In his message, Tchiroma alleged that security forces loyal to what he called an “illegitimate regime” used lethal force against demonstrators who took to the streets after the vote. He said the victims were ordinary citizens defending their ballots. 

“They fell so that the truth may live. They were Cameroonians. They were our martyrs,” he said.

The opposition leader outlined a series of directives for the day of mourning, urging the complete suspension of commercial activity, government services, and public operations nationwide. 

According to him, the shutdown is meant to create a unified moment of reflection across the country.

Tchiroma also appealed to religious communities, requesting that Christians, Muslims, and people of other faiths gather in places of worship for collective prayer. 

A central part of Friday’s planned observance is a minute of silence scheduled for noon. Tchiroma called on Cameroonians living abroad to join the moment as well, saying the diaspora remains an integral part of the movement challenging the disputed election results.

“This will not be an ordinary day … It will be a day of silence, remembrance, reflection — and resistance,” he said, arguing that public participation would demonstrate continued opposition to the government.

During his address, Tchiroma announced the creation of a victims’ support fund intended to assist families of those killed or detained during the post-election crackdown. 

The call for a national observance comes days after Tchiroma issued a 48-hour ultimatum demanding the release of all detained protesters. Authorities freed a small number of minors during that period, but he dismissed the move as a “masquerade,” insisting that many more remain in custody and alleging that arrests are ongoing.

Tchiroma also delivered a forceful rejection of any attempt at political compromise. 

“I will not back down. I will not negotiate. I will never capitulate,” he declared, accusing the administration of President Paul Biya of violating its oath of office and “stealing” the election.

Tchiroma reiterated that he considers his claim to the presidency non-negotiable, saying his “mandate” would be defended “at any cost,” in the name of “justice, dignity, and the future of Cameroon.” 

“The corrupt Biya regime in Cameroon hunts its political opponents, enables Wagner’s illicit activities, and has created conditions for jihadist groups like Boko Haram and ISIS to thrive and fuel the Anglophone crisis,” Risch wrote on November 4.

The US senator was referring to the Wagner Group, a Russian state-funded paramilitary organisation, and the Boko Haram, a jihadist militant group that has troops in Nigeria , Chad, Niger and Mali.

While Washington has had diplomatic ties with Youanda since 1960, Risch asserted that Cameroon “is not a US partner.”

“It’s time to reassess this relationship before the blowback gets worse,” he said. 

A former French colony, Cameroon has always struggled with managing the divide between its Anglophone and Francophone regions.

This age-old conflict has caused separatist groups to mushroom, further intensifying the instability of the Central African country.

While criticisms of the 92-year-old Biya are not new, Risch’s comments are significant as the US has a formal allyship with Cameroon. Its president, Donald Trump , has also been keen on peacemaking during his second term. 

In an archived page in the US Department of State Website, Cameroon was described as a “key” player in regional stability and a “regional partner in countering terrorism in the Lake Chad Region and anti-piracy efforts in the Gulf of Guinea.”

The two countries have had a bilateral investment treaty in place since 1986, and Washington has provided nearly $1.7 billion in foreign assistance since 2001.

“I therefore ask all Cameroonians, wherever they are, to stay at home for three days to demonstrate their dissatisfaction and their commitment to fight until the truth of the ballot box, which we claim, prevails and we can recover our victory,” he said. 

Tchiroma made the call in a video to his supporters. Fearing his security , he has been in an unknown location since the proclamation, when he claimed protesters outside his house were being shot at. 

If Cameroonians heed his call, the “ghost town” protest will run until November 6 — the same day Biya is scheduled for inauguration for his eighth term as Cameroon president.

The statement did not address widespread allegations of electoral fraud .

“Cameroonians have exercised their free will and made a rational choice, one based on experience and wisdom, a choice that guarantees peace and stability in Cameroon,” Communication Minister Rene Emmanuel Sadi said. 

Biya’s latest win — his eighth since first taking power in 1982 — has been widely contested.

While his 53.66% vote share was his lowest since 1992, it was still enough to secure him another seven-year term, which would end just shortly before his 100th birthday and extend his rule to 49 years.

Protests before and after the official proclamation on 27 October have been marred by violence. Four people were killed in a demonstration in Douala, Cameroon’s commercial capital, a day before Biya’s victory was confirmed.

Opposition leader Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who placed second in the Constitutional Council’s tally, has repeatedly insisted that he was the true winner and called on Cameroonians to protest by staying away from work.

Sadi said such “hasty” declarations of victory and calls for insurrection threaten not only peace but also economic development.

“The Government strongly condemns the hasty proclamation of victory by one candidate, as well as the radical challenge to the final verdict of the Constitutional Council confirming the victory of incumbent President Paul Biya,” he wrote. 

“These are all unacceptable actions, for which both the perpetrators and the instigators are responsible.” 

Biya is set to begin his eighth term during his inauguration on November 6.

Meanwhile, in Ivory Coast, President Alassane Ouattara coasted to victory after earning 90% of votes cast in the October 25 elections . The win handed Ouattara his fourth, five-year term, which would extend his rule to 20 years. 

More astounding was President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s win in Tanzania, as the country’s electoral body declared she won 98% of the vote in a widely participated election — 87% of registered voters turned out, compared with 50% in 2020. 

While these electoral wins are separated by distance and circumstance, the three are bound by ties that extend beyond their status as reelectionists and leaders in Africa. 

Opposition barred

One of the most glaring similarities between the Cameroon, Ivory Coast and Tanzania elections was that major opposition bets were barred from running — many of them disqualified on questionable grounds. 

In Cameroon, veteran politician and lawyer Maurice Kamto was dropped from the candidates' list after his party, the Movement for the Renaissance of Cameroon, fell into disarray after internal disputes led to rival endorsements. Before his candidacy came to an abrupt end, he was widely regarded as the strongest challenger to Biya. 

Ivory Coast’s electoral body stripped two challengers of their eligibility: Tidjane Thiam, whose acquisition of a French citizenship was seen as an automatic forfeiture of his Ivorian citizenship, and Laurent Gbagbo, the country’s former president who was barred over a 2018 criminal conviction.

Two opposition candidates were also prohibited from running in Tanzania, namely Chadema’s Tundu Lissu, who spent two months in jail for treason over his calls for fair elections, and Luhaga Mpina of ACT-Wazalendo.

Irregularities 

With the questionable disqualification of key challengers, many have alleged irregularities in the three elections. 

Even before this year’s polls, Cameroon has often been portrayed as a country practicing electoral autocracy — meaning it holds elections regularly, but ones that fall short of democratic standards. 

Opposition bet Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who placed second according to the Constitutional Court’s results, claimed he had won the October 12 vote with a 54.8% share of votes, based on partial data. 

Allegations of irregularities in the Ivorian polls primarily stem from the removal of key candidates from the ballots, resulting in what observers label as a “non-competitive” election. Residents said the election was held under a climate of fear, too, with a heavy police presence observed in the days leading up to, and after, the vote. 

In Tanzania, evidence of electoral fraud was more blatant, as the country entered an information blackout with the internet shut down. The European Union later slammed the “lack of level playing field” and “large number of fatalities and significant injuries” in the polls.

Protest and violence

Four protesters were killed a day before Biya’s proclamation in Cameroon, with many more reported to be hurt in demonstrations that have taken over major parts of the country, including its commercial capital, Douala. 

Biya has acknowledged this violence, but his government was quick to flip the script, blaming “perpetrators and instigators” who alleged electoral fraud for fuelling post-election chaos.

Meanwhile, protests in Ivory Coast had largely been quashed by the government as dozens of demonstrators were arrested for public order offences, in what Amnesty International described as a clear sign of repression.

Post-election violence in Tanzania was the most alarming, as the opposition claimed the death toll had reached 700. The actual count, they said, could be much higher as more killings took place during a nighttime curfew. 

Tanzania’s foreign minister dismissed the violence as a "few isolated pockets of incidents here and there,” adding the internet shutdown was a necessary measure to save lives. 

“It was very certain that Biya was going to clinch another victory,” said Amindeh Blaise Atabong, a Yaounde-based journalist who covers politics and society. “He has the apparatus.”

At 92, Biya is one of Africa’s longest-serving leaders and the world’s oldest head of state. Over 42 years in power, he has built a vast political machinery that critics say extends well beyond the bounds of legality — and deep into the electoral process itself.

Atabong said many Cameroonians have lost faith in the ballot box entirely. The International Foundation for Electoral Systems has described the country as an “electoral autocracy,” one that holds regular votes but fails to meet basic democratic standards.

Protests erupted even before the official proclamation of results, triggering violent clashes in Douala, Cameroon’s commercial capital, that left at least four people dead. 

There were even reports from opposition candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who finished second with 35.2% of the vote, of civilians outside his home being shot at hours before the announcement.

“It was very, very tense, and it has only gotten worse since then, especially after the proclamation of the results,” Atabong told Global South World. 

Biya has acknowledged the post-election violence in a brief statement released online shortly after being declared the winner, in what was his first and only public comment since re-election.

As protests swell across the country, uncertainty now hangs over Biya’s new seven-year term — including whether he will even be able to see it through, which would leave him in office until just shy of his 100th birthday.

“It's possible,” Atabong said when asked if Biya could step down before the term ends. “We've seen that in other places in Africa, with the most recent example being Madagascar, where the president had to flee because of popular protests.”

“So, everything is possible. We can’t rule that out.”

