In Spain, Janones has been invited to contribute to Sánchez's campaign for the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) ahead of the November 29 election . His participation has not yet been confirmed.

In Mexico , Sheinbaum has invited the Brazilian lawmaker to discuss joint initiatives aimed at strengthening left-wing political movements in both countries. No date has been set for the visit.

In Brazil, Janones created and coordinated the WhatsApp channel "Lula's Army," which reportedly attracted nearly 11 million members during the final stages of the presidential campaign. The initiative expanded Lula's digital presence and organised coordinated online activities among supporters.

The invitations follow Lula's re-election, which brought greater attention to Janones' approach to political communication. Known for his confrontational style on social media, the lawmaker sought to increase the left's presence on platforms where supporters of former President Jair Bolsonaro had established a strong following over the previous decade.

Janones calls his approach "Cultural Janonism," combining informal language, direct confrontation with political opponents, rapidly circulated content and continuous mobilisation of supporters.

From Lula's campaign to Spain's elections

According to Brazilian news outlet Metrópoles, Sánchez's invitation remains subject to discussions about Janones' participation, travel arrangements and expenses. The lawmaker had not confirmed whether he would accept the proposal.

The Spanish prime minister faces the November 29 election amid declining support for his socialist government, opposition from conservative parties and the growing influence of the far right.

Lula's victory attracted attention among progressive parties in Spain, which have presented the Brazilian election result as an example of overcoming an unfavourable electoral position.

Sánchez publicly celebrated Lula's re-election and linked the result to Spain's political situation. According to Spanish newspaper El País, left-wing parties in Spain are seeking to use Lula's victory to encourage progressive voters and strengthen their campaigns against political opponents.

Metrópoles also reported that Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum invited Janones to visit Mexico to discuss initiatives aimed at strengthening the left.

Although the invitations have different objectives, both reflect interest in Janones' ability to organise supporters and use digital communication for political mobilisation.

What is Cultural Janonism?

"Cultural Janonism" is the term Janones uses to describe his communication strategy, which gained attention during Brazil's 2022 presidential election when he participated in Lula's campaign against Jair Bolsonaro.

The approach has been examined in academic research exploring how left-wing political movements adopt communication methods associated with the right.

Its main characteristics include conversational language, confrontational messaging and content designed to generate strong emotional reactions, particularly anger and indignation. Research into social media platforms has examined how emotionally engaging content can receive greater visibility through recommendation algorithms.

Rather than relying exclusively on official campaign accounts, the strategy encourages supporters to distribute political messages themselves.

Videos, memes, short posts and campaign slogans are shared by different users, allowing messages to reach audiences beyond the original accounts.

However, the approach also raises concerns. Confrontational communication can increase the reach of political messages while contributing to polarisation and the spread of misleading information.

Using these methods does not automatically guarantee democratic communication or reliable information.

How Janones helped organise Lula's digital campaign

Brazil's 2026 presidential election brought Cultural Janonism to a much larger audience.

After finishing the first round behind Flávio Bolsonaro, Lula needed to increase his support within the three weeks separating the two rounds.

Janones responded by expanding the activities of "Lula's Army," a WhatsApp channel established in April.

Initially created for communication among supporters, the channel developed into a platform for distributing campaign materials and coordinating digital activities.

According to Brazilian news outlet UOL, the channel surpassed eight million members on October 22 and approached 11 million during the final stages of the campaign.

Janones encouraged participants to share videos, engage with posts supporting Lula, distribute campaign messages and avoid certain interactions with opposing accounts that could increase the visibility of pro-Bolsonaro content.

The mobilisation also extended beyond social media.

Janones called for coordinated public demonstrations, including a protest involving people banging pots and pans during Flávio Bolsonaro's interview on Jornal Nacional. He also encouraged supporters to demonstrate their support for Lula's re-election in public spaces.

The campaign increasingly used informal communication, including mobile phone videos and live broadcasts.

During one broadcast, Lula spoke with Janones and thanked supporters for their digital mobilisation. On election night, the president referred to the lawmaker as a "general," publicly acknowledging his role in the campaign.

