Gunfire and explosions were reported shortly before midnight near the airport, and two security sources described the incident as a “terrorist attack.” Calm was restored by Thursday morning.

The airport area was cordoned off and patrolled, although schools and businesses in Niamey remained open.

Tiani named French President Emmanuel Macron, Benin President Patrice Talon, and Ivorian President Alassane Ouattara as sponsors of the alleged attack. 

He made the statement after visiting an air base and warned that Niger would respond. “We have heard them bark, they should be ready to hear us roar,” he said. Niger state television reported that one of the attackers killed was a French national, but this claim was not backed by evidence.

Security officials told Reuters that an internal alert about a possible attack led to increased security measures around the airport prior to the incident. 

The officials also confirmed that a uranium stockpile, estimated at around 1,000 metric tons, was not affected by the attack. The uranium, stored at the airport since late last year, was previously moved from the Somair mine in Arlit after the Nigerien government took control of the site from the French company Orano.

Two commercial aircraft were damaged during the attack. ASKY Airlines reported minor damage to two of its planes. Air Côte d’Ivoire confirmed that its Airbus A319 sustained damage to the fuselage and right wing. “Its fuselage and right wing” were affected, the airline said, noting that the aircraft could be grounded for an extended period. No injuries were reported.

Tiani also expressed appreciation to Russian troops stationed at the base, thanking them for “defending their sector.” Niger, like neighbouring Mali and Burkina Faso, continues to experience violence linked to jihadist groups affiliated with al Qaeda and Islamic State.

Earlier this month, Burkina Faso reported that it had foiled a coup attempt funded by Côte d’Ivoire to destabilise its government and assassinate military leader Captain Ibrahim Traoré.

Former leader Lt Col Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba was arrested after being extradited from Togo, where he had fled to after allegedly masterminding the failed coup plot.

According to IMF projections cited and analysed by The African Exponent , Africa’s ten largest economies in 2026 reflect a mix of resource strength, population size, industrial capacity, and policy direction.

South Africa is projected to remain Africa’s largest economy in 2026, with a nominal GDP of about $401.6 billion. Despite slow growth in recent years, the country continues to benefit from its diversified economy, strong financial sector, and advanced industrial base.

Close behind is Egypt, with an estimated $399.5 billion GDP. Egypt’s rise has been driven by large-scale infrastructure investment, expansion in energy production, and aggressive economic reforms.

As The African Exponent has noted in previous coverage, Egypt’s strategic positioning as a trade and logistics hub linking Africa, the Middle East , and Europe continues to strengthen its economic weight.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, is projected to rank third with a GDP of roughly $334.3 billion. Oil and gas still play a central role, but growth in telecommunications, fintech, agriculture, and entertainment has diversified parts of the economy.

However, the African Exponent has consistently pointed out that currency instability, inflation, and policy uncertainty remain key constraints on Nigeria’s full economic potential.

Algeria is expected to rank fourth at $285.0 billion, buoyed largely by hydrocarbons and higher global energy demand. While diversification remains a challenge, state spending and energy exports continue to anchor the economy.

Morocco, at $196.1 billion, rounds out the top five. Its strength lies in manufacturing, agriculture, tourism, and the growing automotive and aerospace industries. The African Exponent frequently highlights Morocco as one of Africa’s most strategically diversified economies.

Kenya and Ethiopia signal East Africa’s growing economic relevance. Kenya has approximately $140.9 billion, driven by services, finance, ICT, and regional trade. Ethiopia is also around $125.7 billion, supported by manufacturing, agriculture, and state-led industrialisation.

Despite debt pressures and foreign exchange shortages, Ethiopia’s long-term growth fundamentals continue to attract attention across African economic commentary.

Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire, and Angola finalise the list as Ghana sits at $113.5 billion, supported by gold, cocoa, and oil, though fiscal pressures persist. Côte d’Ivoire comes in with $111.5 billion, as one of West Africa’s fastest-growing economies, driven by agriculture and infrastructure. Angola, with $109.9 billion, is heavily dependent on oil but showing gradual signs of reform.

The African Exponent has noted that Côte d’Ivoire’s steady growth contrasts sharply with more volatile commodity-dependent economies, making it one of the continent’s most closely watched performers.

These rankings are based on nominal GDP, not purchasing power or living standards. What this really tells us is where capital, infrastructure, and policy focus are currently concentrated. It also highlights Africa’s continued reliance on a handful of large economies to drive continental growth.

Egypt

With SDR 6.73 billion still outstanding, Egypt is by far Africa’s largest debtor to the IMF and one of the biggest globally. Egypt is currently under a 46-month Extended Fund Facility (EFF), complemented by an arrangement under the Resilience and Sustainability Facility (RSF), approved in March 2025. The program supports a far-reaching adjustment that includes currency flexibility, subsidy reforms and fiscal consolidation.

IMF staff project that Egypt’s obligations to the Fund will gradually decline over the life of the program, but for now the country remains heavily exposed. In the November snapshot alone, Cairo repaid more than SDR 164 million, trimming but not transforming its outstanding stock. 

Côte d’Ivoire

Côte d’Ivoire is the second-largest African borrower, with SDR 3.08 billion in IMF credit outstanding as of 12 November. Abidjan is covered by twin arrangements under the Extended Fund Facility and Extended Credit Facility, plus an RSF program aimed at climate and resilience spending. In June 2025 the IMF Board completed the fourth review of these programs and the third RSF review.

Kenya

In third place, Kenya has SDR 2.96 billion outstanding. Since 2021, Nairobi has been under a blended EFF/ECF program supplemented by an RSF arrangement, aimed at stabilising debt, raising revenue and creating space for social and climate spending. The IMF Board concluded the seventh and eighth reviews in October 2024, approving further disbursements.

In 2025, Kenya and the IMF opted not to proceed with a planned ninth review; the government has instead requested a new lending arrangement , seeking to roll over about US$800 million in undrawn funds while grappling with high debt-service costs and public anger over tax hikes.

Angola

Angola, fourth on the list with SDR 2.66 billion in IMF credit. An oil-dependent economy is still living with the legacy of earlier shocks. The country has no recent repayment history yet. Between 2018 and 2021, Luanda undertook an EFF-backed program that pushed through heavy fiscal consolidation, a value-added tax, exchange-rate liberalisation, partial debt reprofiling and steps toward inflation targeting.

