing is that this would create the world’s biggest free trade zone, covering over 700 million consumers, and it points to substantial existing EU-Mercosur trade flows (over €111 billion in goods trade in 2024, plus significant services trade).

Why was it contested?

The opposition has not been about a single clause. It has been a collision between three politically hard issues to reconcile: farm economics, environmental credibility, and trust in enforcement.

EU farmers fear being undercut, especially in “sensitive” sectors

European farming organisations and several member states argued that increased market access for Mercosur products could push down prices for EU producers, particularly in sectors like beef, poultry and sugar. This is why “farmers on tractors” became the recurring image around the agreement across multiple EU countries.

Even where quotas and safeguards exist, farmers and their political allies often focus on the direction of travel, and that is more competition from producers they believe face lower costs and different regulatory burdens.

Environmental groups and some governments worry about deforestation and climate enforcement

Critics argue the deal risks incentivising expansion of beef and soy production, with knock-on effects for deforestation and biodiversity, particularly in sensitive ecosystems such as the Amazon. This line of criticism has been especially influential in France and among environmental NGOs.

In response, the European Commission’s Q&A document stresses that the updated deal makes the Paris Agreement an “essential element” of the relationship, and that this can allow suspension if a party seriously breaches or withdraws from the Paris framework. It also references commitments linked to halting deforestation after 2030 in line with Paris-related national plans.

Standards and “fair competition” arguments: pesticides, food safety, production rules

A persistent theme has been the claim that EU farmers face stricter requirements ( animal welfare , pesticides, traceability, environmental compliance) and that imports should be held to equivalent standards to avoid creating a two-tier system.

The Commission’s Q&A is explicit that EU sanitary and phytosanitary standards are non-negotiable , and it outlines plans for strengthened audits, checks, and an SPS dialogue/committee with Mercosur counterparts. It also flags an intention to pursue stronger alignment on production standards for imports, including certain pesticides.

When it is being signed, and what happens next

Here’s the timeline in plain terms:

After the signature, the agreement still needs to clear the legal and political gates that actually make it real:

Instead, it exposed deep divisions in international opinion about the legitimacy of Venezuelan democracy and set the stage for dramatically different reactions when Maduro was captured by U.S. forces in early 2026.

Maduro’s government presented the official result, 52 per cent of the vote, as a democratic reaffirmation of his leadership. Many governments, particularly those allied with Caracas, publicly backed that interpretation.

According to a detailed report by the Americas Society / Council of the Americas (AS/COA), only a relatively small group of states issued formal congratulations or recognition following the election. Bolivia’s then President Luis Arce, Cuba under President Miguel Díaz-Canel, Honduras, Nicaragua and several other governments in Africa, Asia and the Middle East backed the official result.

China, Russia, Iran, Syria, Serbia and several Caribbean leaders aligned with Venezuela’s longstanding regional partner group, ALBA-TCP, also signalled support. These governments framed their statements around respect for Venezuela’s sovereignty and the expressed will of its people.

Outside that circle, many other countries expressed serious doubts about the integrity of the vote. Nations across the Americas, including Argentina, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Panama, Peru and Uruguay, issued joint statements demanding full transparency and independent verification of results.

In plain terms, the 2024 election divided the world into three broad camps: Maduro’s supporters, sceptics who demanded more transparency, and outright rejectors of the result.

Those divisions became even clearer in January 2026, when the Trump administration authorised a military operation that resulted in Maduro’s capture and extradition to the United States on federal drug-trafficking charges.

The United States and several allied governments welcomed the operation. Leaders in Latin America who had expressed doubt or rejection of the 2024 vote, such as Argentina’s President Javier Milei and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, publicly supported the move as a step toward accountability and regional security.

Ecuador’s Daniel Noboa and Paraguay’s Santiago Peña echoed that sentiment, framing the capture as progress toward restoring democratic norms. Guyana’s government also welcomed the action, seeing it as aligned with broader regional stability goals. European allies such as Italy and Israel publicly backed the operation in statements carried by international media.

On the other side, governments that had backed Maduro’s 2024 victory or had consistently emphasised non-interference condemned the U.S. action as a violation of international law and Venezuelan sovereignty.

China, which had congratulated Maduro shortly after the 2024 result and maintained close economic and diplomatic ties with Caracas, issued strong diplomatic protests, calling for Maduro’s release and an end to efforts to overthrow the Venezuelan government.

Russia’s government framed its response in terms of defending sovereign rights and warned against what it described as neocolonial threats. Iran and Cuba also condemned the capture.

There are, however, exceptions. The European Union, for example, did not recognise the 2024 election but also declined to endorse the capture, instead stressing international law and restraint.

Across the global diplomatic community, the broader debate has shifted from whether Maduro should lead Venezuela to what legitimacy, sovereignty and international intervention mean in this era.

Argentine President Javier Milei released a Christmas message on Wednesday, December 24, reviewing his administration’s first year in office, highlighting the elimination of the fiscal deficit, a drop in inflation, the lifting of currency controls and recent electoral gains by La Libertad Avanza (LLA). In a video shared on Instagram, Milei said the consolidated deficit had been reduced from 15% of GDP to zero and claimed that inflation had been brought under control, lifting 12 million people out of poverty. He also praised Security Minister Patricia Bullrich for ending roadblocks, tightening crime policy and creating a Federal Directorate of Investigations. Milei celebrated the adoption of the Single Paper Ballot and LLA’s performance in the legislative elections, which made the party the largest minority in the Chamber of Deputies and secured 20 Senate seats. He closed the message by urging Argentines to “fasten your seatbelts,” signalling further reforms as Congress prepares to debate the 2026 Budget.

Government pushes for Senate approval of 2026 Budget

President Javier Milei’s La Libertad Avanza gained backing from four senators in the Convicción Federal caucus, boosting government confidence that the 2026 Budget bill will pass its first reading in the Senate. If approved, it would be the first budget sanctioned under Milei since he took office in December 2023. The main uncertainty centres on Article 30, which proposes repealing laws that earmark funding for education, science and technical schools. While the government expects broad support for the overall bill, several Peronist senators backing the budget have said they will not vote for that article. The Casa Rosada is seeking to secure more than 40 votes and avoid reopening debate after setbacks in the Chamber of Deputies, where lawmakers failed to repeal university funding and disability emergency laws.