Change or nothing

Biya is set to be inaugurated on November 6 in Cameroon’s capital, Yaoundé. 

Atabong said the president returns to power over a country increasingly weary of the same leadership, with frustration especially high among the youth, a generation that feels locked out of opportunity and excluded from decision-making.

“The youth are really frustrated. Most of them are trying to leave the country. They are fed up with the system, which is mostly owned by octogenarians,” he said. 

Now entering his eighth term, Biya faces a Cameroon under growing strain, from global shocks such as the wars in Ukraine and Gaza to domestic challenges including the long-running Boko Haram insurgency and deep linguistic divisions between the country’s English- and French-speaking regions.

With a 92-year-old president who frequently disappears from public view, questions are mounting over whether Biya remains fit to govern.

“Economically, the country is shrinking, there is bad governance , there is corruption, there is high level of unemployment, the cost of living is high, and we have not really capitalised on the transformation of most of our local resources,” Atabong said. 

“All of that put together, it's a cocktail that can easily degenerate.”

Ruling for more than four decades has left Cameroon deeply dependent on Biya’s grip. Still, Atabong said many citizens are bracing for the inevitable instability that will follow his eventual exit, whenever that comes.

“There is no indication that he is ready to step down because after he modified the constitution in 2008, striking off the term limit, he is still free constitutionally to go in for another mandate after this current one, which he just won,” he said.

“People just want change, even if it means moving from bad to worse.”

What now?

For now, as Biya remains out of public view, opposition figures continue to contest the results of the October 12 election.

Tchiroma had called for a three-day national lockdown, urging Cameroonians to “let the entire country come to a standstill,” to show the world that “we are resisting and that we will not yield” and to remind the Biya government that “the strength of an economy is its people.”

However, following violent clashes outside his Garoua home, Tchiroma was reportedly forced to flee with the help of “loyalist army” members, a move that, if confirmed, could signal growing cracks within Biya’s own ranks.

“The way going forward, I think it will depend on a couple of factors. First of all, it depends on within the rank of the security forces,” Atabong said. “If that doesn't happen, then I think not long from now, the riots will grow. So, it all depends on the days ahead, how it's going to play out.”

Atabong also noted the muted reaction abroad. The African Union even congratulated the longtime Cameroonian president in a statement that also expressed concern over the post-election unrest in the country.

“Since Cameroon, and largely Africa, has been a diplomatic battlefield, most of the foreign powers are very cautious on how they go about relations with the incoming government,” he said.

“Big countries like the US, maybe Russia, maybe China, they will more or less end up at lip service and be more cautious about how they comment on the developments in Cameroon because they have their interest in the country,” he added. “For now, the international community is failing Cameroon.”

With just days to go before Biya’s November 6 inauguration, unrest continues to define the political climate. What unfolds in the coming days could determine not only the next seven years of Biya’s rule, but also whether Cameroon’s fragile calm can hold at all.

“To this effect, the Chairperson extends congratulations to His Excellency Paul BIYA on his victory, as the re-elected President of the Republic of Cameroon,” the African Union said in a letter disseminated online. 

Mahmoud’s brief salutation to Biya was followed by an extended expression of concern over multiple reported incidents of post-electoral violence in Cameroon. 

Since October 12, reports have swirled online about violence and repression targeting Biya dissidents. Four protesters were killed in a protest in Cameroon's commercial capital, Douala, a day before the proclamation.

On the day the Constitutional Court announced the winner, candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who placed second in the polls, wrote on social media that civilians were being shot at outside his residence. 

Security around Tchiroma’s residence has since been fortified, photos from Reuters show. 

“The Chairperson is gravely concerned about the reported violence, repression and arrests of protesters and political actors in connection with the election results,” the African Union statement read. 

“The AUC Chairperson of calls on all institutional and political actors to exercise restraint and work towards the preservation of social cohesion, peace and stability in Cameroon,” it continued. 

In his first and only public statement so far since reelection, Biya condoled with those “who have unnecessarily lost their lives [as] a result of post-election violence.” 

Biya will be inaugurated on November 6 in Yaounde, the capital of Cameroon. 

Candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who placed second with 35.2% of the vote, claimed civilians outside his Garoua home were being shot at hours before the proclamation, triggering widespread concern.

“Urgent: Currently at my home in Garoua, they are shooting at civilians who are camping in front of my house,” Tchiroma wrote on Facebook on Monday. “The assault is on.” 

Reports from the ground relayed to Global South World indicate growing fear among Cameroonians.

While allegations of vote rigging are not new in the country — nearly every election has been accused of favouring Biya — sources say his government is now responding to these claims not with restraint, but with force.

Biya’s victory was confirmed after Cameroon’s Constitutional Council dismissed all eight petitions alleging electoral irregularities, any of which could have led to the partial or total cancellation of the polls .

Opposition groups, including Tchiroma, have rejected the results. The former Biya ally claimed on social media that he was the real winner and accused the council of being “complicit in a breach of trust.”

Biya, meanwhile, sought to present himself as a magnanimous victor and unifying leader, acknowledging the “weight of the responsibility” and the “great expectations” of his “compatriots.”

“At this point in time when the sovereign people have once again placed their trust in me for a new term of office, my first thoughts are with all those who have unnecessarily lost their lives, as well with their families, as a result of the post-election violence.”

Official results announced on Monday showed Biya winning 53.7% of the vote, compared with 35.2% for his main challenger, Issa Tchiroma Bakary. Opposition groups, however, had rejected the outcome, alleging widespread fraud and irregularities that they said heavily favoured the incumbent.

Tensions flared in the days following the October 12 poll. Bakary, a former ally turned rival, appeared on video claiming victory, while his Union for Change coalition released a statement declaring him the “ People ’s Consensus Candidate” and asserting that results from polling stations showed he had won between 60% and 80% of the vote.

Protests erupted as the official proclamation loomed, leading to violent clashes in Douala that left at least four people dead. Bakary later called for calm and urged supporters to respect the results of the vote, even as opposition leaders vowed to challenge the outcome.

Cameroon’s elections have long been shadowed by allegations of manipulation and repression. 

The International Foundation for Electoral Systems describes the country as an “electoral autocracy” — one that holds regular polls but consistently fails to meet basic democratic standards.

“People don't trust the process,” said Tony Vinyoh, a Cameroonian journalist, in an interview with Global South World in September. “I’ve talked to some parents, and they don't even want to register their kids.”

Biya is only Cameroon’s second president, succeeding Ahmadou Ahidjo, who led from independence in 1960 until his resignation in 1982. Ahidjo’s decision to appoint Biya as his successor backfired when the new leader later had him tried and sentenced to death — a penalty later commuted to life imprisonment.

Cameroon has never held a presidential election without Biya on the ballot. He ran unopposed in 1984 when the country was still a one-party state, and narrowly won in 1992, the first multiparty election. His vote share has not fallen below 70% until this year.

Biya did not appear during the proclamation, fuelling speculation about his health and ability to govern. 

In 2024, the ageing president vanished from public view for 42 days, reigniting debate over whether he remains fit to lead a nation still battling insurgency and lagging behind many of its African neighbours in development.

He called on longtime incumbent President Paul Biya, who has been in power for 43 years and is seeking an eighth term, to concede defeat and facilitate a peaceful handover of power. “Call the winner, congratulate them, and notify them of your willingness to organise a smooth transition,” Bakary urged, warning that failure to do so could trigger “upheavals and convulsions” in the country.

Bakary also cautioned against the announcement of what he described as “falsified and truncated results,” saying Cameroonians would reject any form of electoral manipulation or ballot stuffing.

The opposition leader further encouraged Cameroonians to remain united and resilient, insisting that “the international community and neighbouring countries will not intervene” in the country’s political transition.

The nation now awaits the official results from the Constitutional Council, which alone is empowered to declare the winner of the presidential election.

Arrests, protests, and power struggles — Africa’s young people are once again taking to the streets, challenging systems older than their parents. Across the continent, pre-election crackdowns and generational frustration are colliding, revealing deep cracks in long-standing regimes.

Nowhere is that tension more visible than in Côte d'Ivoire, where authorities have intensified arrests of activists, journalists, and opposition figures ahead of the October 25 elections. President Alassane Ouattara, 83, is seeking another term, even as many of his rivals — including former president Laurent Gbagbo and ex–Credit Suisse CEO Tidjane Thiam — have been disqualified.

Madagascar: Gen-Z protests then the military take over

Weeks of youth-led protests in Madagascar have reshaped the country’s leadership. The military stepped in after mass demonstrations forced the government to collapse.

Over 60% of Madagascar’s population is under 25, and youth unemployment sits around 14%. This generation, frustrated by economic stagnation and corruption , coordinated their protests digitally through TikTok, WhatsApp, and Telegram.

But as in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, the promise of change may prove fleeting. Many of Africa’s Gen Z movements begin with the language of democracy, only to end under military rule.

Cameroon's election overshadowed by age and apathy

In Cameroon, the world waits for the results of a tense election. President Paul Biya, at 92, has ruled for 43 years — longer than most of his citizens have been alive. His challenger, Issa Tchiroma, 76, has already claimed victory and called on Biya to concede, before results have even been released.

Cameroon’s youth - 65% of the population, with a median age of just 18 - are largely disengaged from formal politics after decades of repression. Yet online, their voices are growing louder. Hashtags like #CameroonDecides and #TimeForChange have galvanised diaspora communities in France and Canada, creating new digital pressure on an ageing regime.