Ghana

Ghana, fifth on the list, owes SDR 2.58 billion, equivalent to roughly US$3.5 billion at current SDR rates.  Accra is in the middle of a US$3 billion, three-year Extended Credit Facility approved in May 2023, designed to pull the country out of its worst economic crisis in decades. The IMF completed a third program review in late 2024, allowing a further disbursement of SDR 269.1 million (about US$360 million), while insisting on continued fiscal tightening, restructuring of domestic and external debt, and reforms in areas such as tax administration and state-owned enterprises.  

By mid-2025, Ghana’s parliament had also approved a US$2.8 billion debt relief deal with official bilateral creditors, pushing out payments due between 2022 and 2026 to the 2039–2043 period and helping keep the IMF program on track.

"The COMICI (Miss Côte d’Ivoire Committee), holder of the Miss Universe license, regrets to announce the withdrawal of its representative, Olivia Yace, Miss Côte d’Ivoire…  for personal reasons, from her elected mandates with Miss Universe, obtained at the conclusion of the 74th edition of the Miss Universe International pageant," it said in a statement on Facebook.

“Miss Olivia Yace, Miss Universe Africa & Oceania 2025, will formally hand over her Africa & Oceania banner to the organisation so that no one ignores it and to testify to this joint decision,” it added.

This year’s Miss Universe, held in Bangkok, Thailand, has come under criticism following a series of incidents leading up to the final that raised questions about contestant treatment and the competition’s transparency.

The event gained attention when Thai pageant organiser Nawat Itsaragrisil publicly reprimanded Mexico’s Fátima Bosch, this year’s Miss Universe, for not participating in a promotional shoot, reportedly calling her a “dumbhead.” The incident led to several contestants, including former Miss Universe Victoria Kjær Theilvig, walking out in protest .

Subsequently, two judges, Lebanese composer Omar Harfouch and French football legend Claude Makélélé, as well as the president of the selection committee, Princess Camilla di Borbone delle Due Sicilie, resigned days before the November 21 finale.

Harfouch has alleged that the finalists and winners were predetermined. Judge Natalie Glebova, who won the pageant in 2005, expressed her support for Miss Thailand as the winner on Instagram and announced she would not judge again until organisers ensure transparency. 

The results faced criticism online, with many arguing that Miss Côte d’Ivoire was unfairly overlooked and should have won.

This concludes our live coverage of the October 25 Côte d’Ivoire elections. Vote counting is currently in progress. Follow Global South World for further updates as we await the official results from the Independent Electoral Commission.

18:05 GMT: Polls close in Côte d'Ivoire presidential election, with Ouattara eyeing a fourth term amid global scrutiny.

17:14 GMT: Polls are expected to close at 18:00 GMT

16:40 GMT: Ballot boxes have been destroyed and electoral materials vandalized in several polling stations in the sub-prefecture of Zaguiéta, particularly in Biegon, Dianoufla, Tofla, Bounantinfla, and Banonfla.

15:42 GMT: The CEI provisionally bans polling stations from the media

15:36 GMT: Presidential Candidate and sitting president Alassane Ouattara addresses the media after casting his vote

15:30 GMT: Electoral Observers monitor the voting process across several polling stations.

14:03 GMT: Presidential candidates Jean-Louis Billon and Henriette Lagou cast their votes. 60-year-old Louis Billon served as minister under President Ouattara’s first two terms. First as Minister of Trade, Crafts and SME between 2012 and 2016 and then as Minister of Commerce from 2016 to 2017. Alongside Jacqueline-Claire Kouangoua, Lagou, 66, a well-known advocate for women's rights and a former minister under former President Gbagbo, was one of the first two women to run for president of Côte d'Ivoire in the 2015 presidential election.

13:40 GMT : At a polling station of the Lycee Saint-Marie de Cocody in Abidjan, presidential candidate Ahoua Don Mello casts his ballot

13:27 GMT: The entire country is set up to enable "voters to exercise their right to vote in complete safety," says Ivorian Minister of the Interior, Vagondo Diomande

12:40 GMT : Members of the Ivorian diaspora gathered at polling stations in Paris to vote. Footage captured officials from the Independent Electoral Commission assisting voters amid large crowds both inside and outside the venue. One voter described participating as a civic duty.

12:15 GMT :  83-year-old President Ouattara, seeking a fourth consecutive term, votes alongside his wife Dominique Ouattara at a polling station at the Lycee Saint-Marie de Cocody in Abidjan

12:07 GMT: Simone Gbagbo, candidate of the Movement of Skilled Generations and wife of former President Laurent Gbagbo, casts her vote at a polling station inside a school in Abidjan

12:00 GMT : 5 hours since polls were officially opened, although voting at most centres commenced later than the stipulated time, polls are expected to officially be closed by 18:00 GMT , according to the CEI.

11:52 GMT : Ivorian women's rights advocate Laetitia Carelle Goli urges the new administration to put women's rights first, create a framework to stop femicide, and open up public space

10:43 GMT: Will Ivorians choose continuity or change at the polls today?

10:05 GMT: 3 hours after polls opened, voting continues smoothly with no reports of violence or electoral malpractice. The first voters have already cast their ballots.

9:26 GMT: Polls open in neighbouring West African countries as Ivorian expats vote at foreign embassies

8:58 GMT: Representatives of the African Union and ECOWAS visit first polling station

8:15 GMT: The ghost of 2020: Will Ivory Coast avoid another election crisis?

Many Ivorians are haunted by memories of 2020, a year that reignited violent divisions, cost dozens of lives, and cast a long shadow over the country’s democratic future. Today, the same patterns are emerging again: disputed candidacies, allegations of a corrupted voter list, arrests of protestors and journalists, and a president pushing past term limits.

“People are supposed to be in the streets for three or four days until the guy changes position...But some people are afraid,” an Ivorian journalist told Global South World .

7:44 GMT: Ivorians in France queue in their numbers at the Embassy to cast their votes

7:11 GMT: Over 66 African Union observers have been deployed to witness the election

7:00 GMT: Polls open across various polling centres nationwide as voters line up to cast their ballots

00:22 GMT: Electoral materials at one of the polling station storage facilities a few hours prior to the opening of polling stations on election day

22:44 GMT October 24: A computer programmer responsible for managing the server for publishing Côte d'Ivoire’s presidential election results on Abidjan.net was urgently summoned by the Presidency’s communication unit after an error revealed details of a prearranged plan allegedly linked to President Alassane Dramane Ouattara. The mistake occurred when the programmer entered Friday, October 24, 2025, instead of Saturday, October 25, 2025, the official election date. Following the incident, Ouattara reportedly contacted the president of the Independent Electoral Commission (CEI) for clarification regarding the error.