Economy minister signals shift away from Wall Street debt

Economy Minister Luis Caputo said the government will try to avoid issuing new debt under New York law in January, as part of a strategy to reduce Argentina’s reliance on U.S. financial markets. Writing on X, Caputo said the aim is to make Wall Street only a marginal source of financing. His comments followed a recent US$1 billion bond auction that drew higher yields and weaker demand than expected. Caputo said Argentina’s market debt is equivalent to about 25% of GDP, with Wall Street exposure accounting for less than five points. He added that proposed labour reforms include a severance assistance fund that could help develop a domestic capital market of around US$4 billion per year.

San Juan launches Argentina’s first solar highway

The province of San Juan inaugurated Argentina’s first solar highway on the Avenida Circunvalación, integrating photovoltaic generation into road infrastructure. The project includes 36 solar systems mounted on metal monopoles that feed electricity into the grid during the day and power road lighting at night. Developed entirely with local labour and expertise, the initiative aims to optimise existing infrastructure without using additional land. Provincial authorities say the project reduces emissions, cuts long-term energy costs and positions San Juan as a national leader in renewable energy and sustainable urban development.

Report shows sharp rise in security incidents

A national report by private security firm Verisure recorded a 20% year-on-year increase in security incidents across Argentina, highlighting a fragmented and regionalised crime pattern. Tucumán topped the ranking with a 65% rise, followed by Córdoba at 50% and Mendoza at 40%. The Atlantic coast saw a 30% increase, while Buenos Aires Province registered a 15% rise overall, masking a sharp increase in violent robberies in the Greater Buenos Aires area over the past decade. Despite the rise in robberies and violent incidents, Argentina’s homicide rate stood at 3.8 per 100,000 inhabitants, the lowest in two decades. According to the report, 74% of Argentines now cite insecurity as their main concern, pointing to public safety as a key social and political challenge.

Speaking to regional leaders, Milei argued that what he described as an authoritarian regime in Caracas could no longer be treated with caution or neutrality. He urged Mercosur members to take a firmer stance, calling for collective condemnation and alignment against what he framed as a regional danger that, if left unchecked, could affect the entire continent.

The Argentine president also welcomed pressure exerted by the United States under President Donald Trump , whom he credited with efforts aimed at increasing international pressure on Venezuela. Milei encouraged fellow Mercosur countries to support Washington’s position, saying the time had passed for what he described as timid or ambiguous responses to the situation.

His remarks came as the Trump administration announced new sanctions targeting family members of the Venezuelan president, escalating economic and diplomatic pressure on Caracas. The United States has also expanded its military presence in the Caribbean, citing operations against drug trafficking networks, while warning of further action. The Venezuelan government has rejected the accusations, denying links to narcotics trafficking and accusing Washington of pursuing regime change.

Brazil, the United States , China, and Chile are Argentina’s main export markets, together accounting for nearly half of all Argentine exports. The remaining 53.1% flows to the rest of the world.

Data from The World Bank and UN Comtrade reveal that Brazil remains Argentina’s most important buyer with a purchase of about 17.8% of the country’s total exports.

The United States follows with 8.5%, while China, the world’s second-largest economy, takes in around 7.7%. Chile, a long-standing regional partner closely linked to Argentina through energy and agriculture trade, absorbs roughly 7.4% of exports. Other partners, such as India, Switzerland, and Germany, contribute smaller but meaningful shares.

These export relationships are shaped largely by Argentina’s core products: soybeans, corn, beef, lithium, and automotive goods. The International Trade Centre (ITC) notes that Argentina is one of the world’s largest soybean exporters and an increasingly relevant supplier of lithium, a mineral vital to electric vehicle batteries.

The Mercosur bloc, which includes Brazil and Uruguay, is currently engaged in negotiations with the European Union on a long-delayed trade agreement. Progress on this deal could significantly reshape Argentina’s export landscape, opening up more European markets for agricultural and industrial goods.

Despite economic challenges at home, including inflation pressure and foreign debt restructuring, Argentina’s export ties remain a stabilising force.

Speaking at the ceremony, Milei argued that the F-16s represent more than a military upgrade, presenting them instead as a symbol of national strength in what he called an increasingly unstable global environment. He said a country aiming for sustainable development must be able to command respect internationally, linking military readiness with his broader narrative of economic revival and national restoration. Flyovers across Buenos Aires — including the Casa Rosada and the Obelisk — were staged to showcase the new fleet, which he referred to as “guardian angels” and “custodians of Argentine airspace.”

Milei’s emphasis on defence spending has drawn criticism from opposition groups, who denounced the jet purchase as unnecessary amid deep cuts to public services. The president, however, framed the acquisition as part of Argentina’s overdue modernisation and argued that strong deterrence is essential to securing long-term prosperity. His government has increasingly aligned its defence agenda with Washington and its NATO partners, positioning the deal as part of a broader shift in Argentina’s foreign policy .

The aircraft began its journey in Denmark earlier this week, stopping in Zaragoza and the Canary Islands before crossing the Atlantic. The transfer was supported by US Air Force aerial refuelling and involved mixed Danish-Argentine crews. The Río Cuarto base will become the fleet’s first operational hub, with Argentine pilots expected to transition to the F-16 system early next year.

Scorza bought the planes from Southern Winds, an airline that ceased operations nearly 20 years ago following a drug-trafficking scandal.

The hotel includes eight double rooms, each equipped with modern amenities such as balconies, jacuzzis, air conditioning, and bathrooms with advanced features. Some rooms also have smart TVs, Wi-Fi, and Bluetooth-enabled showers. One room grants access to the plane’s original cockpit.

Footage shows the airplanes set in the middle of the countryside, with rooms that combine the structure of the aircraft with comfortable accommodations.

“The idea came up unexpectedly,” Scorza said. “We first converted one plane for events, then decided to use the other two as a hotel. We wanted it to be different from a normal hotel while keeping everything comfortable.”

Each plane is named after a country where Econovo has done business, including India , China, Turkey, Spain, the U.S., Italy, Peru, and Uruguay.

The planes became available after a 2004 scandal in which unaccompanied luggage on a Southern Winds flight was found to contain nearly 59 kilos of cocaine in Madrid. The airline eventually went out of business , and the planes were sold at low prices.