The WhatsApp channel also faced legal challenges.

Brazil's Superior Electoral Court ordered its suspension in rulings connected to allegations by Bolsonaro's campaign that the channel had distributed false information.

Why the strategy is attracting international attention

Interest in Janones' campaign reflects a broader challenge facing left-wing parties internationally: how to compete on digital platforms where far-right movements have established active communities, distinctive communication styles and extensive networks for distributing political messages.

In Brazil, the Bolsonaro movement developed part of its political influence through networks of supporters, influencers and messaging channels.

These networks allowed political content to circulate widely and enabled regular communication with supporters outside election periods.

Janones' strategy sought to respond through similar digital tools, directing them towards mobilisation in support of Lula.

However, the effectiveness of such an approach depends on each country's political environment, public confidence in political leaders, media consumption habits and electoral regulations.

A strategy that reaches millions of people in Brazil may not produce similar results in Spain or Mexico.

For Sánchez and Sheinbaum, the question is which elements of Brazil's digital campaign experience can be adapted to their respective political environments without assuming that Lula's electoral victory can be replicated through a single communication strategy.

The broadcaster’s rules required both candidates to discuss challenges facing different regions of Brazil, alongside infrastructure, healthcare, education and public security. However, many of their proposals remained broad and lacked detail.

Economy takes centre stage

Bolsonaro, the Liberal Party candidate, focused on the rising cost of living and financial pressures facing Brazilian households, seeking to link those difficulties to Lula’s economic management.

Lula, of the Workers’ Party, emphasised protecting the purchasing power of workers and pensioners. He suggested that a Bolsonaro administration could end policies providing increases in the minimum wage above inflation and adjustments to pension benefits.

Bolsonaro has denied intending to introduce those changes. The disagreement remained a prominent feature of the debate, reflecting the importance of household income and social benefits in the campaign.

Personal insult prompts apology

Bolsonaro adopted a less confrontational approach than in the Band debate, reducing the mockery that had characterised some of his earlier exchanges with Lula.

However, tensions escalated when he referred disparagingly to Lula having nine fingers. The president was granted a right of reply and demanded an apology, which Bolsonaro gave during the broadcast.

Another confrontation concerned Ana Clara Gomes Machado, a five-year-old girl killed by a rifle shot during a police operation in Niterói, Rio de Janeiro state, in 2021.

Her mother, Cristiane Gomes da Silva, attended the debate at the invitation of Lula’s campaign and sat in the front row.

Lula challenged Bolsonaro over his work as a lawyer representing military police officer Bruno Dias Delaroli, whom prosecutors accuse of firing the fatal shot. Bolsonaro joined the officer’s defence in 2024 and signed an appeal against the decision to send him for trial before a jury.

Bolsonaro expressed sympathy for the girl’s mother but said he believed the officer was innocent. He argued that the death occurred during an exchange of gunfire in an area affected by drug trafficking and said he wanted to help establish who fired the shot.

Delaroli denies the allegation and has not been tried. His trial is scheduled for May 2027. Bolsonaro’s legal representation of the officer does not itself establish responsibility for the alleged crime .

Lula campaign intensifies digital push

Alongside the exchanges on television, Lula’s campaign stepped up its social media activity, producing at least 21 pieces of content for distribution across social platforms and messaging groups during the debate.

A review by GSW Brasil of Lula’s official WhatsApp channel, which has more than three million followers, found that one post about Ana Clara’s death received more than 60,000 shares and 12,000 likes.

Federal lawmaker André Janones took over coordination of the channel during the broadcast. He previously played a significant role in the digital communication strategy behind Lula’s 2022 campaign.

The activity demonstrated the Workers’ Party’s increased emphasis on rapidly circulating debate clips and emotionally resonant issues in the closing stages of the contest.

Although the candidates did not provide detailed answers to every policy question, the Globo format allowed a broader comparison of their priorities before voters return to the polls on October 25.

In this election, the contest on Meta’s platforms has become a legal dispute, with Brazil’s Superior Electoral Court (TSE) requiring the company to apply the same rules to President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, of the Workers’ Party (PT), and Flávio Bolsonaro, of the Liberal Party (PL), who received the most votes in the first round.