19:42 GMT October 24: On the eve of the presidential election, the president of Côte d’Ivoire’s Independent Electoral Commission (CEI), Coulibaly-Kuibiert Ibrahime, addressed the nation, urging citizens to exercise their civic duty with calm, discipline, and confidence

17:55 GMT October 24: Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, former Vice-President of Nigeria and Head of the Joint ECOWAS-African Union Election Observation Mission (EOM), meets with President Ouattara.

Prof. Osinbajo also held a series of meetings from 21 to 23 October in Abidjan with key electoral stakeholders, including Ivorian officials, political party representatives, African ambassadors, and ECOWAS observers. He met with members of the Independent Electoral Commission, the Constitutional Council, and other national institutions to assess the electoral process and security preparations.

Polls are expected to open at 07:00 GMT and close at 18:00 GMT across all polling stations.

What you need to know

The vote comes at a time when the country is balancing rapid economic growth with persistent political divisions, and the outcome could redefine both its democratic trajectory and its regional role.

At the centre of this year’s race is President Alassane Ouattara, who has led the country since 2011. His  decision  to seek a fourth term has reignited debate over constitutional limits and political succession. Supporters argue that his leadership has brought stability and economic progress, while critics say his continued presence risks undermining democratic norms in a country still haunted by memories of the 2010–2011 post-electoral crisis, which left thousands dead.

Electoral system and voter roll

Under Côte d’Ivoire’s two-round electoral system, a candidate must secure more than 50% of the vote to win outright. If no one achieves that threshold, the top two contenders advance to a runoff.

Over 20,000 polling stations are expected nationwide; however, questions remain about voter registration accuracy and access for displaced or rural populations.

When will the results be announced?

The Independent Electoral Commission (CEI) is managing the process and is expected to release provisional results within five days, after which the Constitutional Council will certify the final outcome.

Who’s on the ballot — and who isn’t

The final candidate list has been sharply reduced after the electoral court validated just five contenders out of roughly sixty submissions. Among those cleared to run are Simone Ehivet Gbagbo, the former first lady, and several lesser-known opposition figures.

However, two of the most prominent figures,  Laurent Gbagbo , the former president, and  Tidjane Thiam,  ex-Credit Suisse CEO, have been barred from contesting. Authorities cited legal and nationality issues, but the disqualifications have deepened claims that the political space is being narrowed. Both men command significant popular support, and their exclusion could shape voter turnout and legitimacy perceptions.

High stakes for democracy

For many Ivorians, this election is not only about leadership but also about trust in the democratic process. The  2020 vote  was marred by boycotts and sporadic violence, and observers fear similar tensions if opposition candidates or their supporters feel sidelined. With the memory of past unrest still vivid, maintaining peace will be a critical challenge for the government and security forces.

Economic backdrop

Côte d’Ivoire’s election also matters beyond its borders. The country is a major economic hub and the  world’s top cocoa producer,  serving as a bellwether for West Africa’s political and economic health. A credible and peaceful election would reinforce investor confidence and regional stability. Conversely, a disputed process could add to the wave of uncertainty already rippling across the sub-region, where coups and contested polls have become more common.

While the government touts strong GDP growth and major infrastructure projects, many Ivorians remain frustrated by rising living costs and persistent unemployment, particularly among youth. Rural voters, especially in cocoa-producing areas, have voiced concerns about uneven development and limited access to basic services. For them, the election represents a chance to push for policies that feel more inclusive and grounded in daily realities.

These socioeconomic issues could ultimately drive voter sentiment more than partisan loyalty. Whoever wins will inherit the task of balancing investment-driven growth with equitable development, in a country where prosperity and inequality often coexist uneasily.

Ivorians are hoping this election can consolidate two decades of hard-won peace and stability.

At the centre of this year’s race is President Alassane Ouattara, who has led the country since 2011. His decision to seek a fourth term has reignited debate over constitutional limits and political succession. Supporters argue that his leadership has brought stability and economic progress, while critics say his continued presence risks undermining democratic norms in a country still haunted by memories of the 2010–2011 post-electoral crisis, which left thousands dead.

Under Côte d’Ivoire’s two-round electoral system, a candidate must secure more than 50 percent of the vote to win outright. If no one achieves that threshold, the top two contenders advance to a runoff. The Independent Electoral Commission (CEI) is overseeing preparations, with over 20,000 polling stations expected nationwide. However, questions remain about voter registration accuracy and access for displaced or rural populations.

Who’s on the ballot — and who isn’t

The final candidate list has been sharply reduced after the electoral court validated just five contenders out of roughly sixty submissions. Among those cleared to run are Simone Ehivet Gbagbo, the former first lady, and several lesser-known opposition figures.

However, two of the most prominent figures, Laurent Gbagbo , the former president, and Tidjane Thiam, ex-Credit Suisse CEO, have been barred from contesting. Authorities cited legal and nationality issues, but the disqualifications have deepened claims that the political space is being narrowed. Both men command significant popular support, and their exclusion could shape voter turnout and legitimacy perceptions.

High stakes for democracy

For many Ivorians, this election is not only about leadership but also about trust in the democratic process. The 2020 vote was marred by boycotts and sporadic violence, and observers fear similar tensions if opposition candidates or their supporters feel sidelined. With the memory of past unrest still vivid, maintaining peace will be a critical challenge for the government and security forces.

Côte d’Ivoire’s election also matters beyond its borders. The country is a major economic hub and the world’s top cocoa producer, serving as a bellwether for West Africa’s political and economic health. A credible and peaceful election would reinforce investor confidence and regional stability. Conversely, a disputed process could add to the wave of uncertainty already rippling across the sub-region, where coups and contested polls have become more common.

While the government touts strong GDP growth and major infrastructure projects, many Ivorians remain frustrated by rising living costs and persistent unemployment, particularly among youth. Rural voters, especially in cocoa-producing areas, have voiced concerns about uneven development and limited access to basic services. For them, the election represents a chance to push for policies that feel more inclusive and grounded in daily realities.

These socioeconomic issues could ultimately drive voter sentiment more than partisan loyalty. Whoever wins will inherit the task of balancing investment-driven growth with equitable development, in a country where prosperity and inequality often coexist uneasily.

Ivorians are hoping this election can consolidate two decades of hard-won peace and stability.

His supporters call him the “stability guy,” crediting him with years of economic growth. His critics say it’s a sign of democracy fatigue, the feeling that leaders in the region just don’t want to let go.