Speaking at the event, Pañuelos Negros founder Asuncion Benedict defended the group’s demands. "The three causes are the moral and economic recognition of the veterans, of all the veterans, of the war against subversion, the moral and economic recognition of the civilian victims and of the armed forces, of the war against subversion. And especially in this event, we ask for the release and vindication of the political prisoners or captive patriots or prisoners of war, prisoners of subversion, as we call them," she said.

Their march, however, drew swift condemnation from human rights organisations, social movements, and citizens who mobilised to reject any attempt to legitimise figures associated with state violence during the dictatorship. Many of those opposing the protest described it as a direct affront to the memory of the victims, emphasising that they would not tolerate what they see as efforts to rehabilitate perpetrators.

The counter-demonstrators invoked the memory of the disappeared and victims of torture, framing their presence as a defence of historical truth and justice . Tension rose at several points as chants and banners from both sides confronted each other across the plaza.

Security forces remained deployed throughout the afternoon to prevent clashes, while traffic around the area was partially restricted as the demonstrations unfolded.

The resolution highlights what many see as one of the most basic tenets of human dignity that under no circumstances, of war, terror, and political unrest, should torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment ever be tolerated .

The green-coloured countries on the above world map graphic representing votes in favour dominate the globe. A few pale-yellow countries abstained, and a tiny handful are shaded red or grey. The result sends a clear signal: torture is a red line, not a bargaining chip.

Yet the fact that the United States, Israel and Argentina stood alone in opposition has ignited immediate backlash across social media , activists’ networks, and human-rights groups.

Many are calling it a dangerous reversal from previous years, when such resolutions typically passed unanimously. “What does it say when these states oppose any opposition to torture?” asked one prominent critic, echoing widespread dismay at the outcome.

The resolution builds on recent work by the UN Human Rights Council (HRC), which in April 2024 passed a related resolution calling on states to take “effective national legislative, administrative, judicial or other measures” to prevent torture.

Moreover, the Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture (SPT) has announced concrete plans to visit several countries, including Mozambique, Peru, France, and Mexico in 2025, to monitor compliance and press for implementation.

This dual thrust of symbolic condemnation via the General Assembly and practical oversight via the HRC and SPT represents one of the strongest global efforts in recent memory to confront torture as a systemic problem.

Sleep experts have long warned that early school starts clash with adolescents' natural rhythms. Teenagers biologically tend to fall asleep later and wake up later, making those pre-dawn routines a real struggle.

According to a 2022 research published by Springer , starting classes too early can negatively affect attention, memory, and academic performance.

"Circadian rhythms are modulated by age. The timing of the circadian clock under real-life conditions (i.e., chronotype) is progressively delayed during adolescence. However, schools start very early in the morning, when the adolescent’s clock is still not prepared to be awake. Consistently, the misalignment between early school timing and late chronotypes leads to poor sleep: both short and out-of-time, which is associated with adverse consequences for health and cognitive and academic performance," Springer states.

On the other hand, countries that start school closer to 8 a.m. or later, such as Chile or Argentina, may be giving their students an advantage by aligning schedules with how the brain actually works.

UNESCO reports that the region faces one of the deepest learning crises in the world, following pandemic-era school closures that set students back by years. Without urgent action, the organisation warns, those effects “will last many years.”

So why do many schools still open before dawn? In countries like Colombia and Ecuador, early schedules are often shaped by traffic congestion, climate, and shared use of school buildings for multiple shifts. In tropical regions, early classes also help students avoid the harsh midday heat.

For many young people, a little more sleep could mean better focus, stronger grades, and a healthier mindset. So, although the hour a student begins their day might not seem like an urgent policy issue, it sits at the intersection of education quality, public health, and social equity.

The map shows how school grades are awarded from “worst” to “best,” with ranges like 0–10, 1–5, 0–20, and even 1–100 appearing in different nations. While superficially this might look like a quirky oddity, it actually reveals deeper truths about how schooling and standards operate in Latin America .

For one, when students and transcripts cross borders, for university admissions or migration , these differences complicate things. A “7” in one country might be equivalent to a “C” in another, while a “14” on a scale of 20 might translate differently again.

According to a global overview of grading systems, South America frequently uses numerical scales like 1–10 or 0–20 instead of the letter-grade models seen elsewhere.

In particular:

These variations matter not just academically, but socially: they mirror differences in school resources, quality of instruction, and the rural-urban divide across Latin America.

For example, a recent review points out that the educational systems in South America are characterised by “inconsistencies and largely correlate to the economy of the countries” — meaning that how you’re graded may depend heavily on where you live and the school you attend.

What the map shows at a glance

The global and contemporary link

This diversity of grading scales comes at a moment when higher education and student mobility are more international than ever. For example, with the rise of online learning, cross-border student exchanges and global credentials, universities must interpret these varied grading systems.

Meanwhile, more broadly, Latin America is facing intense pressure to improve educational outcomes.

A recent study analysing data from the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2022 for nine Latin American countries found significant “efficiency gaps” between public and private institutions, meaning that even given the same resources, outcomes varied sharply.

Grading systems, and their interpretation, become one piece of this larger puzzle of equity, access and quality in education.

Footage by Viory from the scene showed elderly protesters waving banners denouncing Milei and accusing the government of stripping away hard-earned rights. “They want to take it all, all the rights. The rights we've fought for so many years,” said one protester. “I'm 67 years old and I've been through it all, and we keep fighting in the streets just the same,” he added.

Tensions have continued to rise since Milei’s La Libertad Avanza coalition secured victory in last week’s elections . Many demonstrators voiced concern that the government’s response to social unrest had grown increasingly repressive. “Now that he won, it’s going to get worse. But why do they repress us?” asked another retiree at the scene.

The protest was the latest in a growing wave of opposition to the president’s economic policies, which include major public spending cuts aimed at controlling inflation and addressing Argentina’s long-standing debt crisis. However, critics argue these measures disproportionately impact the country’s most vulnerable populations, including pensioners.

Organisers have called for a nationwide mobilisation next week, hoping to rally more than 100,000 people across multiple cities to demand the restoration of pensions and essential services.

According to provisional results, President Javier Milei’s libertarian coalition, La Libertad Avanza (LLA), secured approximately 40.7% of the national vote , while the opposition Peronist-aligned Fuerza Patria pulled in around 31.7%.