This is equal treatment. Meta must apply the same criteria to both candidates, which does not mean they will have the same reach. The company must not restrict the visibility of the run-off candidates in searches or the distribution of their political content, and it must apply the same criteria when generating images using artificial intelligence . Meanwhile, the TSE’s rule excludes only the candidates’ official profiles from recommendations. Supporter channels and accounts sharing clips remain free to go viral.

Lula’s campaign alleges that Meta failed to ensure equal treatment. Flávio’s profile appeared in searches while Lula’s did not; Meta AI generated images of Flávio but refused to generate images of Lula ( see here ). The tech company denies favouritism and attributes the problems to technical faults. The PL candidate’s campaign also says it has been disadvantaged.

Faced with conflicting accounts, only an audit of internal data examining the criteria rather than the results could provide an answer, with access to records of restrictions and their reasons, ranking scores and the history of code changes. But only the company holds these data, and Brazil’s Electoral Public Prosecutor’s Office concluded that it had not provided everything the TSE requested.

The challenge for future elections, in Brazil and elsewhere, is not to force algorithms to produce identical results, but to ensure their rules are known before campaigning begins and audited throughout the election. Without this, equal treatment becomes merely a promise rather than a right that society can exercise.

This article exclusively represents the opinions of its author, Adriane Buarque de Holanda, and not those of Global South World.

Brazil heads to runoff after Flávio Bolsonaro finishes ahead of Lula

05:00 GMT: Brazil will hold a presidential run-off on October 25 after right-wing challenger Flávio Bolsonaro finished ahead of incumbent Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva but fell short of the majority needed to win outright.

With 99% of votes counted, Bolsonaro had 47.03% against Lula’s 45.16%. The result exceeded expectations after a close campaign in which the left-wing president had polled slightly ahead.

Bolsonaro enters the second round with a potential advantage: some eliminated candidates offered right-wing alternatives, giving him a pool of voters to court. Both contenders now have three weeks to broaden their support in a contest with consequences beyond Brazil.

00:20 GMT: Brazil’s presidential election heads to a runoff, with Flávio Bolsonaro ahead of Lula in the first-round vote

23:00 GMT: Global South World Brazil is providing real-time updates throughout the night, with detailed coverage of the vote count, the presidential race and state-level results.

Follow the live coverage here for the latest updates.

For the official vote count, follow the results here , with updates as the votes are counted.

21:00 GMT: One hour after polls close, the first rapid-count results are in. With 27.88% of polling stations counted, Flávio Bolsonaro has 50.85% of the vote, while Lula has 41.05%. Live count ongoing.

17:00 GMT: Millions of Brazilians are voting in a closely contested presidential election between President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Senator Flávio Bolsonaro. The race has been shaped by debates over sovereignty, religion, corruption and the role of the courts. Watch the live coverage on Global South World’s YouTube channel to learn more about the context.

16:15 GMT: Lula says Brazil’s election is about choosing the country’s future, framing the choice as one between strengthening democracy and “barbarism”, development and “backwardness”. He said he is confident of victory, citing his government’s record and the nationwide support he believes his campaign has built.

16:00 GMT: Flávio Bolsonaro calls for change as Brazilians head to the polls, saying the country cannot endure another four years under the current government and presenting himself as the alternative. He urged voters to remain calm and aware, saying he is ready to lead Brazil and restore people’s ability to dream.

14:10 GMT: Lula and Bolsonaro vote early in Brazil’s election, as nearly 160 million voters choose the president along with governors, members of the Chamber of Deputies, two-thirds of the Senate and regional representatives, with a possible second round on October 25

12:52 GMT: Flávio Bolsonaro says he wants to win Brazil’s election to “guarantee their freedom” after casting his vote, as the presidential race remains closely contested and voters head to the polls across the country

12:30 GMT: Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva votes in Brazil’s general election. Major polls show a closely contested race as electoral authorities make final preparations for the key voting day

11:49 GMT: Brazil decides: Lula and Flávio Bolsonaro face off for presidency

11:00 GMT: Voting stations open across Brazil, and will remain open until 17:00 local time

10:38 GMT: Rio steps up security ahead of vote

Authorities in Rio de Janeiro are monitoring election day from the city’s Command and Control Centre as voters head to the polls in Brazil’s closely contested presidential election. The centre is coordinating police and other security forces as President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva seeks another term against Senator Flávio Bolsonaro.