The field this year is also thinner than usual. Laurent Gbagbo , the former president ousted after the 2010–2011 crisis, can’t run because of a previous conviction. Tidjane Thiam , a former Credit Suisse boss and one of the opposition’s biggest names, was also barred after the courts ruled he was still technically a French national when he registered. Their absence has left many wondering how competitive the race really is.

And then there’s the online chaos. Fake news, deepfakes, and WhatsApp rumours are swirling through the country’s digital spaces. Authorities have been cracking down hard, banning protests, arresting activists, and tightening social media monitoring. Earlier this year, 26 protesters were sentenced to three years in jail for what officials called illegal demonstrations.

It’s not the first time Côte d’Ivoire has headed into an uneasy vote. The 2010 election ended in months of fighting that killed around 3,000 people. Since then, the country has rebuilt, but deep divisions still linger. Many young Ivorians, who make up the majority of the population, say they’re tired of recycled politics and just want jobs, fairness, and a real say in their future.

Observers from ECOWAS , the African Union , and the European Union are expected to monitor the polls. But as election day approaches, the question many Ivorians are quietly asking is simple: can this vote finally move the country forward? Or will it reopen old wounds?

Arrests, protests, and power struggles — Africa’s young people are once again taking to the streets, challenging systems older than their parents. Across the continent, pre-election crackdowns and generational frustration are colliding, revealing deep cracks in long-standing regimes.

Nowhere is that tension more visible than in Côte d'Ivoire, where authorities have intensified arrests of activists, journalists, and opposition figures ahead of the October 25 elections. President Alassane Ouattara, 83, is seeking another term, even as many of his rivals — including former president Laurent Gbagbo and ex–Credit Suisse CEO Tidjane Thiam — have been disqualified.

Madagascar: Gen-Z protests then the military take over

Weeks of youth-led protests in Madagascar have reshaped the country’s leadership. The military stepped in after mass demonstrations forced the government to collapse.

Over 60% of Madagascar’s population is under 25, and youth unemployment sits around 14%. This generation, frustrated by economic stagnation and corruption , coordinated their protests digitally through TikTok, WhatsApp, and Telegram.

But as in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, the promise of change may prove fleeting. Many of Africa’s Gen Z movements begin with the language of democracy, only to end under military rule.

Cameroon's election overshadowed by age and apathy

In Cameroon, the world waits for the results of a tense election. President Paul Biya, at 92, has ruled for 43 years — longer than most of his citizens have been alive. His challenger, Issa Tchiroma, 76, has already claimed victory and called on Biya to concede, before results have even been released.

Cameroon’s youth - 65% of the population, with a median age of just 18 - are largely disengaged from formal politics after decades of repression. Yet online, their voices are growing louder. Hashtags like #CameroonDecides and #TimeForChange have galvanised diaspora communities in France and Canada, creating new digital pressure on an ageing regime.

While Cameroon’s per capita GDP has risen since Biya took power, the gains have not been evenly felt. High inequality, inflation, and youth joblessness have eroded patience.

Côte d’Ivoire: a narrowing window for democracy

Despite years of peace since its 2011 civil conflict, Côte d'Ivoire’s political climate is tightening. Ouattara’s government is accused of political engineering through disqualifications and arrests.

Though the economy grows at 6% annually, youth unemployment remains high at 12%. Nearly 70% of Ivorians are under 30, yet they’re ruled by leaders from a political era that began before they were born.

Across much of Africa, that generational disconnect is stark: the median age of leaders is 63, while the median age of citizens is just 19.

Africa’s population is expected to double to 2.5 billion by 2050, with young people making up the overwhelming majority. Their demands for accountability, jobs, and representation are reshaping political discourse, often outside traditional systems.

When democratic institutions fail to evolve, the youth find new paths: protest, digital mobilisation, or even backing military “resets” that promise swift change.

Measuring fear in authoritarian states

In countries where citizens fear reprisals, measuring genuine public opinion is notoriously difficult. Researchers can use “list experiments” — indirect surveys that hide sensitive statements among innocuous ones like “I play sport weekly” or “I grow my own vegetables.” Rather than say which ones they agree with, respondents simply say how many statements are true. By establishing an average number of true statements on a control group, researchers can establish what proportion of people disagreed that "The government is doing a good job." without being able to attribute the belief to any individual.

By comparing answers between groups, analysts can estimate true support levels without forcing individuals to speak openly. After the 2021 coup in Mali, such a study revealed that while 74% publicly voiced support for the military government, real approval was closer to 63%.

From Antananarivo to Abidjan, Africa’s Gen Z is demanding something their elders rarely had, accountable leadership. Whether that results in deeper democracy or new forms of control depends on who answers their call.

Click here to watch our previous episodes

World Reframed is produced in London by  Global South  World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

What’s at stake?

It was more than a local tragedy when four villagers were killed by armed men in the Ivorian town of Difita, which is close to the Burkina Faso border.  It indicated that the thin border that once divided the states of the Gulf of Guinea from the insurgencies of the Sahel is gradually eroding.  Having not experienced a fatal attack linked to jihadists since 2021 (attribution of the August attack is still being investigated), Côte d’Ivoire is now faced with renewed militant incursions along its northern border.

However, the implications go beyond national borders. There is also an increase in violence and instability in Ghana, Togo, and Benin.  These states work together to create a frontline against the southward movement of organisations such as Islamic State affiliates and Jama’a Nusrat ul-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM).  The risk profile for investors, humanitarian organisations, and international partners is drastically changing as violence approaches ports, commercial centres, and political capitals.

The background

The security situation along West Africa's coast has worsened in recent months.  In 2025, Benin—once thought of as a relatively safe area—saw its deadliest terrorist attack ever.  Twelve people were killed when suspected jihadists ambushed park rangers and security personnel in Pendjari National Park in July.  There is a pattern to this:  In 2023, there were 171 extremist attacks in Benin; since then, the violence has only increased, causing widespread displacement in the country's northern regions.

Lethal incursions have also occurred in Togo.  On May 10-11, eight soldiers were killed when JNIM-affiliated militants stormed a military outpost close to the Burkina Faso border.  The attack demonstrated how militants are undermining local security forces' credibility by testing state capabilities in border areas.  In 2023 alone, Togo saw 14 attacks and 66 fatalities; this trend is expected to continue in 2025.

Ghana, so far spared from major attacks, continues to play an increasingly dangerous role.  According to reports, militants take advantage of porous borders in northern Ghana to resupply, receive medical care, and handle logistics.  Although authorities deny allegations that Ghana is used as a "supply line" for extremists, the country's northern districts are home to more than 15,000 Burkinabe refugees , placing a strain on resources and raising concerns about radicalisation.