The election map, where LLA’s violet-coloured provinces dominate much of the country and Fuerza Patria’s blue-coloured regions carve out strongholds, captures more than numbers. It reflects a defining test of Milei’s economic agenda, a rising contest between libertarian and populist models of governance, and the realignment of power across Argentina’s provinces.

LLA’s rise to the top at the national level reinforces the mandate that Milei has claimed since his 2023 victory. With roughly four in ten Argentines casting ballots in his coalition’s direction, he walks into the next legislative session with renewed momentum.

Meanwhile, Fuerza Patria’s performance signals that the traditional Peronist base remains formidable, albeit under pressure to modernise and recalibrate. The election will decide whether the governing coalition can transform its national popularity into legislative efficacy.

However, in the key province of Buenos Aires, the result told a different tale as Fuerza Patria dominated with about 47 % of the vote against LLA’s roughly 34 % in September.

That division, national strength for LLA and provincial resilience for Fuerza Patria, reveals the uneven terrain ahead. One map may show purples and blues dominating, but each colour conceals differing regional stories, power bases and policy priorities.

The significance of this election reaches well beyond Buenos Aires or Argentina’s own borders. For investors, markets and foreign governments, the result signals whether the country will stick with Milei’s radical free-market reforms, privatisation, deregulation and a sharp fiscal pivot or whether resistance and institutional inertia will force a recalibration.

In the short term, the markets reacted positively to the LLA victory, viewing it as a stabilising factor amid Argentina’s recent economic turbulence.

Regionally and globally, Argentina’s path matters because Latin America is watching. A strong showing by a libertarian coalition challenges the continent’s long-standing models of state-led economies and social welfare policies.

At the same time, the opposition’s showing demonstrates that large segments of the electorate still favour inclusive and interventionist approaches.

In a speech broadcast on the La Libertad Avanza YouTube channel and before crowds gathered outside the Casa Rosada, Milei framed the result as a historic turning point for the country. “If you could see how beautiful Argentina looks and how well purple suits it. Today has clearly been a historic day for Argentina. The Argentine people decided to leave behind 100 years of decline and to persist on the path of freedom, progress and growth. Today begins the construction of a great Argentina,” he said.

According to the National Electoral Chamber, voter turnout stood at 66 percent. The election also marked the first use of the National Paper Ballot system, which authorities said operated smoothly nationwide. Financial markets reacted positively to the result, with the peso strengthening and stocks climbing as investors signalled renewed confidence in Milei’s liberal economic agenda.

On the international front, Milei has pledged to deepen relations with the United States and Israel while reassessing Argentina’s partnerships with China and other traditional allies. Despite the landslide, however, the president will still need to negotiate with opposition blocs to advance key reforms on labour, pensions, and fiscal policy amid persistent inflation and economic stagnation.

Cuts to the caste or for the people?

After decades of Peronist rule, Milei was promising an abrupt change away from statist ideology to a small-state model where, in his view, private enterprise and the invisible hand of the market would solve society’s problems.

Milei promised these cuts would fall squarely upon the state—in his telling, a bloated and corrupt institution of elites he dubs la casta , or “the caste”—while everyday working people would be spared. However, the reality has been quite different. The first half of 2024 was marked by a brutal inflationary spiral and recession, as Argentina’s economy absorbed the changes. Inflation peaked at 289 % in April 2024. Poverty was estimated at between 55 and 57 %—the latter a 20-year high —and the increases to child welfare weren’t enough to stop poverty from reaching seven in 10 Argentine children . Pensions have also been allowed to liquefy. Older adults protest every Wednesday outside Congress and are routinely met with police brutality. The situation has improved since that initial turbulent period. Inflation trended steadily downwards to 37 % in July, the most recent data available. Poverty was down to 38 % by the second half of 2024. And Argentina has run a fiscal surplus for the first time in 16 years.                                                                                                                                                   

Decelerating inflation rates and fiscal stability, however, take a toll on the welfare regime, which seems to suffer under these short-term gains. Social safety policies, which usually compensate for unemployment or poverty, crumble under the austerity measures, leading to a widening gap in access to participation in society and consequently causing further social division. This is reflected in recent data of the Transformation Index BTI 2026, where the scores for Socio economic barriers and Social safety nets each dropped from 6 to 5 out of 10 possible points, while the Equal opportunity score fell from 7 to 6 points.  

The IMF and currency controls

For the first year and a half of Milei’s presidency, business leaders and investors had one question on their lips: When would the government lift currency controls? This web of restrictions on how Argentines could use the US dollar gave rise to a flotilla of exchange rates and caused a major headache for anyone doing business. In April 2025, they got their answer. In a lengthy announcement, Economy Minister Luis Caputo and Central Bank President Santiago Bausili explained that Argentina would unwind the controls, the peso would float freely between wide bands, and the government would not intervene in the exchange market unless it passed the upper or lower limit. In the immediate aftermath, the World Bank and the IMF both announced financial injections to support Argentina’s economic reform program.

In October 2025, half of the deputies and a third of senators will be renewed in the national mid-term elections. Milei has a tiny minority in Congress and depends on support from friendly opposition. A process which has recently involved vetoing anything he deems spendy, since it’s harder to achieve the two-thirds majorities needed to overturn a presidential veto than the absolute majorities needed to pass laws in the first place. He hopes to strengthen his hand in these elections, allowing him to govern with greater ease. Corruption scandals and early-warning signs. However, much of his electoral appeal depends on a stable economy—and therefore, a stable dollar. The government has been loath to buy dollars to nourish its reserves for fear of pushing the price up, but this means its foreign reserves are still running on fumes.

This has proved a devil’s bargain: exporters do not want to sell because of the disadvantageous exchange rate, while Argentines, empowered by the lack of currency controls and the super peso, a currency which has significantly appreciated against the dollar as the reference currency, are bleeding the country’s coffers by holidaying abroad. After a period of restive market sessions, the government announced that it would intervene directly in the foreign exchange market.

But the development that could yet prove lethal lies closer to home. In late August, leaked audio said that senior officials, including Milei’s sister, Karina, who serves in the specially-created role of secretary general of the presidency, had been charging bribes in exchange for contracts with the state disability agency. The news broke at a time when Milei was fighting Congress tooth and nail to block a bill increasing funding for people with disabilities, arguing that there was no money for it. For the first time since he took office, Congress overturned his veto.