Voting will begin simultaneously nationwide at 8 a.m. Brasília time, or 11 a.m. GMT, following the introduction of standardised voting hours across Brazil’s different time zones.

Polls will remain open until 8 p.m. GMT. Anyone already waiting in line at closing time will still be allowed to vote.

Results are expected to begin appearing shortly after polls close.

Election atmosphere before polls open

October 3: São Paulo voters raise sovereignty and BRICS concerns ahead of election

Residents of São Paulo have voiced concerns about Brazil’s sovereignty and international role as the country prepares for Sunday’s presidential election between President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Senator Flávio Bolsonaro.

Voter Danilo described the election as one of Brazil’s most consequential, saying he feared the result could expose the country to pressure from foreign powers. “I really believe that, depending on the outcome of the election, we could face some sort of foreign intervention, particularly from the US,” he said.

The comments came as the US suspended consular services at its embassy and consulates in Brazil on Friday, citing unspecified security concerns. Washington did not link the decision to Sunday’s election.

Another resident, Roberto, said he believed the timing of the closures was intended to influence voters, describing it as “foreign interference”. His claim has not been established by US authorities, which have said the suspension was for security reasons.

Brazil’s role in BRICS was also among voters’ concerns. Resident Andre said he believed a Bolsonaro victory could significantly alter Brazil’s position within the bloc, while a Lula victory would maintain its current direction.

October 2: 'Flávio cannot win' - Young Brazilian voters weigh choices

University students in Rio de Janeiro have shared their views on Brazil's presidential race, with some preparing to vote for the first time in Sunday's closely contested election.

Students at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ) stressed the importance of understanding candidates and their proposals as the campaign between President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Senator Flávio Bolsonaro enters its final days.

September 30: Brazil voters divided between Lula and Flávio Bolsonaro ahead of election

Brazilian voters in Porto Alegre and Recife expressed contrasting views ahead of the presidential election, as President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva seeks re-election against Senator Flávio Bolsonaro.

September 29: How a false claim about Brazil’s patron saint became a presidential election issue

With one week to go before the first round of Brazil’s presidential election, a 2007 bill proposing to restrict the title of Brazil’s patron saint, held by Our Lady of Aparecida, to Catholics began circulating on social media and was used to undermine the candidacy of Senator Flávio Bolsonaro (PL).

The proposal, authored by former congressman Victorio Galli, then a member of the PMDB, was shelved years ago by the Chamber of Deputies. It gained traction after being falsely associated with Bolsonaro, fueled by the fact that he is an evangelical Christian and has previously commented on the relationship between religion and the state. Bolsonaro, however, has never introduced any proposal to change the saint’s official status.

The controversy escalated when actor and comedian Antonio Tabet posted a message claiming that “the militia family hates Black women so much that it decided to attack Our Lady of Aparecida.” Bolsonaro’s legal team then took the case to the Electoral Court, alleging that the post spread disinformation.

The post received millions of views and gave President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s (PT) campaign an opportunity to use the controversy against his opponent while seeking to expand its support among religious voters. Read more

September 27: ‘Lo Que Le Pasó a Hawaii’: Bad Bunny song backs Lula campaign in Brazil

Hundreds of supporters of Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva gathered in Rio de Janeiro on Sunday, September 27, to celebrate the authorisation of a Bad Bunny song for his re-election campaign.

The event, known as “CarnaLula”, was held as part of the nationwide “Bora Lula” mobilisation ahead of the 4 October first round. Supporters danced, played music and waved campaign flags while celebrating the use of Bad Bunny’s “Lo Que Le Pasó a Hawaii” (What Happened to Hawaii), which was adapted into Portuguese for a campaign video focused on Brazilian sovereignty and natural resources.