On top of all of this is a humanitarian crisis: by early 2025, over 160,000 people had fled the violence in Burkina Faso to neighbouring Ghana, Togo, Côte d’Ivoire, and Benin.  Resentment is growing, while infrastructure and host communities are overburdened.  Political instability is being exacerbated by the humanitarian crisis as Sahelian violence spreads southward.

Comment: coastal state defences under strain

A structural change in regional security is reflected in the southward movement of Sahelian insurgencies.  Extremist organisations are now openly targeting coastal states rather than scouring the borders.  Attacks like Togo's outpost raid and Benin's Pendjari massacre show that militants are looking for both propaganda value and territorial depth.

 Support from international partners is increasing.  Coastal state security forces now receive more funding, training, and intelligence sharing from the US, France, and EU.  However, there are still significant local capacity gaps.  Uneven coordination persists among Benin, Togo, Ghana, and Côte d’Ivoire, and internal politics - especially surrounding elections and governance challenges- run the risk of diverting attention from a collaborative and comprehensive security plan.

For Western governments, the stakes are high. The Gulf of Guinea is a critical trade corridor and investment destination. Similar to the political collapse in the Sahel, a destabilised coastal belt may encourage migration northward, interfere with supply chains, and create an environment conducive to further coups.

Assessment: near- and medium-term projections

Attacks in Benin and Togo's border areas are likely to continue in the near future as militants take advantage of vulnerable borders and overburdened military personnel.  There is a realistic possibility of intermittent incursions into Côte d’Ivoire, though Abidjan will seek to contain violence north of key commercial zones. Although there is a realistic chance of escalation due to the existence of militant logistics networks and refugee pressures, Ghana is still less vulnerable to direct attacks in the short term.

Like central Mali, northern Benin and Togo run the risk of becoming semi-permanent militant operating zones as a result of entrenched violence in the medium term.  Diplomatic and investor confidence may drastically change if Ghana is the target of any significant attack.  A growing security void along its southern flank, increased migration pressure, and heavier humanitarian burdens are all consequences of this trajectory for Europe.  The trajectory of violence indicates that coastal West Africa is entering a new and more dangerous phase of the Sahel conflict, despite increased external support.

Conclusion

The attack in northern Ivory Coast is not an isolated event but a symptom of a broader regional trend: the Sahel insurgency is pushing south, and coastal states are under mounting pressure. Benin and Togo are already suffering, Ghana is under strain, and Côte d’Ivoire is once again vulnerable. The Gulf of Guinea runs the risk of inheriting the Sahel's crisis and becoming a new epicentre of instability if regional governments and their international allies fail to bridge the gap between rhetoric and capability.

This report is compiled by  Eigenrac  is a Dubai-based boutique consultancy specialising in security risk management services, with a global presence and deep understanding of complex business risk environments. Eigenrac acts as a trusted enabler for clients operating in high-risk or demanding settings.

They dived into the growing generational divide in Africa n leadership, where ageing leaders like Côte d’Ivoire’s Alassane Ouattara and Cameroon’s Paul Biya continue to dominate political power despite a predominantly young population. They reflect on how this disconnect stifles innovation, blocks political renewal, and erodes public trust. The segment questions whether Africa’s youthful population will continue to tolerate this status quo or if a new wave of leadership could reshape the continent’s future.

Vietnam’s Green Motorbike Revolution

The episode also spotlights Vietnam’s plan to ban petrol-powered motorbikes in major cities by 2030 in a bold move to tackle urban pollution. While Vietnam’s streets are filled with two-wheelers, the government is pushing for electric alternatives to improve air quality. The hosts explore how this green shift, despite logistical and economic challenges, could set a precedent for other countries in the Global South facing similar environmental concerns.

Reparations and Colonial Legacies

Reparations for slavery take centre stage as the hosts discuss calls within the Pan-African Parliament to hold former colonial powers accountable for centuries of exploitation. With African countries still paying debts rooted in colonial structures, the discussion highlights the irony of the Global North’s wealth being built on the suffering of the Global South. The segment emphasises the growing momentum behind the reparations movement and its potential to reshape historical narratives and economic justice .

The World's Most Endangered Animals

Turning to biodiversity, the show highlights critically endangered species like the Javan rhino and Amur leopard, many of which are found in the Global South. The conversation challenges Western narratives that paint poorer countries as solely responsible for environmental damage, pointing out that industrialised nations have already depleted much of their own natural ecosystems. The hosts also discuss success stories, like the recovery of mountain gorillas, showing that local conservation efforts can have global impact.

Rethinking Global South Economics

The episode concludes by unpacking what defines the Global South beyond geography. Using data visualisations, the hosts explain how wealth and power are still largely concentrated in the Global North, even as emerging economies like India and China gain prominence. They underscore how colonial legacies, economic imbalances, and new development trends shape global inequality, and why it’s crucial to centre voices from the Global South in these conversations.

🎧 Listen to the episode on all major platforms and join the conversation on how leadership and environmental choices are shaping our shared future.

World Reframed is produced in London for Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

The president said he was responding to calls from citizens across the country. “Women and young people from all regions of Côte d’Ivoire, and countless anonymous voices from our neighbourhoods, towns, and villages have reached out,” he said. “I have made this decision guided solely by the best interest of the nation.”

In Abidjan, many residents appeared unsurprised by the move.

“In any case, they’re all old,” said Eddy Battan, who sells household goods at a roadside stall. “We just have to do things right. So, he decides to run—okay, there’s no problem.”

With several prominent opposition figures disqualified from running, Ouattara is the clear frontrunner ahead of the October 25 vote. His critics argue that the playing field is neither fair nor inclusive.

Ouattara has led the Ivory Coast since 2011. In 2020, he won a controversial third term after a constitutional change reset term limits. At the time, he had promised to step aside, but reversed his position following the death of Prime Minister Amadou Gon Coulibaly, his chosen successor.

In the days following his latest announcement, there have been no major protests or rallies in Abidjan. Public reaction has remained muted, with many Ivorians expressing resignation about the country’s political direction.

“It’s the same people, the same speeches,” said a teacher who declined to give her name. “Young people talk about change, but the reality is different.”

It will showcase items dating back to the Stone Age and tell the story of the country’s past up to the colonial era.

Artefacts include stone tools, traditional weapons, carved stones, and decorative items like cowrie shells and beads.

A human skeleton found in a burial site is also part of the collection. Many of these objects come from different parts of the country and were previously kept by local archaeologists and universities.