The corruption scandal soon made itself felt at the polls. On September 7, voters in Buenos Aires Province—Argentina’s largest electoral district, with almost 40% of the voter roll—went to the ballot boxes in local elections where the opposition coasted a victory over Milei with 47 % and a 13-point lead.

What happens in the Buenos Aires outskirts, traditionally a Peronist stronghold, can’t be generalised to the rest of the country. But one thing remains clear for Milei’s reform agenda: a voyage that looked like plain sailing back in April could run into storm clouds on the horizon.

* DISCLAIMER: The final reports underscoring the numerical figures referring to the BTI 2026 mentioned above will be published in early 2026.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Amy Booth is a journalist in Buenos Aires who covers politics, human rights and global development in Latin America

Following the interception, Celeste and other members of the flotilla were detained and transferred to Ktzi’ot Prison, a high-security facility in the Negev Desert. She was held there from October 3rd to 7th, without formal charges, under conditions she later described as inhumane. During her detention, the group was denied access to lawyers, personal belongings, and contact with their families.

On October 8th, Celeste Fierro arrived back in Buenos Aires after being deported from Israel. Upon her return, she publicly denounced the lack of diplomatic action from President Javier Milei’s government , stating that there was no effort to protect the Argentine delegation or accelerate their release.

Fierro’s accusations also point to a broader political alignment. Since taking office, President Milei has strengthened ties with the Israeli government, moving Argentina’s foreign policy sharply toward unconditional support for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. He has visited Israel, announced plans to relocate Argentina’s embassy to Jerusalem, and repeatedly framed Israel’s military actions as “a defence of Western civilisation.” This alignment has translated into diplomatic silence in the face of Israeli violations of international law and human rights.

The Global Sumud Flotilla—whose name means steadfastness in Arabic—brought together activists, parliamentarians, and human-rights defenders from around the world to break the maritime blockade of Gaza and call for accountability. 

While their mission was violently repressed, it reignited international attention on the humanitarian catastrophe unfolding in Gaza and exposed the complicity of governments that remain silent.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Celeste Fierro is a politician and activist from Argentina. Between 2023 and 2024, she served in the legislature of the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires (CABA) as part of a rotation of positions by the Workers' Left Front. She participated in the Global Sumud Flotilla, which aimed to break the blockade of the Gaza Strip. On October 1, 2025, she was taken into custody when Israeli forces attacked the Flotilla. She was released a few days later.

At a meeting in the White House, Donald Trump explicitly conditioned further aid on Milei’s party winning the legislative vote. He warned that without an electoral victory, the United States “would not be as generous.” Markets reacted swiftly: Argentine bonds plunged, stocks tumbled, and the peso lost ground.

The proposed new injection, reportedly $20 billion in private-sector funds , would sit atop an existing $20 billion currency swap line already pledged by the U.S. Treasury. That would bring the total U.S.-backed aid package to around $40 billion — a major lifeline for a government scrambling to stabilise its finances. In parallel, U.S. authorities have intervened in currency markets, including selling Argentine pesos through Citigroup to the Federal Reserve in a bid to support the peso.

Critics and opposition voices in Argentina immediately denounced the arrangement as conditional and coercive. Some viewed it as a clear message: support is contingent not on policies but on electoral success. The proposal raises significant questions about sovereignty, the role of foreign influence in domestic politics, and the sustainability of aid tied to political alliances.

As the October 26 elections approach, Argentina finds itself in a high-stakes moment: the fate of its economy —and the credibility of its democracy—may hinge on whether rescue becomes a tool of political leverage or a genuine act of emergency economic stabilisation.

Led by palaeontologist Martín D. Ezcurra, the research team found the fossil remarkably well preserved — a rare opportunity to study one of the earliest steps in dinosaur evolution. According to Ezcurra, the specimen stood out immediately because of its size. While most dinosaurs from that era were under a metre long and weighed less than ten kilograms, Huayracursor measured roughly two metres in length and weighed about twenty kilograms.

Another distinctive feature is its unusually elongated neck, which links the species to the sauropodomorph lineage — the group that would later produce the colossal, long-necked giants such as Argentinosaurus and Patagotitan . Ezcurra explained that these early anatomical traits offer valuable insight into how such massive plant-eating dinosaurs evolved from their smaller ancestors.

The species’ name reflects both scientific precision and cultural homage. Huayra means “ wind ” in Quechua, while cursor translates as “runner” in Latin — together, “runner of the wind ,” a nod to the fierce winds of La Rioja that accompany every field expedition.

The discovery adds a vital piece to the puzzle of dinosaur origins in South America, a region that continues to yield some of the most ancient and complete fossils on record.

The announcement followed the U.S. Treasury’s approval of a $20 billion financial framework to strengthen Argentina’s liquidity and market confidence. But Milei’s domestic agenda, unveiled in parallel, may prove just as transformative. He pledged to eliminate around 20 taxes that “complicate more than they collect,” describing Argentina’s habit of creating “ridiculous and distortive” levies as an addiction he intends to cut “at its root.” The government also plans to liberalise labour contracts, allowing employees to negotiate payments in any currency. “If someone wants to receive their entire salary in dollars, they will be able to do so,” he said.

Beyond deregulation, Milei outlined a vision of global economic integration. Argentina, he promised, will “open its doors to goods and services from all over the world” — ensuring that store shelves display products “from Montevideo, Mexico City, New York , Barcelona, and even Bangladesh or Tokyo.” This, he said, would come with safeguards to protect local producers, but only after taxes, bureaucracy, and credit costs are sharply reduced.

The president also highlighted unprecedented foreign investment commitments. He announced a $30 billion energy partnership between Argentina’s state oil company YPF and Italy’s ENI — the largest in the nation’s history — to develop liquefied natural gas projects that could export up to $20 billion annually. In the tech sector, OpenAI plans to invest $25 billion to build large-scale data centres, a move that Milei said would make Argentina “the world’s third artificial intelligence hub.”

With these reforms and alliances, Milei says he aims to “unlock the powerful domino effect of economic growth” and leave behind “the dark era of the last 15 years,” when no genuine net jobs were created. His “Make Argentina Great Again” plan, he insists, is more than a slogan — it’s a roadmap for restoring Argentina’s place in the global economy ahead of next year’s crucial mid-term elections.

“We are here repudiating the anti-health and anti-education policies of these disastrous government s of Milei and Cornejo,” said protester Celia, one of many who took to the streets in Mendoza to voice frustration over the government’s economic agenda.