Bad Bunny’s team authorised Lula’s campaign to use and adapt the song for the electoral video, which was released on September 24 in a Portuguese version. The original song, from the Puerto Rican singer’s album Debí Tirar Más Fotos (I Should Have Taken More Photos), reflects on Puerto Rico’s history and warns about the loss of land, culture and identity, drawing parallels with the impact of US influence on the island.

The adapted song retains the original melody while incorporating themes related to Brazil, including its territory, rivers, beaches and rare earth minerals. The campaign video also references US President Donald Trump and criticism of foreign influence, echoing Lula’s recent emphasis on Brazilian sovereignty during his address to the UN General Assembly.

September 26: Lula warns against foreign interference in Brazil's election

Brazilian President and re-election candidate Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva defended the country's electoral sovereignty during a campaign rally in São Paulo on Saturday, September 26, warning against foreign interference ahead of the October 4 presidential election.

September 25: Flávio Bolsonaro pledges war on organised crime in Brazil

Brazilian presidential candidate Flávio Bolsonaro used a police graduation ceremony in Rio de Janeiro to pledge tougher action against organised crime if elected.

Speaking after a ceremony for newly trained Military Police officers on September 25, Bolsonaro said police would be central to his security plans and pledged to “declare war on the narco-terrorists” from January if he takes office. He also thanked police forces for their work, saying they play a key role in protecting public security.

Bolsonaro also criticised President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva over the government’s move to restrict online betting, accusing him of acting for electoral reasons. Flávio said he supports banning online casinos while distinguishing them from regulated sports betting. The election is due to take place on 4 October, with recent polls showing a close race between Lula and Flávio, although results vary between surveys.

Lula faces Bolsonaro’s son

Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva , of the Workers’ Party, is seeking a fourth presidential term overall and a second consecutive term since returning to office in 2023. Vice-President Geraldo Alckmin is again his running mate.

His main challenger, Flávio Bolsonaro of the Liberal Party, is a senator representing Rio de Janeiro and the eldest son of former president Jair Bolsonaro. He is running alongside congressman Alfredo Gaspar and seeking to return his father’s conservative movement to the presidency.

The other candidates

Twelve presidential candidates remain following Leonardo Avalanche’s withdrawal on September 30. Other contenders include Ronaldo Caiado , Romeu Zema , Renan Santos and Augusto Cury .

A Datafolha poll released on October 1 showed Lula with 42% of total voting intentions and Bolsonaro with 38%. Among valid voting intentions, Lula had 45% and Bolsonaro 40%. In a simulated run-off, Lula’s 48% against Bolsonaro’s 45% represented a statistical tie within the poll’s margin of error.

The survey interviewed 2,506 electors between September 29 and October 1, with a national margin of error of two percentage points. The figures leave the outcome uncertain and suggest the contest could continue to a second round.

How Brazil elects its president

A presidential candidate must receive more than 50% of valid votes to win in the first round. Blank and invalid ballots are not included when calculating that majority.

If no candidate crosses that threshold, the two leading candidates will advance to a runoff on October 25.

The president and vice-president are elected together on a single ticket for a four-year term.

What else is being decided?

Each voter will make six selections:

Brazil is electing two senators from each of its 26 states and the Federal District, producing 54 Senate seats in total. Senators serve eight-year terms.

All 513 seats in the Chamber of Deputies are also being contested.

Governors must win more than half of valid votes to avoid a second round. Runoffs may therefore be held in individual states even if the presidential election is settled in the first round.

Why the election matters

The contest will determine the direction of Latin America’s largest economy and most populous country.

The result could affect Brazil’s environmental policy, management of the Amazon, economic reforms and relationships with China, the United States, the European Union and other Global South countries.

The election is also a test of whether Brazil’s political system can move beyond the intense polarisation that has characterised national politics since Jair Bolsonaro’s rise to power.

Possible outcomes

Lula wins in the first round

Lula would need more than half of all valid votes. Final surveys suggest this remains possible but unlikely.