The launch also included a new agreement between Côte d'Ivoire and Switzerland to fight the illegal trade in cultural property.

It outlines how to return stolen items and promises better cooperation to protect historical heritage.

Swiss official Elisabeth Baume-Schneider said the agreement builds on the strong relationship between the two countries and their shared goal to protect cultural history.

The museum adds to a growing tourist attraction in the area that includes a man-made lake, a forest, and a hippopotamus reserve, offering visitors a chance to explore both nature and history in one place.

Long regarded as a beacon of economic reform and political recovery in West Africa, Côte d’Ivoire now finds itself at the frontline of a new kind of conflict: information warfare. Fake news, AI-generated videos, anonymous messaging campaigns, and shadowy foreign influence operations threaten to destabilise its fragile democratic gains.

In response, the Ivorian government has launched one of the continent’s most structured and comprehensive strategies to counter the threat. The aim is not only to protect political stability but also to maintain investor confidence and regional leadership.

A two-pronged defence

At the heart of the government’s response is Amadou Coulibaly, Minister of Communication and government spokesperson. Under his guidance, Côte d’Ivoire has pursued a twin-track approach: civic resilience and cyber coordination.

First, the government is investing in media literacy . Radio and online campaigns aim to sharpen critical thinking skills, while schools are rolling out modules to educate teenagers on spotting misinformation. “We cannot fight disinformation solely through repression,” says Coulibaly. “We must empower citizens to be vigilant consumers of content”.

Second, the state has intensified cybersecurity coordination through collaboration between the Ministry of Communication and the National Agency for the Security of Information Systems (ANSSI). Their remit includes monitoring social networks, partnering with major digital platforms, and shielding critical state infrastructure from digital intrusion.

This dual effort mirrors European initiatives such as France’s national agency against information manipulation, under the Secretariat-General for Defence and National Security (SGDSN). But Côte d’Ivoire’s programme is perhaps more striking for having emerged in a context of limited resources and higher vulnerability.

A regional laboratory

The stakes are geopolitical as well as domestic. As Abidjan gains stature as a financial and diplomatic hub bridging Francophone Africa, the Gulf , Europe, and Asia, disinformation campaigns have proliferated. Some are suspected to originate from regional rivals such as Burkina Faso; others from global actors with interests in disrupting West Africa’s balance of power.

The motivation is clear. Undermining trust in democratic institutions and amplifying political tensions could reduce Côte d’Ivoire’s leverage in regional negotiations, weaken its economic trajectory, and even erode international partnerships. This is why, according to political adviser and Grand Chancellor Ally Coulibaly—former foreign minister and long-time confidant of President Alassane Ouattara—“controlling the narrative is now as strategic as controlling territory”.

From defence to model

If Côte d’Ivoire can maintain this path—combining credible governance, digital innovation, and public trust—it may become a model for other nations navigating similar storms. It also sends a message to external actors that African democracies are no longer passive targets in the information age.

Yet challenges remain. The political environment is tense. Former President Laurent Gbagbo retains a loyal base. Tidjane Thiam, once a potential unifier of the opposition, has been sidelined. Meanwhile, the current administration has yet to confirm whether President Ouattara will seek a fourth term. In this climate, the line between legitimate dissent and manipulated outrage is dangerously thin.

For now, Côte d’Ivoire’s approach offers a case study in practical resilience. Its progress is closely watched—not just in African capitals but in Brussels, Washington, Riyadh and Silicon Valley. With elections looming and misinformation campaigns on the rise globally, Abidjan may offer more than just an African example; it could become a global benchmark.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Jack Zaoui is the France correspondent for Global South World , an international media outlet focused on the dynamics of the Global South. A recognised expert in economics and geopolitics, he regularly contributes in-depth analysis, offering a unique perspective on global power shifts, economic transformations, and contemporary strategic balances. With an international background, Jack Zaoui has lived in France, Israel, and several other countries—an experience that enriches his reporting and sharpens his understanding of global issues.

Côte d’Ivoire is the second-largest cocoa producer in the world. The country sends between 200,000 and 300,000 tonnes of cocoa to the United States each year for the production of chocolate, among other things.

Côte d’Ivoire’s agriculture minister, Kouassi Adjoumani, warned that the country could raise the price of cocoa in response to the new U.S. tariffs. He said this would lead to higher chocolate prices for everyone.

“When you tax our product that we export to your country, we will increase the price of cocoa and that will have a repercussion on the price to the consumer,” he was quoted by the NorthAfrica Post .

The country already plans to cut cocoa exports because of poor harvests.

Heavy rains have hit cocoa farms two years in a row, damaging crops. Many farmers are also struggling with a disease called Cocoa Swollen Shoot Virus, which has reduced cocoa harvests by up to half in some areas.

Cocoa is very important to Côte d’Ivoire’s economy . It brings in about half of the country’s export income and gives jobs to one in five people in the country.

Experts believe Côte d’Ivoire may increase its cocoa export tax to deal with the new U.S. tariffs, which could push global cocoa prices even higher.

Côte d'Ivoire has reported 136 confirmed cases of dengue fever as of June 2024, with the epicentre in the Abidjan district of Cocody-Bingerville. The announcement was made by Dr. Alexandre Koffi Franklin during a capacity-building workshop at the National Institute of Public Hygiene (INHP) in Treichville. Dr. Koffi emphasised the importance of eliminating mosquito breeding sites and using insecticide-treated bed nets to curb the spread of the disease, the Ivorian Press Agency reports. Dengue fever, a viral disease transmitted by Aedes mosquitoes, presents symptoms such as high fever, severe headaches, joint and muscle pain, and, in severe cases, can lead to hypotension, skin rashes, or even death. The government declared an epidemic in 2023 and has since intensified awareness campaigns to encourage preventive measures.

Abnormal fish mortality

The Ministry of Animal and Fisheries Resources has announced precautionary measures following the discovery of abnormal fish mortality in Lake "La Piscine" in Sikensi, located 83.6 km from Abidjan. Authorities have temporarily banned fishing, consumption, and sale of fish from the affected area while awaiting laboratory test results. A report by the Ivorian Press Agency indicated that a team of experts has been deployed to investigate the cause, with preliminary findings pointing to potential contamination from pesticides, the release of toxins from lake sediments, or a decrease in dissolved oxygen levels.