While Cameroon’s per capita GDP has risen since Biya took power, the gains have not been evenly felt. High inequality, inflation, and youth joblessness have eroded patience.

Côte d’Ivoire: a narrowing window for democracy

Despite years of peace since its 2011 civil conflict, Côte d'Ivoire’s political climate is tightening. Ouattara’s government is accused of political engineering through disqualifications and arrests.

Though the economy grows at 6% annually, youth unemployment remains high at 12%. Nearly 70% of Ivorians are under 30, yet they’re ruled by leaders from a political era that began before they were born.

Across much of Africa, that generational disconnect is stark: the median age of leaders is 63, while the median age of citizens is just 19.

Africa’s population is expected to double to 2.5 billion by 2050, with young people making up the overwhelming majority. Their demands for accountability, jobs, and representation are reshaping political discourse, often outside traditional systems.

When democratic institutions fail to evolve, the youth find new paths: protest, digital mobilisation, or even backing military “resets” that promise swift change.

Measuring fear in authoritarian states

In countries where citizens fear reprisals, measuring genuine public opinion is notoriously difficult. Researchers can use “list experiments” — indirect surveys that hide sensitive statements among innocuous ones like “I play sport weekly” or “I grow my own vegetables.” Rather than say which ones they agree with, respondents simply say how many statements are true. By establishing an average number of true statements on a control group, researchers can establish what proportion of people disagreed that "The government is doing a good job." without being able to attribute the belief to any individual.

By comparing answers between groups, analysts can estimate true support levels without forcing individuals to speak openly. After the 2021 coup in Mali, such a study revealed that while 74% publicly voiced support for the military government, real approval was closer to 63%.

From Antananarivo to Abidjan, Africa’s Gen Z is demanding something their elders rarely had, accountable leadership. Whether that results in deeper democracy or new forms of control depends on who answers their call.

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World Reframed is produced in London by  Global South  World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

Hours after polls closed, reports from the ground suggested that Tchiroma had a sizable lead over Biya and the 10 other candidates in multiple polling stations, especially overseas. 

These counts, posted online, are unverified. The Constitutional Council has until October 26 to release the official result of what many observers call the most consequential election in Cameroon’s recent history. 

Still, the Union for Change lauded Tchiroma for what it described as a success against the “traditional fraud machine of the ruling State party.” It also called on Biya to “promptly extend his congratulations to the winner” as the “outgoing president.”

Even before the October 12 polls, Tchiroma has been widely considered as one of the top two opposition bets to pit against the incumbent Biya, along with Bella Bouba Maigari of the National Union for Democracy and Progress. 

A former Cameroon employment chief, Tchiroma, received last-minute backing from seven political parties that previously endorsed Hermine Njoya, the lone female challenger. He also signaled a shift away from any hopes of a consolidated opposition, even calling Bouba a coy of the ruling government.

If Tchiroma indeed won as the coalition had claimed, he would take on a historic presidency that would put an end to the 42-year rule of his predecessor. He will also become Cameroon’s third president since its liberation from France in 1960. 

At 76, Tchiroma also brings in a wealth of political experience, though never up to par with the 92-year-old Biya. He has served as a legislator and as minister of transport, communication, and  employment  and vocational training. 

Tchiroma is so enduring in Cameroonian politics that he has traveled across the spectrum — from being one of Biya’s most trusted men, he became a fierce critic that railed against the “broken” government, asserting “a country cannot exist in the service of one man.”

This concludes our live coverage of the October 12, 2025, Cameroon elections. Polls have been closed for over 4 hours across various centres in the country as vote counting continues. According to reports, the Constitutional Council will declare the official outcome by October 26.

21:08 GMT+1 : 3 hours after polls closed, vote counting still continues across the various polling stations

20:39 GMT+1 : At Buea's St. Therese Nursery and Primary School, where the results from all ten polling places have not yet been signed, dozens of voters are still camped out. According to reports, officials have offered opposition representatives blank sheets to sign instead of allowing them to sign result sheets. Voters declare that until the results are signed, they will not depart.

19:25 GMT+1 : Half an hour after polls close, reports of voter exclusion in multiple polling centres surface, casting doubt on vote counting transparency

18:00 GMT+1: Voting ends. Counting — and waiting — begins for the people of Cameroon.

17:30 GMT+1 : Unofficial results from overseas polling stations show Issa Tchiroma Bakary securing a sizable lead over other contenders. Counts that have been reported so far were from Saudi Arabia, Kenya and UAE.

17:00 GMT+1: Cameroon National Citizens’ Movement candidate Jacques Bouhga Hagbe keys in his vote at the Government Bilingual Primary School Essos voting centre in Yaounde. He ran on a platform of solving Cameroon's economic woes, considering his experience as an economist with the International Monetary Fund.

16:50 GMT+1 : UNIVERSE party's Akere Muna Tabeng votes at the Government Bilingual Primary School Bastos in Yaounde. His candidacy had been cut short when he decided to back Bouba weeks before the election in an attempt to front a "consensus candidate" against Biya.

16:40 GMT+1 : Allegations of electoral fraud and ghost voters are swirling online. This is crucial in a country that has been described by the International Foundation for Electoral Systems as practicing "electoral autocracy," or when a government conducts elections regularly but fails to meet standards for democracy, freedom and fairness.

16:30 GMT+1: Situation in voting stations abroad, as some voters allege irregularities and rue strict rules at the embassy.

16:20 GMT+1 : Presidential bet Cabral Libii Li Ngue Ngue of the Cameroon Party for National Reconciliation casts his vote. A former journalist, Libii is a member of the Cameroonian parliament and is one of the youngest candidates at 45.

15:10 GMT+1 : Hiram Iyodi, the youngest presidential candidate this year at 38, casts his ballot in New Bell, Douala II Municipality. Running under the banner of the Cameroonian Democrats Front, Iyodi brings youth to the presidential race, whose median age is nearly 60.

14:50 GMT+1 : Lone female contender Hermine Njoya casts her vote at Njinka Public School in Foumban. Her candidacy marks only the third time a female has eyed the highest government position in Cameroon.

14:20 GMT+1: Presidential candidate Joshua Osih of the Social Democratic Front votes at Lycée Joss in Douala. At 56 years old, Osih is one of the leaders of Cameroon's main opposition party. He is also the first Anglophone Cameroonian to serve as a Parliamentarian in Douala, the country's economic capital.

14:10 GMT+1 : Voters share their experiences and hopes after casting their votes. More than 8 million have registered to vote this year, which equates to less than 30% of Cameroon's 29 million population.

13:50 GMT+1 : Lawyer and politician Maurice Kamto casts his vote. He had been widely considered the strongest challenger to Biya but was excluded from this year's list of candidates after his party, the Movement for the Renaissance of Cameroon, fell into disarray due to internal disputes that led to rival endorsements.

13:20 GMT+1 : Donning his signature blue suit, longtime President Paul Biya, who is also in the running this year, casts his vote at a polling station in Yaounde, the capital of Cameroon. Biya is accompanied by his wife, Chantal.

13:00 GMT+1: Opposition candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary of the Cameroon National Salvation Front votes in Garoua. A former Biya ally, the 76-year-old former Cameroonian employment chief is seen as one of the most formidable opposition figures in the election, with a number of political parties backing his candidacy.

12:50 GMT+1: Presidential candidate Cabral Libii sounds the alarm over an alleged election violence incident in Hile Alifa B Public School, where a mayor supposedly smashed the phone of a representative from the Cameroon Party for National Reconciliation, who "opposes fraud."

11:20 GMT+1 : Opposition candidate Bella Bouba Maigari seals his vote at the polling station in Bascheo. A former Cameroonian prime minister, Bouba has had a close relationship with Biya, until he resigned in June to launch his candidacy against the incumbent leader. He is considered to have one of the strongest chances to topple Biya as candidates Akere Muna and Ateki Seta Caxton both withdrew from the race to back him.

11:20 GMT+1 : Bernard Okalia Bilai, the governor of Cameroon's southwest region, casts his vote. Bilai has been a key figure in managing the conflict between the country's Anglophone and Francophone regions, as well as in addressing separatist movements.

11:15 GMT+1 : Presidential candidate Serge Espoir Matomba of the United People for Social Renovation party casts his vote.

11:00 GMT+1: Reports from the ground indicate less than favorable weather conditions hounding Cameroon's elections. Despite this, no changes are expected or have been announced by the Elecam.

09:30 GMT+1: Biya is expected to vote today at the Government Bilingual Primary School Bastos in Cameroon's capital, Yaounde. He is registered there with his wife, Chantal Biya. 

08:00 GMT+1: Cameroon officially begins one of the most consequential elections in its history. Polling precincts will be open until 6 p.m. for the more than 8 million voters to cast their ballots.

Last-minute support for Biya, Tchiroma

Hours before polls opened, both President Paul Biya and opposition contender Issa Tchiroma secured crucial last-minute endorsements, as several political groups from across Cameroon’s spectrum declared their backing.

Tchiroma, one of the opposition’s “consensus candidates” running under the Cameroon National Salvation Front, gained the support of seven more parties after they withdrew their endorsement of the lone female contender, Hermine Njoya, on the evening of October 11.

“We believe he has genuinely repented and now embodies the change Cameroonians seek,” coalition spokesperson Shewa Jestel said.