Lula and Bolsonaro advance to a runoff

Polling indicates that this is the most probable outcome. A second-round campaign would run until October 25, with surveys showing little separation between the two candidates.

A surprise performance by another candidate

Augusto Cury, Ronaldo Caiado and Renan Santos remain well behind the two leaders but could influence whether the election proceeds to a runoff and how their supporters vote in the second round.

When will results be available?

Electronic counting can begin once voting ends at 8 p.m. GMT.

Brazil uses electronic voting machines that operate offline during voting. Results are transmitted to the electoral authorities after polls close and are generally counted within several hours.

Official results will be published by Brazil’s Superior Electoral Court.

If required, the second round will take place on Sunday, October 25, 2026, with the same polling hours 11 a.m. to 8 p.m. GMT.

At the same time, in Brazil, we hold only 17% of the seats in the Lower House, 19.8% in the Senate, and out of 27 states, we only have two female governors. And it is crucial to remember that until 2016, the Federal Senate didn't even have a women's restroom. It shows us a physical reminder that these spaces of power were quite literally never designed for us.

This low representation is deeply connected to violence . According to the Brazilian Public Security Yearbook, the country recorded 1,571 feminicides in 2025, and the TSE (Superior Electoral Court) recently reported an overwhelming 380% increase in political gender violence against women who dare to step into the “political game”.

This surge isn’t a coincidence; it's fueled by conservative waves online, driven by misogynistic rhetoric and internet coaches promising a "rescue" of a supposed traditional masculinity, one based in times when women weren't even considered citizens under the law.

And let´s not forget that part of this anti-democratic machinery includes women in our political system aligned with the Christian coalition in Congress who have even tried to push for the removal of quotas for female candidates. Even though Brazil is officially a secular state, this bloc exists and remains a powerful force.

As women, we need to realise that everything is political, and this wake-up call is urgent. We are the primary providers in 51% of Brazilian households, yet we face systemic discrimination in the job market. The numbers are frightening: a study by

FGV shows that 49% of women lose their jobs during or right after their maternity leave protection ends. Here we are in 2026, and maternity is still treated as this "sacred gift" that somehow clashes with professional life, as if giving birth to the other half of the population were some kind of professional barrier.

Beauvoir reminds us that it only takes a political, economic or religious crisis for women's rights to be called into question and to break this cycle, we need to look back and remember the Bancada do Batom (the Lipstick Bloc) from the 1988 Constituent Assembly, when women from across the political spectrum, left and right, joined forces to make gender equality a foundational pillar of our democracy .

These upcoming elections aren't about party lines; they are about our right to exist with dignity. Beyond our borders, this is also a crucial moment for all Latin American women.

With less than a week to go, the power is literally in our hands: we can either choose to move forward toward an equal society or risk sliding straight into a real-life Handmaid's Tale, because our fundamental rights are truly on the line.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Vera Cambiatti holds a Bachelor's degree in Translation and Interpretation from Universidade Metodista de São Paulo, a Teaching Degree in Portuguese and English from Fundação Santo André, and a degree in Pedagogy from Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie. She has a postgraduate degree in English Language Teaching, an MBA in School Management from USP, international certifications from Cambridge and Bridge Education, plus extensions in Blended Learning and Anti-Racist Education. Currently, she is pursuing a postgraduate degree in Politics and International Relations at FAAP and serves as a volunteer Public Policy Strategist for the Instituto Levante Mulheres Vivas.

The controversy escalated when actor and comedian Antonio Tabet posted a message claiming that “the militia family hates Black women so much that it decided to attack Our Lady of Aparecida.” Bolsonaro’s legal team then took the case to the Electoral Court, alleging that the post spread disinformation.

The post received millions of views and gave President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s (PT) campaign an opportunity to use the controversy against his opponent while seeking to expand its support among religious voters.

First Lady Janja da Silva became directly involved by sharing messages expressing devotion to Brazil’s patron saint, while Vice President Geraldo Alckmin (PSB) also joined the discussion. The episode prompted reactions from the Brazilian Bishops’ Conference (CNBB) and led Flávio Bolsonaro to accuse members of the organisation of acting politically against his candidacy.