But amid the tension, others expressed strong support for the president’s reforms. “Tired of all the people who have received things from above without working, and tired of the country we have, of how our children have been indoctrinated,” said Meliza Quiroga, a Milei supporter. “I think Milei is doing very well; that’s why I come to support him. We need more people in Congress who back his decisions.”

Both Celia and Meliza spoke to Viory, highlighting the stark divide that continues to define Argentina’s political landscape. While opponents denounce Milei’s cuts as destructive, his supporters see them as long-overdue corrections to years of mismanagement.

The president’s visit also included private meetings with business leaders and Governor Cornejo, who avoided commenting on the unrest. The clashes in Mendoza came just a day after similar incidents in Lomas de Zamora, where Milei was forced to leave an event amid violent protests — underscoring the volatility ahead of Argentina’s midterm elections scheduled for October 2025.

A spokesperson for the Left and Workers’ Front (FIT-U), the political movement to which Fierro and Peressini belong, confirmed that the two will land in Buenos Aires on Wednesday evening, while Bertola is expected to arrive early Thursday morning. Another Argentine participant, Nicolás Calabrese, who has lived in Brazil for a decade, was released earlier over the weekend and has already returned to São Paulo, where he denounced “humiliations and poor conditions” during his detention.

The Global Sumud Flotilla, led by Swedish environmentalist Greta Thunberg, carried over 400 participants from more than 50 countries aboard 42 vessels with humanitarian aid for Gaza. The flotilla, which sought to break the blockade of the enclave, was intercepted by Israeli forces between Thursday and Friday. More than 300 activists have since been released and deported.

The flotilla’s legal team has accused Israel of “serious abuses” against the detainees, despite the Israeli Foreign Ministry maintaining that “all legal rights were fully respected.” Relatives of the Argentine activists held a press conference in Buenos Aires on Monday, calling for their immediate release and condemning the treatment of those held in custody.

The 573-page book compiles speeches, social media posts, and public remarks from Milei’s first two years in office, a period now widely seen as the most turbulent of his presidency.

The launch comes just days after a major political blow: the resignation of José Luis Espert, one of Milei’s top midterm candidates, over alleged ties to drug trafficking .

In a brief speech, Milei condemned a recent anti-Semitic attack in Buenos Aires, blaming it on what he called “the xenophobia that the left is trying to impose.” He followed the statement with a performance of the Jewish folk song “Hava Nagila,” which was met with a muted response from the audience.

With inflation still soaring and infighting within his coalition intensifying, critics say Milei’s showmanship may be distracting from the deep challenges his administration faces ahead of the October 26 midterm elections.

The decision to remove Espert from the Libertarian ticket came after pressure from different factions within Milei’s government . Until this Sunday, Milei had been Espert’s primary supporter since the scandal first emerged, but the controversy threatened to complicate the ruling party’s strategy ahead of the legislative elections on 26 October.

The allegations surfaced last week when a Peronist politician published accounting documents from a Texas court case against Fred Machado. The records indicate a $200,000 payment to Espert, who acknowledged that Machado had contributed to his 2019 presidential campaign. Espert also admitted to flying on Machado’s private planes at least 35 times.

This development marks a significant setback for Milei’s political movement, coming just weeks before the crucial midterm legislative elections, and highlights ongoing scrutiny of campaign financing and links to controversial figures in Argentine politics .

The reforms also aim to protect security forces from prosecution when acting law fully, expanding self-defence to include the fulfilment of duty. Bullrich said this will ensure officers “acting within the framework of the law and Constitution are protected and do not end up as victims.” 

The code also introduces up to 15 years in prison for motorcycle thieves who assault or drag victims and tightens penalties for violent street crimes.

President Javier Milei praised the proposals, calling them essential to restoring public order. “If we pass these reforms, those who commit crimes will pay seriously, and good Argentines will live in a safer society ,” Milei said. “Order is a precondition to make Argentina great again,” he added.

The plan will now be tabled before the National Congress for debate and approval.

Peruvian Interior Minister Carlos Alberto Malaver Odias emphasised the transnational nature of the criminal investigation. He explained that cooperation across South American countries was key: upon learning that Ozorio and another suspect were in Peru, authorities acted quickly. “Through fluid communication between South American countries, we are already fully aware and convinced that crime no longer belongs to just one country; these organisations are transnational in nature. The National Police immediately took action and carried out the corresponding operations,” he said, describing the arrests of Ozorio near Plaza Norte and Tony Hansen Valverde Victoriano, a Peruvian national also involved, near Pucusana.

The extradition represents a step forward in a case that shocked Argentina. The three victims—a 15-year-old girl and two 20-year-old women—were allegedly kidnapped, tortured, and killed by a gang led by Valverde Victoriano, known as ‘Pequeno J’. Investigators say Ozorio was the main accomplice in a criminal organisation linked to drug trafficking in Peru.

Authorities in both countries highlighted that while the arrests cannot undo the harm, they are intended to bring justice for the victims’ families and demonstrate the effectiveness of international cooperation in tackling cross-border crime.

So far, nine people have been detained in connection with the murder of Lara Gutierrez, 15, Brenda del Castillo, 20, and Morena Verdi, 20, who were tortured and dismembered during a live broadcast on a social network, for a closed group of 45 people.

The Minister of Security warned that those who watched the video will also be brought to justice . "The 45 who say they saw the video, will all receive the maximum penalty that the highest-ranking member of that organisation will receive," Bullrich stated.

Bullrich also highlighted the cooperation between the police agencies of Bolivia and Peru in detaining some of the alleged perpetrators, including Victor Sotacuro, Matias Agustin Ozorio, and Tony Janzen Valverde Victoriano, known as 'Pequeno J'.

The victims were tortured, murdered and buried in the yard of a house in Florencio Varela, where their bodies were found five days after they disappeared.

Authorities in Argentina classified the case as aggravated homicide, premeditated by two or more individuals, with treachery, cruelty, and gender-based violence.

The bill, originally approved by Congress in August, guarantees higher budgets for national universities and salary increases for teaching and non-teaching staff. Milei rejected the law in September, arguing it jeopardised his government’s goal of achieving a “zero deficit” through sweeping austerity measures.