Dual nationality debate

Former Ivorian President, now leader of the African Peoples Party-Côte d'Ivoire (PPA-CI), Laurent Gbagbo, has addressed the issue of dual nationality during a party event in Marcory. He stated, "We can't play at being a little Ivorian, a little French, a little Danish. We are or we are not," Fratmat.Info reports. Gbagbo revealed that although he was eligible for French nationality due to his father's veteran status, he never pursued it. His comments come amid growing debate over dual nationality, sparked by PDCI leader Tidjane Thiam’s announcement of his intent to renounce French nationality to qualify as a candidate for the October 2025 presidential election.

Presidential election campaign begins

The rally ahead of the October 2025 presidential election in Ivory Coast has officially begun, with Jean-Louis Billon, candidate for the African Democratic Rally (RDA), launching his campaign on February 8, 2025, in Yopougon. While leading a procession of supporters, he addressed a cheering crowd at Place CP1. The rally, infused with a concert, featured performances by Zouglou artist Sami Succès, Fratmat.Info reports. Meanwhile, PDCI President Tidjane Thiam announced on February 7, 2025, his decision to renounce his French nationality to meet the constitutional requirement for candidacy in the upcoming election. This move aligns with growing nationalist sentiments and ensures his eligibility in the race against ruling party contenders.

French military base retrocession

Ivory Coast will officially regain control of the French military base in Port-Bouët on February 20, 2025, marking another step in France's military disengagement from Africa. The retrocession follows months of negotiations between the two nations. Defence ministers Téné Birahima Ouattara (Ivory Coast) and Sébastien Lecornu (France) are expected to attend the transfer ceremony. President Alassane Ouattara initially announced the handover during his New Year's address, signalling a shift in Ivorian-French military cooperation and a reconfiguration of France's defence presence in West Africa, Jeune Afrique reports.

She officially kicked off the challenge this Wednesday with the completion and validation of her first portrait - an artistic tribute to President Alassane Ouattara.

Beyond setting a record, Amon aims to engage with the public in a unique and meaningful way. She announced that selected spectators will have the opportunity to be immortalised through her art , capturing their effigies with her signature Papy-art style.

In a heartfelt philanthropic gesture, proceeds from the sale of her art pieces will be donated to support children battling cancer, in collaboration with the Ministry of Health.

"I’m calling on all Ivorians to come out, witness history in the making, and support this challenge," said Amon. "Together, we can turn art into a force for good."

The traditional preparation process includes peeling, grating, and mixing cassava roots with fermented cassava before pressing to remove starch, drying, and steaming to achieve a couscous-like texture.

Known for its affordability and accessibility, attiéké is often served as an alternative to rice, accompanied by chicken, fish, or spicy tomato-based sauces.

Earlier this year, the African Intellectual Property Organization granted a collective trademark for attiéké, protecting its name from misuse outside Côte d’Ivoire.

As a result, almost all wine consumed domestically is imported, including bulk shipments of lower-quality wines for local bottling.

Most Ivorian wine consumers are concentrated in the forested south, especially around coastal cities, where a thriving marketplace has supported consistent demand. However, in 2024, Côte d’Ivoire's wine imports dropped by 23%, with imports totalling $26.4 million by July.

Economic pressures, including global inflation, currency fluctuation, rising commodity and fuel prices, and lingering effects from the Russia-Ukraine conflict, have contributed to shrinking consumer budgets, reducing demand for imported wines.

The report further indicated that, across sub-Saharan Africa, only 17 countries, including Côte d’Ivoire, South Africa, and Kenya, report national customs data on wine imports. Together, these countries imported a combined $295.7 million in wine in 2023.

Cote d'Ivoire has introduced direct debit as the sole method of tax payment. According to APA News , the government aims to optimise tax collection with this measure. On Wednesday, May 22, 2024, an ordinance amending Article 97 of the tax procedure book, along with the related ratification bill, was adopted at the end of a Council of Ministers meeting held at the presidential palace. This ordinance establishes "direct debit as the sole method of tax payment" for taxpayers connected to a real taxation system, intending to address the issues caused by other payment methods.

Top-rated sovereign in Sub-Saharan Africa

Côte d’Ivoire has surpassed South Africa to become the top-rated sovereign in sub-Saharan Africa, according to S&P Global Ratings. This is due to an improving debt profile and the issuance of $2.6 billion in Eurobonds, demonstrating the country’s fiscal strength. The North Africa Post also reports that Cote d'Ivoire's economy is projected to expand by 6.5% in 2024, and the yield on its debt has fallen to a low level. The IMF projects a robust growth rate for Côte d’Ivoire, despite a decline in cocoa production.

Cocoa farmers struggle to live

Ivorian cocoa farmers in Aboude face challenges due to climate change and market inequality. They also face decreased cocoa harvests and struggle to make a living. According to Aljazeera , international chocolate companies profit while farmers barely survive. The government has raised cocoa prices, but farmers still hope for further increases. “We have to check on our fruit daily. Every three months, it becomes ripe and we can harvest it. But harvest hasn’t been good at all lately,” says Magne Akoua, a cocoa farmer. The global chocolate market is worth billions, but local farmers struggle to compete with multinational companies. Farmers question who benefits from their cocoa and hope to see more of the profits.

Ouatarra to participate in Ukraine Peace Summit

Ukrainian President Zelensky has confirmed that Ivorian President Alassane Ouattara will participate in the Peace Summit. Zelensky had a telephone conversation with Ivorian President Alassane Ouattara to discuss bilateral relations and international cooperation."In the spring, Ukraine opened an embassy in Abidjan. I expect this will significantly enhance communication between our countries. Ukrainian peacekeepers made a significant contribution to restoring peace in Côte d'Ivoire. Now, Ukraine needs a just peace. Therefore, I am glad I can count on Côte d'Ivoire's participation in the Peace Summit," Zelensky wrote on his Telegram channel. He also congratulated Ouattara on the upcoming Africa Day, reports Interfax Ukraine .

Côte d’Ivoire to recycle polypropylene bags

LafargeHolcim Côte d'Ivoire, a cement company, is partnering with Grafica Ivoire to recycle polypropylene bags into various products, including school kits. According to APA News , the companies have also launched a pilot sanitation program to promote environmentally responsible practices. This initiative demonstrates their commitment to sustainable development and compliance with environmental regulations in Côte d’Ivoire.

This piece goes deeper into the most widely spoken languages across the globe and the countries they echo the most, according to Ethnologue . Prepare to be surprised by the findings!

English, a language that has transcended its Anglo-Saxon roots to become a global language stands at the apex of language supremacy. With approximately 1.5 billion speakers worldwide, English is the most widely spoken language in the world. It is the primary language of countries like the United States of America, the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia. It is also largely spoken in many other countries, including India and South Africa.