But the endorsement underscored divisions within the opposition. The coalition criticised fellow opposition candidate Bella Bouba — also a former Biya ally — calling him an “extension of the regime.” Bouba had earlier won the backing of Akere Muna and Ateki Seta Caxton, who both pulled out of the race to support him.

Biya also drew fresh backing from 48 political parties, bolstering his push for another seven-year term — one that would extend his rule to half a century.

Cameroon warns opposition against ‘illegal’ election result announcements

Cameroon’s Minister of Territorial Administration, Paul Atanga Nji, warned that any attempt by opposition candidates to independently publish election results will be treated as “high treason” and will be addressed through “retaliatory measures.” 

Nji made the remarks on Friday, 2 days before the October 12 vote.

Background

ELECAM, Cameroon's independent electoral body, reports that 8,010,464 voters, including 3,716,567 women and 4,293,897 men, are eligible to cast ballots at 31,653 polling stations.

34,411 out of the total registered voters are citizens abroad, dispersed across 108 polling stations.

Contenders and outcasts

This year’s election pits Biya against 11 candidates, drawn from a record 81 hopefuls. The Constitutional Court disqualified several bids, including that of Hilaire Marcaire Dzipan of the Progressive Movement (MP), whose initial approval by the election body was later revoked.

Another major exclusion was Maurice Kamto of the Movement for the Renaissance of Cameroon, widely regarded as Biya’s strongest challenger. Kamto, who came second in 2018 with 14% of the vote to Biya’s 71%, was barred from running.

Last month, the divided opposition pulled together behind two former ministers: Bello Bouba Maigari, once prime minister, and Issa Tchiroma Bakary, a former employment chief. Both men were once allies of President Paul Biya, the 92-year-old who is seeking an eighth term that would extend his rule into its 50th year. Despite questions about the integrity of the vote, Biya remains among the leading contenders.

Bouba’s candidacy is backed by the UNIVERSE Party and the Liberal Alliance Party (PAL), alongside his own National Union for Democracy and Progress (UNDP). Tchiroma, meanwhile, has won support from other opposition figures, including Anicet Ekane of the Manidem Party.

Consolidation has long been seen as key to unseating Biya. Yet the loose unity now emerging has also raised concerns: rather than concentrating support, two northern candidates may divide it.

“Both say they will fight corruption and introduce structural reforms, but their strongest attribute seems to be their origins,” Cameroonian journalist Tony Vinyoh told Global South World. “They’re both from Cameroon’s three northern regions, the biggest voting bloc in the country. That has also led to fears they’ll split the vote and offer Biya victory.”

Bouba’s coalition only came together after Akere Muna and Seta Carson withdrew their own candidacies to back him. It is the first serious attempt in years to rally the opposition behind one figure after repeated failures to find a consensus.

The following candidates have been confirmed and validated for the October 12 vote:

Paul Biya (Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement)

Ateki Seta Caxton (Alliance Liberal Party)

Bella Bouba Magari (National Union for Democracy and Progress)

Jacques Bougha Hagbe (Cameroon National Citizen Movement)

Issa Tchiroma Bakary (Cameroon National Salvation Front)

Hiram Samuel Iyodi (Cameroonian Democrats Front)

Pierre Kwemo (Union of Socialist Movements)

Cabral Libii Li Ngue Ngue (Cameroon Party for National Reconciliation)

Serge Espoir Matomba (United People for Social Renovation)

Akere Tabeng Muna (Independent)

Joshua Nambangi Osih (Social Democratic Front)

Hermine Patricia Tomaino Epse Ndam Njoya (Cameroon Democratic Union)

Since the list’s release in July, the race has shifted. Akere and Seta have withdrawn to back Bouba, one of the leading opposition figures to have consolidated support. Another contender, Tchiroma, secured backing from the Manidem Party.

Both Bouba and Tchiroma are now seen as the top opposition candidates.

Biya’s dominance

To grasp the scale of Biya’s dominance, one must look to Cameroon’s history.

Biya is only the country’s second president, succeeding Ahmadou Ahidjo, who led from independence in 1960 until resigning in 1982. Ahidjo’s decision to appoint Biya as his successor backfired when the new president later had him tried and sentenced to death — a penalty later commuted to life imprisonment.

Cameroon has never held a presidential election without Biya on the ballot. In 1984, he ran unopposed when Cameroon was still a one-party state. When multiparty elections were introduced in 1992, Biya won with 40% — his narrowest margin. His vote share has not fallen below 70% since.

The world's oldest president, Cameroon's Paul Biya, is chasing an eighth seven-year term. But, there's a renewed opposition blocking his way.

Here’s how Biya won in all the elections he has participated in:

1984 - 100% of votes

1992 - 39.98% of votes

1997 - 92.57% of votes

2004 - 70.92% of votes

2011 - 77.99% of votes

2018 - 71.28% of votes

However, these numbers aren’t to be taken at face value. Nearly all elections have been mired in allegations of vote-rigging. As the International Crisis Group noted, “Given the likely magnitude of the election irregularities, it is almost impossible to determine what percentage of the vote each candidate really won.”

Cameroonian journalist Tony Vinyoh said such allegations have deepened public mistrust in the process.

“People don't trust the process,” he told Global South World. “I’ve talked to some parents, and they don't even want to register their kids.”

Out of a population of 28.3 million, only 8.2 million are registered to vote. Turnout has steadily declined: from 80% in 2004 to 68% in 2011, and just 54% in 2018, according to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems.

What’s at stake

For many, the October vote is about more than leadership — it’s about ending a culture that stifles dissent, discourages meritocracy, and sustains political dynasties as enduring as Biya’s.

“Stability, in Cameroon’s current context, is a deeply misleading term,” Cameroonian journalist Amindeh Atabong wrote in his column for Global South World. “It masks the profound erosion of civil liberties , the stifling of political dissent, and the lack of political will to reform electoral norms in order to sustain one man’s grip on power.”

Cameroon’s population is young, but its leadership is ageing. As problems in education, infrastructure, and the economy deepen, public frustration grows.

“People are worried about the state of their roads, the standards of education. There are parents who are worried about feeding their kids and sending them to school. They are worried about the training they will get in university and whether the training will be useful,” he said.

Elections like that of October 12 give Cameroon the appearance of democracy, but many say the reality remains far removed from its promise.

“Cameroon holds regular elections. It maintains a multiparty system. It boasts a constitutional council and an independent electoral body. But these structures have been hollowed out, their purpose repurposed to preserve a singular political dynasty. There is no viable path to power that doesn’t first pass through the gate Biya has locked shut,” Atabong said.

“Unless opposition leaders find a way to unify, unless citizens reclaim the democratic space stolen from them, Biya’s eighth term will not be his last.”

As Cameroonians prepare to cast their votes, the stakes extend far beyond the ballot box. The election has become a reckoning with decades of stagnation — a test of whether a new generation can reclaim the promise of democracy from the world’s oldest ruler, or whether the familiar machinery of power will once again tighten its hold.

“For close to 10 days now, I've been hearing about platforms created by a presidential candidate purportedly to count ballots in the 10 regions,” Nji said. “I've also learned through international media about a trade union that has set up a platform to count votes and announce the results of the presidential election.”

“There is equally an initiative by a young lawyer in Douala who has created an application to count votes and publish the election results,” he added. “I would like to call on all candidates, especially those conspiring with people of dubious character, with plans to activate these illegal platforms, to abandon this criminal initiative, which cannot prevail.”

The statement followed opposition candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary’s call for President Paul Biya to concede defeat ahead of the vote. Nji accused Tchiroma of planning to declare himself president from his home village. 

“This candidate, who is nursing such outdated and diabolical ideas, should know that his house does not have armoured doors,” he said. “And that in the event of the least blunder, MinAd will take immediate action and law must prevail.”

Reiterating the state’s position, Nji stressed that “only the Constitutional Council has the authority to announce the results of the presidential election after resolving any election-related disputes.” He added that “any unilateral publication of election results is high treason” and warned that those attempting to self-proclaim victory “would have crossed the red line and should be ready to face retaliatory measures commensurate to their crime .”

Cameroon has been ruled by President Biya since 1982, making him one of Africa’s longest-serving leaders. Twelve candidates are contesting this year’s election, but the opposition remains fragmented after failing to unite behind a single challenger to Biya, who is seeking another seven-year term at age 92.

What is clear so far is that October 12 will be a litmus test for Cameroon’s fragile democracy: It could either free itself from the grip of an ageing regime or slip further into the familiar rule of the 92-year-old Biya.

Contenders and outcasts

This year’s election pits Biya against 11 candidates, drawn from a record 81 hopefuls. The Constitutional Court disqualified several bids, including that of Hilaire Marcaire Dzipan of the Progressive Movement (MP), whose initial approval by the election body was later revoked.

Another major exclusion was Maurice Kamto of the Movement for the Renaissance of Cameroon, widely regarded as Biya’s strongest challenger. Kamto, who came second in 2018 with 14% of the vote to Biya’s 71%, was barred from running.

The following candidates have been confirmed and validated for the October 12 vote:

Since the list’s release in July, the race has shifted. Akere and Seta have withdrawn to back Bouba, one of the leading opposition figures to have consolidated support . Another contender, Tchiroma, secured backing from the Manidem Party. 

Both Bouba and Tchiroma are now seen as the top opposition candidates .

Biya’s dominance

To grasp the scale of Biya’s dominance , one must look to Cameroon’s history.