Thursday’s debate took place as students, academics and health workers gathered outside Congress in Buenos Aires, protesting against the president’s cuts to education and other sectors. Many carried placards denouncing the veto and warning that underfunding universities threatened both access to education and Argentina’s long-term development.

Public universities hold particular weight in Argentina, where tuition has been free since 1949 and nearly two million students are enrolled in state institutions, compared with around half a million in private universities. Supporters of the law framed the issue as not only financial but also political and moral, accusing Milei of undermining a fundamental social right.

This is not the first time Milei has attempted to block higher education funding. A similar law was vetoed in 2024, though Congress then upheld his decision. This time, however, lawmakers in both chambers united to reject his stance. In the same session, the Senate also overturned Milei’s veto of a law declaring a state of emergency in paediatric healthcare, further highlighting the political pushback against his austerity agenda.

According to court records in Texas, Espert allegedly received $200,000 in February 2020 from a trust connected to Fred Machado, a fugitive accused of drug trafficking, and Debora Lynn Mercer-Erwin, who is currently serving a 16-year prison sentence in the United States for narcotics , money laundering, and fraud.

Milei, however, dismissed the reports as recycled accusations. “They did this in 2019, they did it in 2021. It’s a methodology — smear campaigns to create noise during elections,” he said. The president argued the timing of the revelations is politically motivated and urged observers to await the outcome of US judicial proceedings.

He also linked the allegations to what he described as broader “political franchises” used by opponents in Latin America , accusing Argentina’s opposition of resorting to “tricks” whenever they feel threatened. “My hope is that over time people recognise this modus operandi,” he added.

The controversy adds to growing scrutiny of Milei’s inner circle, as the president has also been forced to defend his sister, Karina Milei, against separate corruption allegations. With less than a month until the elections, the dispute underscores the volatile mix of judicial investigations and political battles shaping Argentina’s campaign season.

This paints a picture of a region where safety is a daily concern. For many outsiders, “Latin America” has become almost synonymous with insecurity.

Yet, not every nation fits that narrative. Some countries are breaking the stereotype, combining stronger institutions, lower levels of organised crime, and robust governance to offer a more secure environment for residents, investors, and travellers.

Drawing on data from Global Citizen Solutions , World Visualized highlights Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Ecuador as the safest places to live in South America, based on homicide rates per 100,000 inhabitants.

Chile leads with just 4.4 homicides per 100,000 people , followed by Argentina (5.0), Uruguay (8.0), Paraguay (8.7), and Ecuador (14.0), all of which are well below the regional average of roughly 18.

Although Ecuador has, in the last few years made headlines for gang violence, it still stands out as a rare example of relative peace and stability.

These security rankings arrive as Argentina, one of the safest countries on the list, is at the centre of major economic developments. The World Bank recently announced that it will accelerate support for the country with up to $4 billion in funding, targeting sectors such as infrastructure, energy, and supply chains.

At the same time, U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent confirmed talks over a potential $20 billion currency swap line , fueling a rally in Argentine bonds and a strengthening of the peso.

Chile and Uruguay, meanwhile, continue to position themselves as havens of economic predictability. Despite a massive blackout earlier this year that tested Chile’s infrastructure resilience, the country remains one of the region’s most investor-friendly markets.

For expats and travellers, this means these nations are among the best bets for a secure life in the region, provided one pays attention to local variations.

For investors, it signals environments where property rights are protected and contracts are enforceable, crucial ingredients for long-term growth.

The case has triggered nationwide protests, with thousands marching from Plaza de Mayo to the National Congress in Buenos Aires, and rallies also taking place in La Plata, Rosario, Córdoba and Neuquén. Demonstrators carried banners reading “Not one less” and accused the state of complicity through its failure to protect women. Feminist activist Victoria denounced the crime as a “narco-feminicide,” saying this to Viory: “This reveals once again the complicity of the state and the police with the narcos.”

Families of the victims joined the demonstrations, expressing grief and anger. Other relatives of past femicide victims also took to the streets, insisting that systematic gender-based killings remain unpunished in Argentina.

Buenos Aires provincial authorities, while confirming the investigation is ongoing, have not ruled out narco-related motives. Security Minister Javier Alonso acknowledged the atrocity had been broadcast online, calling it one of the most shocking crimes in recent memory. With Argentina facing rising rates of femicide and violence against women, campaigners insist the state must not only investigate the perpetrators but also address the structural failures that allow such crimes to persist.

The governors of Mendoza, Chubut and Santa Cruz, joined by their counterparts in Río Negro and Neuquén, argue that criminal proceedings in US courts could suspend enforcement of the civil judgment. They maintain that the 2007 deal, in which Grupo Petersen acquired a 15% stake in YPF with an option for 10% more, was irregular and set the stage for today’s multi-billion-dollar lawsuit.

Argentina is currently appealing a ruling by Judge Loretta Preska of the US District Court for the Southern District of New York , which ordered the state to transfer its YPF shares to a New York bank as part of a $16 billion judgment in favour of litigation fund Burford Capital. The government insists such a transfer would violate sovereign immunity and national law, which requires congressional approval for any disposal of YPF shares.

The provincial leaders now want the US Department of Justice to examine whether crimes were committed in the initial YPF share purchase. If accepted, such a case could suspend the civil ruling and force leading figures from Argentina’s political and corporate elite to testify before US investigators. Observers note that the DOJ, with its FBI arm, has a track record of pursuing major financial crimes such as the FIFA corruption scandal.

The push comes amid closer ties between Presidents Donald Trump and Javier Milei, a factor some believe could open political space for US authorities to take on the case. “Time is running out,” one governor warned, with Judge Preska expected to rule soon on enforcement measures. For the provinces, whose shares in YPF were diluted during privatisation, the stakes are not only financial but also political: securing a role in defending Argentina’s interests in one of the most consequential legal battles in its history.

Argentina has endured decades of economic instability, defaulting on sovereign debt three times since 2001 and repeatedly falling short on IMF agreements. Milei, a self-styled libertarian reformer, has sought to stabilise the peso, cut spending, and rebuild confidence after his party’s recent election setback triggered capital flight. The peso has lost over 90% of its value in the past five years, while inflation, although sharply down to 34% this year from 289% in 2024, remains among the world’s highest according to the IMF and the Argentine Central Bank .

The U.S. plan, which includes access to the Treasury’s Exchange Stabilisation Fund, would supplement Argentina’s $20 billion IMF program secured earlier this year.