Mandarin Chinese is the language with the largest base of native speakers with its 1.1 billion speakers. As the official language of the Republic of China and Taiwan, it also enjoys a significant number of speakers in Singapore and Malaysia.

Hindi, the major lingua franca of India, boasts around 610 million speakers. It is not only spoken in India but also in Nepal, Fiji, and Mauritius. This reflects the Indian diaspora's reach.

The Spanish language, with its 559 million speakers, has a widespread presence not only in Spain but also throughout Latin America, excluding Brazil. It is also one of the most studied languages in the United States and is spoken by a significant number of people in the Philippines.

Known for its diplomatic and colonial history, French has about 310 million speakers globally. It is the official language in France, Belgium, Switzerland, and Canada's Quebec province. It is also spoken in various African countries like Cote d'Ivoire, Burkina Faso, and Mali which were once French colonies.

Modern Standard Arabic serves as a unifying language across the Arab world, from Morocco to Oman. While there are many dialects of Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic is used in media and education. It has 274 million speakers worldwide.

Other languages with a significant number of speakers include Bengali which boasts of 273 million speakers, Portuguese boasts of 264, Russian 255 and Urdu 232. These languages echo in the lives of millions and shape the cultural contours of nations like Bangladesh, Brazil, Russia, and Pakistan, respectively.

Here are the top five cocoa-producing nations whose annual surplus continually boosts their gross domestic products (GDPs).

Cote d'Ivoire

Cote d'Ivoire continues to hold its position as the leading cocoa-producing nation globally by contributing 44% of the total production. According to a 2024 report from Statista , Cote d'Ivoire harvested around 1.45 million tons of cocoa beans in the 2012/2013 season. The country is projected to increase cocoa production to 1.8 million tons by the end of the 2024 season.

Ghana

As usual, Ghana closely follows, contributing 14% to the world's total cocoa production. According to Joseph Aidoo , the Chief Executive Officer of the Ghana Cocoa Board, the country is projected to produce between 650,000 to 700,000 tons of cocoa beans by the end of the 2023-2024 season, compared to an earlier forecast of 850,000 tons. The season concludes in September.

Ecuador

Ecuador typically produces an average of 337,000 tons of cocoa annually. However, in the 2022/2023 crop year, production increased to 454,000 tons . As the third-largest cocoa producer, it holds a 9% share of the global output. Nevertheless, forecasts indicate a slight dip in production for the 2023/2024 season, with an expected output of 430 thousand tons, lower than the previous year's yield.

Cameroon

Cameroon contributes 6% of the world's total cocoa production in 300,000 metric tons. Statista projects Cameroon to produce 300,000 tons of cocoa in the 2023/2024 crop year. The country has always shown its prowess in cocoa production, producing 225,000 tons of cocoa beans in 2012/2013.

Nigeria

Just like Cameroon, Nigeria contributes 6% of the global cocoa production. Visual Capitalist shows Nigeria produced around 280,000 tons of cocoa beans in 2022. The country, however, produced around 238,000 tons of cocoa beans in 2023, according to Statista . It is expected to improve with a production of about 270 thousand tons in 2023/2024.

While cocoa farmers in Cameroon and Nigeria have reaped the benefits of liberalized markets, their counterparts in Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana have largely missed out due to predetermined prices set by regulators. However, there are signs of potential change as the Ivorian president considers raising the farmgate price to better support local farmers.

Despite the soaring cocoa prices, African farmers continue to struggle to make ends meet. Research by Make Chocolate Fair revealed that, on average, African cocoa farmers receive merely 6 cents from every $1 spent on a chocolate bar. This share falls far short of providing a sustainable livelihood for these farmers and their families, trapping many in poverty.

“For the euro of the selling price that consumers in Germany pay for a bar of chocolate, almost eight cents go to the cocoa farmers. This amount is far too low to be able to live on it. While all other players in the chocolate supply chain make profits, most cocoa farmers cannot cover the costs of production and livelihood. The majority of cocoa farming families live in poverty,” the report indicated.

With these disparities in the supply chain, advocates have called for fairer pricing mechanisms and greater support for farmers to ensure a more equitable distribution of wealth throughout the industry.

Andrew Moriarty, price reporting manager at Mintec, described the market as "out of control," indicating widespread apprehension among market participants. The root cause of this unprecedented surge lies in poor weather conditions and disease outbreaks that have severely impacted crop yields in key cocoa-producing countries such as Ivory Coast and Ghana. These nations collectively supply over two-thirds of the world's cocoa beans.

Moriarty noted the dire situation faced by processors and manufacturers alike, struggling to procure enough cocoa butter and cocoa liquor, which has further fueled the upward trajectory of prices.

Decades of low prices have left farmers in West Africa struggling to maintain their plantations, resulting in aging and vulnerable cocoa trees susceptible to disease and extreme weather events. The consequence has been a global cocoa shortfall for the third consecutive year, precipitating an extraordinary rally in cocoa prices.

Judy Ganes, an independent soft commodities consultant, remarked, "The handwriting was on the wall for a long time that there was going to be a major reduction in supply this year," indicating the predictability of the current crisis, the Financial Times reports.

The industry now finds itself in a state of panic as efforts to secure sufficient cocoa beans to meet consumer demand intensify.

What they said

Steve Wateridge, a cocoa expert from Tropical Research Services, emphasised the need for substantial demand reduction to align with the supply challenges, pointing to the critical imbalance in the market. He said, “We need massive demand destruction to catch up with the supply destruction." Meanwhile, two undisclosed sources revealed that even global trader Cargill faced challenges in sourcing beans for its primary processing plant in Ivory Coast, leading to a temporary shutdown for about a week last month. Cargill has not responded to requests for comments, Reuters reports.

According to the report , businesses are suffering the brunt of climate change which has affected revenue, cost and investments.

Côte d’Ivoire risks seeing key economic sectors, cocoa and energy sectors underperform and real GDP reducing to about 13% by 2050.

The World Bank notes that urban expansion in the country is leading to increasing climate change impact and affecting economic productivity.

The report further estimated the cost of climate change action for the country at $22 billion or an annual average cost of about 2%.

The international financial institution has therefore called for scaled-up efforts to address the growing pace of climate change in the country by tackling deforestation and reforming the cocoa value chain.

There’s also the need to reform regulatory, institutional and climate-related foundations to address the issue while mobilising the private sector to play a more significant role in climate adaptation and mitigation.