Biya is only the country’s second president, succeeding Ahmadou Ahidjo, who led from independence in 1960 until resigning in 1982. Ahidjo’s decision to appoint Biya as his successor backfired when the new president later had him tried and sentenced to death — a penalty later commuted to life imprisonment.

Cameroon has never held a presidential election without Biya on the ballot. In 1984, he ran unopposed when Cameroon was still a one-party state. When multiparty elections were introduced in 1992, Biya won with 40% — his narrowest margin. His vote share has not fallen below 70% since.

Here’s how Biya won in all the elections he has participated in: 

However, these numbers aren’t to be taken at face value. Nearly all elections have been mired in allegations of vote-rigging. As the International Crisis Group noted, “Given the likely magnitude of the election irregularities, it is almost impossible to determine what percentage of the vote each candidate really won.”

Cameroonian journalist Tony Vinyoh said such allegations have deepened public mistrust in the process.

“People don't trust the process,” he told Global South World. “I’ve talked to some parents, and they don't even want to register their kids.”

Out of a population of 28.3 million, only 8.2 million are registered to vote. Turnout has steadily declined: from 80% in 2004 to 68% in 2011, and just 54% in 2018, according to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems.

What’s at stake

For many, the October vote is about more than leadership — it’s about ending a culture that stifles dissent, discourages meritocracy, and sustains political dynasties as enduring as Biya’s.

“Stability, in Cameroon’s current context, is a deeply misleading term,” Cameroonian journalist Amindeh Atabong wrote in his column for Global South World . “It masks the profound erosion of civil liberties, the stifling of political dissent, and the lack of political will to reform electoral norms in order to sustain one man’s grip on power.”

Cameroon’s population is young, but its leadership is ageing. As problems in education, infrastructure, and the economy deepen, public frustration grows.

“People are worried about the state of their roads, the standards of education. There are parents who are worried about feeding their kids and sending them to school. They are worried about the training they will get in university and whether the training will be useful,” he said.

Elections like that of October 12 give Cameroon the appearance of democracy, but many say the reality remains far removed from its promise.

“Cameroon holds regular elections. It maintains a multiparty system. It boasts a constitutional council and an independent electoral body. But these structures have been hollowed out, their purpose repurposed to preserve a singular political dynasty. There is no viable path to power that doesn’t first pass through the gate Biya has locked shut,” Atabong said. 

“Unless opposition leaders find a way to unify, unless citizens reclaim the democratic space stolen from them, Biya’s eighth term will not be his last.”

As Cameroonians prepare to cast their votes, the stakes extend far beyond the ballot box. The election has become a reckoning with decades of stagnation — a test of whether a new generation can reclaim the promise of democracy from the world’s oldest ruler, or whether the familiar machinery of power will once again tighten its hold.

He was also ordered to pay $33 billion in reparations, with $29 billion earmarked for the Congolese state.

Decades before Kabila, Ahmadou Ahidjo, the first president of Cameroon, was similarly sentenced to death in absentia, though for a different reason. His successor, Paul Biya, accused him of staging a failed coup in 1983.

The conviction was the wedge that widened the rift between Ahidjo and Biya, who were former allies and top honchos of the ruling Cameroon National Union. It was even Ahidjo’s resignation that allowed Biya to assume what would be long-held power.

At the time of his sentencing, Ahidjo was living openly in exile in France , unlike Kabila, whose whereabouts are unknown. Biya later commuted the penalty to life imprisonment. Ahidjo died in 1989 in Senegal, where his remains remain, despite Biya’s long-standing pledge — unfulfilled to this day — to allow their return.

Biya eventually commuted the sentence to life imprisonment, and Ahidjo died in 1989 in Senegal, where his remains are still located, despite a longstanding pledge by Biya — who remains in power — to allow his body to return home.

In Chad, the pursuit of justice for former president Hissène Habré proved more complicated. 

Rights groups accused him of ordering killings, overseeing torture and rape, and other atrocities that drew international attention. Between 1993 and 2003, Belgian courts attempted to prosecute him, without success.

Chadian courts later sentenced Habré to death in absentia for war crimes and crimes against humanity, charges he dismissed as politically motivated. From exile in Senegal, however, he faced a special tribunal there that convicted him of rape, sexual slavery and responsibility for the deaths of 40,000 people during his rule.

Instead of execution, Habré was sentenced to life in prison in Dakar’s Prison du Cap Manuel. The verdict was historic: the first time one country’s courts tried the former leader of another for crimes against humanity. Habré died in 2021, aged 79.

These cases underscore how, across Africa, fallen leaders often remain entangled in the politics they once shaped — judged in absentia, pursued abroad, or posthumously remembered through sentences never carried out. 

In July 2022, during a state visit by French President Emmanuel Macron, Paul Biya was asked whether he would seek another term. “I still have three years…and when the time comes, I will decide whether to retire to the village or not,” he replied, brushing off the question about his political future. Three years later, his decision is clear: Instead of packing his bags and returning to his native Mvomeka’a in the South, Biya—now 92 years of age—will stay in the capital Yaoundé and seek yet another term in office. And so it happens that as the October 12 presidential vote draws near, Cameroon finds itself at a political crossroads that feels all too familiar.

As long as Biya, the world’s oldest head of state, breathes, he rules—irrespective of concerns over his health, age and legacy. Beyond Biya’s bid for another mandate that could see him in power well close to a century old, the real story lies more in the systemic dismantling of opposition forces—an orchestrated effort that has left the central African nation’s democratic institutions hollow and its political future uncertain.

43 years and still counting

Biya’s uninterrupted presidency since 1982 has largely depended on a delicate mixture of autocratic rule, patronage , tactical patience, politics of silence, as well as nepotism and  tribalism . In over four decades, he has outmanoeuvred rivals, reshaped institutions, and ensured that any path to power—legitimate or otherwise—passes through him. In 2025, the strategy appears unchanged. The recent disqualification of Maurice Kamto, Biya’s former ally, main challenger and runner-up in the contentious 2018 poll, is emblematic of a regime that has turned legal procedure into political weaponry.

Elections Cameroon, the country’s election management body—which is supposedly independent but in fact dominated by presidential appointees—blamed Kamto’s exclusion from the race on “multiple investitures” by the MANIDEM party, which nominated him. The decision drew immediate backlash, notably from Human Rights Watch, which said the decision to exclude Kamto reflects the government’s long-standing intolerance for any opposition and dissent. Just before, there was widespread fear that the electoral commission’s decision could ignite unrest in major cities like Douala and Yaoundé. But Biya’s administration responded in predictable fashion, borrowing a leave from its playbook: pre-emptive deployments of anti-riot forces, dispersing crowds with teargas and arresting suspected pro-Kamto supporters—all amid vague appeals for stability.

Crackdowns and manipulation 

But stability, in Cameroon’s current context, is a deeply misleading term. It masks the profound erosion of civil liberties, the stifling of political dissent, and the lack of political will to reform electoral norms in order to sustain one man’s grip on power. As the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI) 2024 indicates , democratic statehood, political participation, rule of law, political and social integration are on the decline since 2014, putting Cameroon in the category of “hardline autocracies.”

In March 2024, the government banned two opposition coalition platforms—the Alliance Politique pour le Changement and the Alliance pour la Transition Politique—accusing them of unlawful association. By targeting coordination efforts among rival parties, the regime effectively dismantled any chance of a united opposition front, long before the first ballot could be cast.

Meanwhile, the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) continues to dominate the political landscape, sometimes using state resources and through institutional engineering. The decision last year to postpone parliamentary and municipal elections —originally scheduled for this year before the presidential poll—until 2026 is another glaring example. The official rationale cited the need to lighten the electoral calendar. But it seemed to have been designed to prevent key opposition figure Kamto, who required local representation to qualify under electoral law, from fulfilling eligibility requirements.

Opposition is fragmented, but new players arise

Opposition parties, while numerous, remain fragmented. Political figures like Cabral Libii, Joshua Osih, Serge Espoir Matomba, Patricia Tomaïno Ndam Njoya and Akere Muna failed to unite around a single platform, though a few have now stepped down in support of others. Regional rivalries, ideological differences, and suspicions—fuelled, in some part, by regime infiltration—have made meaningful coordination almost impossible. In the absence of unity, the opposition shares the remaining votes, and its impact is diminished to symbolic protest and social media outrage.

Still, the cracks in Biya’s edifice are growing, with the recent defection of prominent northern allies. Issa Tchiroma Bakary and Bello Bouba Maigari, both former cabinet members and longstanding collaborators of the regime, announced presidential bids of their own . Their exit from an alliance with the CPDM is not just an act of defiance; it’s a signal that things may not be the same in the north, which holds a strong sway in the vote. Their candidacies may lack broad support—also due to their ages, but they reflect a growing impatience within the ruling elite, particularly among those sidelined in Biya’s long twilight.

A country in a state of uncertainty

Meanwhile, outside of Yaoundé, the government’s authoritarian playbook continues to have deadly consequences. In the English-speaking North West and South West regions, armed separatists and government forces remain locked in a brutal conflict that has killed over 6,000 and displaced nearly a million people. Thousands have died, schools remain shuttered, and humanitarian access is limited. In the Far North, Boko Haram insurgents persist in attacking civilians and security forces. These crises have not only devastated lives; they’ve also provided convenient justification for voter suppression in regions unlikely to back the ruling party at this time.