The move marks a striking reversal for President Donald Trump , who has cut foreign aid elsewhere while confronting Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela. In Argentina, however, Trump is doubling down on Milei, whose pro-market agenda and public praise of Washington have made him a rare regional ally.

The plan has drawn criticism at home, with Senator Elizabeth Warren warning that it amounts to a bailout of “a political ally and his global investors before an election.” Economists, including Brad Setser of the Council on Foreign Relations, caution that the U.S. risks repeating the IMF’s experience of lending heavily to Argentina with little chance of repayment.

Washington’s $20 billion swap line would eclipse Argentina’s existing $18 billion agreement with China’s central bank, signalling a strategic push to counter Beijing’s growing financial footprint in Latin America.

For Milei, the U.S. backing offers both short-term stability and political cover.

A so-called repo loan —where Argentina would provide collateral such as reserves, US Treasury bonds, or future export revenues in exchange for dollars—appears to be gaining traction. The mechanism has been used before in Latin America , notably in Mexico’s 1995 rescue package, but not at this scale in Argentina. The possibility of the US directly buying Argentine bonds is also under consideration, a move that boosted bond prices and lowered the country’s risk index earlier this week.

Bessent has insisted that the support would come “without conditions ”, but experts remain sceptical. Economists believe Washington could impose implicit requirements, such as restricting Argentina’s interventions in the currency market or abandoning its current exchange rate bands in favour of a full float. Others suggest the US could pressure Milei to cancel or avoid renewing Argentina’s existing currency swap with China.

If confirmed, this would be Argentina’s ninth debt operation with the US Treasury in the past four decades. While the measures could bring short-term relief, analysts warn that the credibility of Milei’s government will depend not only on external backing but also on political stability and the country’s ability to implement lasting reforms.

“She gave dignity to the people ”, said Raul Atronito, one of the demonstrators, recalling that his father only received a pension during Fernández’s presidency. Another supporter, Vanesa Queyffer, argued that her release was vital to “reverse the disastrous political moment our country is going through”.

Fernández is serving a six-year house arrest sentence after Argentina’s Supreme Court upheld her conviction for fraudulent administration linked to public works contracts. The ruling also bars her permanently from holding office. Her detention has become a rallying point for the opposition, intensifying tensions ahead of the October 26 congressional elections , where President Javier Milei’s government faces a key test in both chambers of Congress.

Argentina’s country risk index climbed to 1,200 points, its highest level since October 2024. This metric, closely monitored by investors, reflects the perceived likelihood of Argentina defaulting on its debt. The surge highlights concerns about the country’s fiscal health, dwindling foreign reserves, and the impact of political turbulence on economic reforms. Analysts warn this could deter foreign investment, raise borrowing costs, and strain President Javier Milei’s already ambitious stabilisation plans.

Milei faces setback after Peronist victory in Buenos Aires

President Javier Milei’s reformist government is facing headwinds after the Peronist party scored a significant victory in Buenos Aires. The first post-election poll suggests growing voter dissatisfaction with Milei’s policies, especially among working-class voters who have borne the brunt of austerity measures. As the country heads toward key October elections, Milei is expected to recalibrate his messaging and shore up support to avoid further losses that could stall his legislative agenda.

Budget speech: “The worst is over”

In a nationally televised address, Milei sought to reassure Argentines that the country is turning a corner economically. He promised that “the worst is over” and appealed to citizens to hold firm as his administration works to stabilise inflation, attract investment, and fund social programs. Milei also signalled increased spending on healthcare and education, hoping to counter criticisms that his government’s austerity approach has disproportionately hurt the poor.

Government shake-up amid ANDIS scandal

The Argentine government announced structural changes within ANDIS (National Agency for Disability) following leaked audio recordings involving Diego Spagnuolo that sparked public outrage. The scandal triggered protests in Buenos Aires and other cities, with citizens demanding accountability and transparency. The administration’s swift response suggests an effort to limit political fallout and restore public trust ahead of the upcoming electoral cycle.

Marco Rubio meets Netanyahu to discuss Qatar attack and Gaza crisis

U.S. Senator Marco Rubio held discussions with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, focusing on the aftermath of the recent attack in Qatar and the ongoing humanitarian and security situation in Gaza. This conversation underscores Washington’s growing concern over Middle Eastern instability and its ripple effects on global security. Argentina, while geographically distant, is watching closely — particularly given its large Jewish community and its own security policies in relation to Middle Eastern geopolitics.

The vote came after thousands of students, professors, health workers, and unions rallied outside Congress in Buenos Aires. Demonstrators accused Milei of undermining education and public health under his strict “zero deficit” fiscal agenda, symbolised by the chainsaw he brandishes to signal budget cuts. Similar mobilisations have swept across Argentina’s 57 public universities, which serve nearly two million students.

Milei has defended his veto as necessary to restore fiscal order, promising in his proposed 2026 budget to raise spending on education and health above inflation. Yet critics say the plan falls far short. University leaders estimate the sector needs 7.3 trillion pesos (around $4.9 billion) to function properly, far more than the 4.8 trillion ($3.2 billion) allocated. With public discontent mounting and his party recently defeated in Buenos Aires provincial elections, Milei faces growing resistance in Congress and the streets alike.

He stressed that “the worst is over” for the country and highlighted that, despite progress, many citizens may not yet feel improvements in their daily lives. Milei presented a budget that allocates 4.8 billion pesos to national universities, increases pensions by 5%, health spending by 17%, and education by 8%, all above inflation. He framed these allocations as part of a broader strategy to prioritise human capital while maintaining fiscal balance.

Political analyst Bruno Lira offered context, suggesting that Milei’s emphasis on social spending may reflect internal pressures and public demonstrations.

Lira told Global South World, the government’s decision to increase health, education, and pensions funding likely responded to retiree marches, university strikes, and hospital labour actions.

This interpretation positions Milei’s announcements not merely as policy statements, but as reactive measures influenced by ongoing social and political dynamics.

The president also discussed the role of a primary surplus, noting that it will enable the state to finance private sector projects, reversing decades of private funding of public initiatives. Milei framed this shift as a way to accelerate public infrastructure and logistics projects that had stalled during previous administrations.

Lira highlighted the significance of this approach, pointing out that it signals both a strategic commitment to public investment and a potential test of Milei’s political adaptability amid persistent challenges.