In response to Bolsonaro’s accusations and the spread of false narratives, the CNBB released a video statement saying that “democracy is also a space where our differences can coexist with respect and freedom” and that “a lie cannot be fought with another lie.” The organization rejected suggestions that it had become institutionally involved in the partisan dispute.

The controversy forced the PL candidate to publicly deny any connection to the 2007 bill and to hold live broadcasts alongside religious leaders in an effort to contain the political fallout and prevent an erosion of support among moderate Catholic voters.

The judicial dispute and the weight of the polls

The episode also triggered institutional friction between the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) and the Supreme Federal Court (STF) in less than 72 hours.

Acting as a member of the Electoral Court, Justice André Mendonça granted a request from Flávio Bolsonaro’s campaign and ordered the removal of Tabet’s post and related content, imposing a daily fine of R$30,000 for non-compliance. Mendonça argued that action was necessary to curb false narratives in the final stretch of the campaign.

The following day, however, Supreme Court Justice Flávio Dino granted a constitutional complaint filed by the comedian’s defence and overturned Mendonça’s decision. Dino argued that the measure amounted to prior censorship and said the Electoral Court could not presume that the expression “militia family” referred directly to Flávio Bolsonaro.

Dino’s ruling prompted TSE President Justice Kassio Nunes Marques to contact STF President Edson Fachin to protest what he viewed as direct interference in the Electoral Court’s jurisdiction and to defend the court’s autonomy in overseeing election advertising.

Alongside the controversy among Catholic voters, the religious debate has also generated tensions within the evangelical camp because of pressure from conservative allies over André Mendonça’s handling of the Banco Master case.

Mendonça was appointed to the Supreme Court by Jair Bolsonaro after the former president famously pledged to nominate a “terribly evangelical” justice. He has recently faced public criticism from Bolsonaro supporters over positions they consider inconsistent with the expectations of the political base that backed his appointment, highlighting tensions between religious political constituencies and the actions of Brazil’s highest courts.

Lula’s campaign strategy and Flávio Bolsonaro’s response also reflect the religious breakdown in the latest voting-intention polls.

A Quaest poll released on Monday showed Lula with 39% of first-round voting intentions , compared with 34% for Flávio Bolsonaro . The religious breakdown, however, revealed a sharp divide: Lula had 48% support among Catholics , compared with 27% for Bolsonaro . Among evangelical voters, Flávio led with 46% , against 27% for Lula .

With Lula reaching 48% among Catholics and increasingly associating his campaign with religious symbols in the final stretch, the PT is seeking to consolidate its advantage and capitalise on Flávio’s weaker performance among Catholic voters. The PL candidate, meanwhile, is working to contain the damage among Catholics while maintaining the cohesion of his evangelical base amid the controversies surrounding the Supreme Court.

"Tell him how a president of a country that is not as rich as the United States can guarantee every Brazilian citizen the same health treatment that the president of the Republic will receive," Lula said.

The United States formally left the WHO on 22nd January 2026, a year after Trump ordered the withdrawal on his first day back in office. The WHO said Washington halted its funding and left about $260 million in unpaid contributions, warning the move leaves "both the United States and the rest of the world in a less safe situation."

Lula also highlighted his government's healthcare policies and the expansion of public health services in Rio de Janeiro during the hospital visit.

“I’m about to turn 80, but you can be sure that I have the same energy as when I was 30 years old,” Lula said. “I’m going to fight. I’m running for a fourth term in Brazil. I’m prepared to run in other elections and try to make the relationship between Indonesia and Brazil a partnership.”

Lula, who returned to power in 2023 for his third nonconsecutive term, remains constitutionally eligible to run again since Brazil’s two-term limit applies only to consecutive presidencies.

During the press conference, the Brazilian leader also reiterated his support for a multipolar global order, stressing the need for “multilateralism, not unilateralism” in both politics and economics. He pointed to the BRICS bloc — comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa — as a key platform for advancing “the development interests of the global South.”

Lula’s announcement comes amid efforts to strengthen cooperation between Brazil and Indonesia, particularly in trade, renewable energy , and environmental protection.