Indeed, the state of uncertainty that hangs over these regions is not just a matter of war—it could also be considered as a deliberate electoral strategy. By doing little or nothing to encourage voting in crisis zones, which are opposition strongholds, the regime strengthens its numerical advantage. 

On the economic front, Cameroonians face both external and internal shocks, especially the burden of inflation and underemployment. With youth unemployment reaching alarming levels, and roughly 40 per cent of the population living below the poverty line, disillusionment is widespread. The median age in Cameroon is just 18, yet the political class—dominated by septuagenarians and octogenarians—remains deaf to the frustrations of a generation born and raised under them.

The gate to power is shut

It’s no surprise then that home-based youth are taking their frustration online, while youth-led protests by the country’s diaspora are common. But Biya’s regime has long perfected the art of deterrence. According to Freedom House, arrests, torture, detentions, and the use of a controversial 2014 anti-terrorism law to criminalise dissent have silenced even moderate critics. The media landscape, too, has been gutted. The Committee to Protect Journalists says journalists face censorship, intimidation, and imprisonment, with Cameroon consistently ranked among the worst countries in the world for press freedom.

And yet, the international community remains largely passive. France, Cameroon’s former colonial ruler, maintains close economic and military ties, while regional institutions like the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the African Union have issued little more than muted statements. Western governments, wary of jeopardising counterterrorism cooperation, have avoided direct confrontation with Yaoundé. But in doing so, they tacitly endorse a regime that flouts democratic norms while claiming the legitimacy of an electoral mandate.

Cameroon’s hollow future

What makes Biya’s grip on power so enduring is not just repression—it is the illusion of legality. Cameroon holds regular elections. It maintains a multiparty system. It boasts a constitutional council and an independent electoral body. But these structures have been hollowed out, their purpose repurposed to preserve a singular political dynasty. There is no viable path to power that doesn’t first pass through the gate Biya has locked shut.

For all his frailty, Paul Biya is not a relic of a bygone era; he is the architect of a system built to outlast him. His true legacy may not be longevity, but the institutional paralysis he will leave behind. And unless opposition leaders find a way to unify, unless citizens reclaim the democratic space stolen from them, Biya’s eighth term will not be his last. 

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Amindeh Blaise Atabong is a freelance journalist based in Cameroon’s capital, Yaounde. He covers politics, security, and society across Africa. Atabong’s work spans radio, print, and digital platforms, and he has contributed to regional and global outlets such as Reuters, Quartz, The Times UK, The Continent, Semafor, Jeune Afrique, the German Press Agency, African Arguments, and Equal Times.

Bouba’s candidacy is backed by the UNIVERSE Party and the Liberal Alliance Party (PAL), alongside his own National Union for Democracy and Progress (UNDP). Tchiroma, meanwhile, has won support from other opposition figures, including Anicet Ekane of the Manidem Party.

Consolidation has long been seen as key to unseating Biya. Yet the loose unity now emerging has also raised concerns: rather than concentrating support, two northern candidates may divide it.

“Both say they will fight corruption and introduce structural reforms, but their strongest attribute seems to be their origins,” Cameroonian journalist Tony Vinyoh told Global South World. “They’re both from Cameroon’s three northern regions, the biggest voting bloc in the country. That has also led to fears they’ll split the vote and offer Biya victory.”

Bouba’s coalition only came together after Akere Muna and Seta Carson withdrew their own candidacies to back him. It is the first serious attempt in years to rally the opposition behind one figure after repeated failures to find consensus.

Muna, a human rights advocate who leads the UNIVERSE Party, explained his decision in Douala. 

“We’ve just come back from the Northwest and Southwest, there are huge problems there. Are you going to step up and solve this problem? He said yes. So I said let’s go together.”

Bouba’s bid also marks a decisive break with the ruling majority. A long-time ally of Biya, he served as Minister of Tourism and Leisure from 2011 until this year. Though his resignation has not been officially confirmed, his associates say he has vacated his residence, returned state vehicles and bodyguards, and cleared out his office. 

“Thank you for the courage they show. Thank you for the trust they place in me, thank you for putting Cameroon above personal ambitions,” he told supporters during the announcement of the opposition’s consolidation.

Like Bouba, Tchiroma is a seasoned political figure. He has served as a legislator and as minister of transport, communication, and employment and vocational training. 

Earlier this year, he stunned many by breaking with Biya, declaring the government “broken” and saying “a country cannot exist in the service of one man.”

Around eight million Cameroonians are expected to cast ballots in a single-round vote. The winner will serve a renewable seven-year term. But with Maurice Kamto, widely seen then as the main opposition bet, barred from the race on procedural grounds, Biya’s opponents face a narrower field. 

“Bello Bouba was prime minister under Ahidjo, so he would have an edge over Issa Tchiroma in terms of the closeness he’s been in power. In the absence of the excluded Maurice Kamto, Tchiroma seems to have the momentum,” Vinyoh said.

Whether the opposition’s fragile consolidation can translate into votes on October 12 remains unclear. 

“It’s hard to know what to expect from these candidates. They’ve both been ministers but the important decisions have always come from the presidency,” Vinyoh said. “We’ll have to wait and see if endorsements from opposition candidates help Bello Bouba.”

Biya is seeking an eighth, seven-year term. To call him a fixture in Cameroonian politics is an understatement — he is only the second president the country has had since gaining independence from France and Britain in the 1960s.

The October 12 race pits Biya against 11 challengers, though past elections have been dogged by allegations of fraud and irregularities widely seen as designed to keep him in power. For many Cameroonians, that has eroded faith in the system.

“People don't trust the process,” said Tony Vinyoh, a Cameroonian journalist, in an interview with Global South World. “I’ve talked to some parents, and they don't even want to register their kids.”

Then there’s the elephant in the room that is Biya’s health . Last year, the ageing president vanished from public view for 42 days, sparking debate over whether he remains fit to lead a nation grappling with an armed insurgency and lagging behind many of its African neighbours in development.

For many Cameroonians, the solution is simple: change. Any change.

“There's a sense among the general population that anybody who comes next will be better,” Vinyoh said. “We want change, and we don't care who gets to lead the country.”

Stasis and stagnation

In more than four decades in power, Biya has survived attempted coups, Boko Haram attacks, and the ongoing conflict between Cameroon’s French- and English-speaking regions, a crisis that traces back to the country’s colonial past.

But his government has struggled to resolve many of Cameroon’s most pressing problems. The country’s poverty rate has barely budged in 20 years, with four in ten Cameroonians still living below the poverty line. Economic growth is slowing, leaving households struggling with rising food prices.

For a country known as an agricultural producer, Cameroon is also increasingly dependent on imports. In 2021, food imports made up nearly a quarter of consumption, and rice imports alone accounted for an astonishing 75%.

Vinyoh said this sense of stagnation has left many Cameroonians feeling left behind.

“Cameroonians are scared that they are getting left behind while the rest of the world is moving forward, advancing in infrastructure, technology, trade, and opening up to other African countries,” he said. 

Biya’s hands-off approach to governance has done little to ease those fears. The president rarely convenes his cabinet; during his current term, there was a period of nearly three years without a single cabinet meeting.

But perhaps the most intractable problem in Cameroon is corruption, a force arguably more enduring than Biya himself. In 2024, Cameroon ranked 140th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index, making it one of the most corrupt nations in the world.

“I wish there was a better way to describe it,” Vinyoh said, “but corruption is just part of Cameroonian life.”

The man and the myth

Cameroon is a young country: more than 60 per cent of its population is under 25. Many have never known life without Biya in control, a fact that fuels speculation about what might follow his eventual departure.

For Vinyoh, this and Biya’s elusive nature have contributed to his mythology among Cameroonians.

“He’s a bit of a god,” the journalist said. “You don’t get to see and meet the man.”

“I think people don't give him enough credit. He's a very brilliant man. He's smart. You don't stay in power for 50 years if you're not a very smart man,” he said. “He's good at knocking heads together.”

Now the pressure is on for the opposition to break that myth, and for Biya to prove that he is still capable of leading a nation on edge.

Observers say the opposition’s best chance lies in uniting behind a single candidate, but so far it has failed to do so. On September 13, opposition parties were expected to announce a consensus candidate, but the effort collapsed.

The opposition has also been weakened by the exclusion of Maurice Kamto, widely seen as Biya’s strongest rival. Barred due to alleged irregularities in party nominations, Kamto is now urging the remaining opposition parties to unite behind one contender.

“That shows you just how divided the opposition is,” Vinyoh said. “They have not been able to sit down and vote. They don't talk among themselves, that's a uniquely Cameroonian thing.”

The October 12 election could decide whether Biya’s 42-year grip on power remains unbroken, or whether a splintered opposition can finally shatter it. For many Cameroonians, however, the stakes go far beyond politics.

“People are worried about the state of their roads, the standards of education. There are parents who are worried about feeding their kids and sending them to school. They are worried about the training they will get in university and whether the training will be useful,” Vinyoh said.

“It's a country that's worried about its future.”

That disqualification has deepened doubts about the opposition’s chances of mounting a serious challenge in a political system where Biya has long been accused of tilting the playing field. 

Observers say the opposition’s best chance lies in coalescing around a single candidate.

“That shows you just how divided the opposition is,” said Tony Vinyoh, a Cameroonian journalist. “They have not been able to sit down and vote. They don't talk among themselves, that's a uniquely Cameroonian thing.”

“They are only doing it now because the level of frustration is really high and there's a lot of pressure on them. But usually, they just split the votes among themselves, and then Paul Biya has a greater chance of winning,” he told Global South World.

Divisions within the opposition have been decades in the making. Multiparty politics was formally introduced in Cameroon in 1992, but opposition leaders were frequently imprisoned, harassed or forced into exile. 

Others were co-opted into Biya’s system through appointments or political concessions.

“There are opposition leaders who have been, for lack of a better way to describe it, just bought over,” Vinyoh said. “There are lots of brave people who have stood up against the government, but they have done so at great personal cost. There’s always been that fear.”

Talks are underway among opposition groups to rally behind a single candidate. On September 13, the opposition plans to announce its “consensus candidate” during a rally backed by Union for Change.

These efforts, however, come just weeks before the vote. For Vinyoh, this ditch effort underscores both the growing frustration with Biya’s decades-long rule and the disorganisation that has long plagued his rivals.

“If the opposition candidates pick just one of them to run, I think we will have a situation where we have not faced since 1992,” Vinyoh said. “If they put together a coalition, that will be the most formidable opponent Biya has faced for a very long time.”

These activities, frequently carried out without protective measures, have been linked to cancers, liver and kidney diseases, respiratory problems, and even birth defects.

In Spain, the Educational Association Reciclanet in Bilbao, a pioneering approach to electronic waste management, is transforming discarded technology into valuable resources, while curbing environmental harm and supporting the circular economy .

Reciclanet specialises in collecting obsolete IT equipment from companies and educational institutions, reconditioning viable devices, and responsibly recycling those beyond repair.

“We let only those that will be able to be reused pass,” explained Andrea Valiente, a representative of the centre. “If it does not have the minimum characteristics that people are willing to accept, it goes directly to what we call CHAE, electronic junk.”

The process involves meticulous sorting —green-coded items for reuse, yellow for repair, and red for waste— which ensures that hazardous components like lead, mercury, and cadmium are handled by licensed waste managers.

These discarded devices are dismantled to extract critical materials such as copper, lithium, tungsten, and even gold . As Valiente noted, “Europe needs [these] to boost the circular economy.”

The centre’s work also responds to concerns over the unethical export of unusable electronics to Africa under the guise of donations. Investigations have shown that much of the shipped material is scrap, leaving local communities to manage hazardous waste.

“The material that is sent is not of practical use… for me, I think [they] throw it away directly,” Valiente said, referencing a European Union probe that found countries like England and Poland breaking export laws.

Globally, e-waste generation is growing at an alarming rate, estimated between 60,000 and 71,000 tonnes annually, with a 17% year-on-year increase, according to the World Health Organisation.

The documentary linked to Reciclanet’s work was filmed at electronic waste sites in Ghana and Cameroon, with interviews in Spain. It was produced by Asociación Sociocultural Afrika Miniaturan in partnership with Asociación Cultural Ghana Union, with funding from the City Council of Vitoria-Gasteiz.

They dived into the growing generational divide in Africa n leadership, where ageing leaders like Côte d’Ivoire’s Alassane Ouattara and Cameroon’s Paul Biya continue to dominate political power despite a predominantly young population. They reflect on how this disconnect stifles innovation, blocks political renewal, and erodes public trust. The segment questions whether Africa’s youthful population will continue to tolerate this status quo or if a new wave of leadership could reshape the continent’s future.

Vietnam’s Green Motorbike Revolution

The episode also spotlights Vietnam’s plan to ban petrol-powered motorbikes in major cities by 2030 in a bold move to tackle urban pollution. While Vietnam’s streets are filled with two-wheelers, the government is pushing for electric alternatives to improve air quality. The hosts explore how this green shift, despite logistical and economic challenges, could set a precedent for other countries in the Global South facing similar environmental concerns.

Reparations and Colonial Legacies

Reparations for slavery take centre stage as the hosts discuss calls within the Pan-African Parliament to hold former colonial powers accountable for centuries of exploitation. With African countries still paying debts rooted in colonial structures, the discussion highlights the irony of the Global North’s wealth being built on the suffering of the Global South. The segment emphasises the growing momentum behind the reparations movement and its potential to reshape historical narratives and economic justice .

The World's Most Endangered Animals

Turning to biodiversity, the show highlights critically endangered species like the Javan rhino and Amur leopard, many of which are found in the Global South. The conversation challenges Western narratives that paint poorer countries as solely responsible for environmental damage, pointing out that industrialised nations have already depleted much of their own natural ecosystems. The hosts also discuss success stories, like the recovery of mountain gorillas, showing that local conservation efforts can have global impact.

Rethinking Global South Economics

The episode concludes by unpacking what defines the Global South beyond geography. Using data visualisations, the hosts explain how wealth and power are still largely concentrated in the Global North, even as emerging economies like India and China gain prominence. They underscore how colonial legacies, economic imbalances, and new development trends shape global inequality, and why it’s crucial to centre voices from the Global South in these conversations.

🎧 Listen to the episode on all major platforms and join the conversation on how leadership and environmental choices are shaping our shared future.

World Reframed is produced in London for Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

At 92, Cameroon’s President Paul Biya has announced his bid for an eighth term in the October 12 election, aiming to extend his 43-year rule. In a post on X, Biya cited “insistent calls” from citizens to run again. In power since 1982, he scrapped term limits in 2008 and has never lost an election. His bid comes amid growing criticism over alleged corruption, embezzlement, and poor governance. If re-elected, Biya would remain in office until nearly 100.

Cameroon’s economic update: Harnessing forests and natural wealth for sustainable growth

The World Bank has released its 2025 Cameroon Economic Update, titled “Cameroon’s Green Gold: Unlocking the Value of Forests and Natural Capital.” The report emphasises sustainable forest and resource management as drivers of inclusive, resilient growth, while offering a detailed analysis of recent economic trends and outlook. In 2024, Cameroon’s GDP grew by 3.5% (up from 3.2% in 2023), boosted by cocoa prices, cotton yields, and power supply improvements. Inflation dropped sharply from 7.4% to 4.5%, aided by tighter monetary policy and price controls. The current account deficit narrowed to 3.4% of GDP, though the fiscal deficit widened to 1.5% due to rising expenditures and weaker revenues. Public debt inched up to 46.8%, mainly from external borrowing.

Société Générale signs agreement with Cameroon to sell Société Générale Cameroun

Société Générale has agreed to sell its 58.08% stake in Société Générale Cameroun to the State of Cameroon, which would raise its ownership to 83.68%. The state will assume all operations, clients, and employees of the subsidiary. The deal, pending regulatory approval, is expected to close by end-2025 and boost Societe Generale’s CET1 ratio by about 6 basis points.

Cameroon LGBTQI groups host "impactful" cultural event

On July 3, Yaoundé’s Kyriakides Park came alive with “Spectacle Culturel,” a vibrant event celebrating diversity in the arts under the theme “For an inclusive and non-discriminatory artistic environment.” Organised by the Unity platform, a coalition of 39 civil society groups, and coordinated by CAMFAIDS, the show featured theatre, music, slam, and dance to highlight LGBTQI rights and fight stigma in the cultural sector. Unity president Michel Engama stressed the event’s goal to amplify silenced voices, while CAMFAIDS' Ebenezer Munkam called it a vital step toward building a more inclusive and equitable artistic world in Cameroon.

Cameroon priest says synodality counters ‘nauseating’ politics

In sharp contrast to the “nauseating” and divisive nature of Cameroon’s electoral politics, Father Humphrey Tatah Mbuy is calling for a renewed focus on synodality, a path rooted in unity, listening, and inclusion, as the nation prepares for its 2025 elections and Jubilee Year of Hope. Mbuy described synodality as a “spiritual renewal” that prioritises truth, honesty, and fraternity, unlike election tactics marked by manipulation and exclusion. He noted the challenge facing Christian politicians caught between political strategy and the Church’s call for inclusive, Christ-centred leadership. As both politics and the Church demand action in 2025, Mbuy stressed that synodality offers a hopeful alternative where “no one is left behind” in building a unified people of God.

Under the new directive, student(F-1.J-1), tourist(B-1), and business visas(B-2) from these countries have been downgraded to single-entry visas with a validity of three months , a significant reduction from the previously granted terms.

But is reciprocity really the reason?

Nigeria was quick to respond. The presidential spokesperson dismissed online claims that the country gives U.S. citizens only short-term visas, calling it “misinformation and fake news ” . He clarified that Nigeria still issues five-year, multiple-entry visas to U.S. passport holders. However, Bashir Ahmad, a former presidential aide, suggested that the U.S. policy might have more to do with Nigeria’s growing BRICS alignment than any visa imbalance.

In Ghana, Foreign Minister Okudzeto Ablakwa expressed concern and highlighted that Ghana offers multiple-entry visas to Americans, ranging from 3 months to 5 years .

Ethiopia and Cameroon have yet to comment on the issue. However, like Ghana and Nigeria, both countries reportedly offer multiple-entry visas to U.S. nationals, raising further doubts about whether reciprocity is indeed the true motivation behind these restrictions.

What could truly be behind these restrictions?

The study was conducted between April 2023 and February 2024 across Kenya, Ethiopia, Malawi, and Cameroon. Researchers collected 251 samples of commonly used cancer drugs, including cisplatin, methotrexate, doxorubicin, and cyclophosphamide, from 12 major hospitals and 25 pharmacies. Alarmingly, between 14% and 24% of all samples failed quality tests.

Active pharmaceutical ingredient (API) levels varied widely, from as low as 28% to as high as 120% of the labelled strength. This means some patients may have been receiving doses too weak to fight their cancer, while others were exposed to potentially fatal overdoses.

The study also revealed that nearly a quarter of the medications tested had already expired, some by almost a year. However, expired drugs did not consistently fail laboratory tests more than non-expired ones, suggesting that poor manufacturing and supply chain lapses are to blame for much of the problem.

“Nearly a quarter of the products (59 [24%] of 251) had expired before analysis, some by nearly a year, but the expired products did not fail HPLC assay at a higher rate than the non-expired products. Ten of the 59 post-expiry products failed assay (ie, a 17% failure rate), whereas 38 of the 189 pre-expiry samples failed assay (ie, a 20% failure rate); these rates were not different at the 95% CI. Failing products were found in all four countries and in both major hospitals and private pharmacies (with no difference in failure rates at the 95% CI),” the researchers noted.

Experts used high-performance liquid chromatography (HPLC) to analyse the samples and compare them against the US Pharmacopoeia standards. They found that visual inspections alone were almost useless in detecting defective drugs. The sensitivity of visual checks was just 9%, meaning most poor-quality drugs appeared normal to the eye. “Many quality defects, such as a shortage of an uncoloured active pharmaceutical ingredient, are not visually apparent,” the authors explained.

Disclaimer: The image used in this article is AI-generated

On Tuesday, Tourism and Leisure Minister Bello Bouba Maigari became the second prominent northern politician to step down, saying he would focus on his presidential bid. Maigari, 78, was endorsed over the weekend as the flagbearer of the National Union for Democracy and Progress (NUDP), a party that has traditionally allied with Biya’s Cameroon People ’s Democratic Movement (CPDM).

“This time round, the governing arm of our party has decided that we participate in the next presidential election with our own candidate and has asked me to be that candidate, a request which I have accepted,” Maigari told reporters.

Earlier, Employment and Vocational Training Minister Issa Tchiroma Bakary also resigned to enter the race under the Cameroon National Salvation Front (FNSC). In a 20-page open letter to Cameroonians, Tchiroma, 79, said he was answering the call for new leadership after decades of what he described as stagnation. “The time for self-deception is over,” he wrote. “The time has come to look at our reality head-on, with clarity, courage, and a sense of duty.”

Both men hail from the northern regions of Adamawa, North, and Far North, areas that account for about two million of the more than eight million registered voters, according to the election body, Elecam. Their departures are seen as an unprecedented political challenge to Biya, 92, who has ruled since 1982 but has yet to declare whether he will seek re-election.

A report from the East African indicates that senior government officials have begun efforts to contain further defections. Ferdinand Ngoh Ngoh, Secretary-General at the Presidency, convened meetings this week with political leaders from all 10 administrative regions as part of damage-control efforts.

Ongmakagne’s announcement distinguishes her from a field of already-declared male candidates, making her a symbol of new energy and a potential change agent.

She will be contesting against the incumbent President, Paul Biya, now 92, seeking an eighth term after more than four decades in power.

Although she is not yet a known figure in Cameroon’s political sphere, Ongmakagne brings a background in business and fashion leadership to the race. She described her transition from the creative world to the political arena as a call to service and national transformation.

“I believe in a united, prosperous Cameroon, where everyone has their place. We need a new dynamic, a new era where the doors are open. I believe in a Cameroon that can catch up with the world and embrace globalisation,” she said.

In her video address, Ongmakagne framed her campaign as a “fight of light against darkness,” invoking a vision of peace , dignity, and national unity.

She called on Cameroonians to join her in ending fear and oppression, urging citizens to be active participants “in putting an end to the oppression and fear.”

While Ongmakagne is the first female to declare her candidacy for the 2025 race, she follows in the footsteps of  Edith Kabbang Walla , who was the only female candidate in the 2011 election and the first Cameroonian woman to announce a presidential bid.

The U.S. Department of Homeland Security  announced that TPS protections will end in June 2025 for approximately 7,900 Cameroonians as part of a sweeping immigration crackdown under President Donald Trump. The administration also ended protections for 14,600 Afghans, whose TPS designations will expire in May.

"I fled after my father was murdered...President Trump knows there’s war in the Anglophone regions, but he wants to deport us,” one Cameroonian asylum seeker told Semafor.

The decision comes despite recent violence in Cameroon’s Anglophone regions, where separatist tensions have triggered a humanitarian crisis. According to a  2024 Human Rights Watch report , more than 638,000 people have been internally displaced, and at least 1.7 million require humanitarian assistance.

Many Cameroonian migrants in the U.S. had sought refuge from this conflict, where government forces and armed separatist groups have been accused of grave human rights abuses.

Immigration advocates and human rights groups have strongly condemned the move, warning it could place thousands at imminent risk of harm if deported. They argue that conditions in Cameroon remain too dangerous to justify returning vulnerable individuals, many of whom fled violence and persecution.

The Trump administration has defended the decision as part of its broader efforts to tighten immigration policy, arguing that TPS designations should not be indefinite.

Koupit Adamou, a Member of Parliament from the Union for Democratic Change (UDC), was designated as the platform’s emissary to deliver the proposals to the Unity Palace. The draft revision contains 66 proposals, formulated through a consensus among opposition and civil society representatives.

The proposed amendments aim to reform the current electoral code, which opposition groups argue disproportionately benefits the ruling party. The revisions seek to establish an electoral framework that is fair and acceptable to all political actors. Since electoral reforms must go through Parliament, the process could be initiated during the March session or postponed to June to ensure a revised electoral code is in place before the presidential election scheduled for October 2025.

On January 10, he had previously responded to Hermine Patricia Tomaïno Ndam Njoya, National President of the UDC, stating that he had not received the initial draft of the proposed electoral code. The new submission seeks to address this and move the process forward.

The commission, composed of 14 researchers - seven from Cameroon and seven from France - was tasked with investigating France's involvement in the repression of independence and opposition movements between 1945 and 1971.

Historian Lancelot Arzel, a key member of the Franco-Cameroonian Commission of Remembrance, emphasised the importance of these revelations.

“This report is the result of research on the role and involvement of France in Cameroon from 1945 to 1971 during the repression of independence movements,” Arzel explained. “We used almost 1,100 boxes of archives, and 2,300 documents were declassified for our work. These will be made available to researchers in both France and Cameroon,” he told the AFP.

Arzel noted the diversity within the commission as a crucial factor in its success. “The commission brought together men and women from all walks of life and generations, helping us assess France’s responsibility during this era,” he said.

Co-president of the commission, Karine Ramondy, highlighted the significance of transforming such a contentious period into a scientifically researched historical account. “One of the great successes of this work is that we’ve managed to turn this complex chapter into a well-considered history,” she said. “It’s a story of men and women, unfolding over time and expressed in different ways, culminating in a 1,000-page report.”

The period in question remains one of the bloodiest in Cameroon's history, often shrouded in taboo discussions since the country gained independence.

According to a Monitor.co.ug report, these leaders have demonstrated remarkable longevity in their political careers.

Here are some examples of the world's oldest heads of state:

Paul Biya (Cameroon)

At 91, Paul Biya is the world's oldest elected leader. He has ruled Cameroon since November 1982, making him one of the longest-serving leaders globally. Known for his inscrutable nature, Biya has maintained a firm grip on power for over four decades.

King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud (Saudi Arabia)

The sons of King Abdulaziz have held the throne of Saudi Arabia since 1953. The monarch, King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, assumed power in January 2015 and is 89.

Pope Francis (Vatican City)

Pope Francis, 88, is the head of the Catholic Church and sovereign of Vatican City. He is the first Jesuit pope from the Americas and the Southern Hemisphere and the first non-European pope since the 8th century.

Harald V of Norway

Harald V, King of Norway, 87, is a member of the House of Glücksburg. He is the third child and only son of King Olav V and Princess Märtha of Sweden and was second in line to the throne at birth.

Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo (Equatorial Guinea)

Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, 82 has been in power since August 1979, following a coup. He is Africa's longest-serving leader, having ruled Equatorial Guinea for over 43 years. His tenure is marked by significant political control and limited opposition.

In the fiscal year 2024 alone, the number of Africans obtaining citizenship through military service tripled to 2,200, compared to just 700 in 2020. Over the four-year period, 3,270 Nigerian-born service members were naturalised, followed by 2,190 from Ghana and 1,750 from Cameroon. Altogether, 52,000 individuals gained US citizenship through military service between FY 2020 and FY 2024.

US law offers special provisions for military members, both current and former, easing certain requirements in the naturalization process. Among all service members naturalised, the top five countries of birth - Philippines, Jamaica, Mexico, Nigeria, and Ghana - accounted for over 38% of the total naturalisations.

Countries like Haiti, China, Cameroon, Vietnam, and South Korea comprised an additional 16%.

Most service members who naturalised during this period were between 22 and 30 years old, with men making up 73% of the total. The percentage of women naturalising through military service has grown slightly over the years, indicating a gradual shift in gender representation.

Supporters, donning outfits adorned with Biya's portrait, chanted and celebrated as his motorcade departed the airport for the presidential palace.

"Today the president is on his way, and this will put an end to all the speculation," a CRTV presenter announced.

Biya had been largely out of the public eye since returning from a China-Africa cooperation summit in Beijing at the beginning of September. Flight tracking sites indicated that a Boeing registered CMR001, previously used for his travels, departed from Geneva, where he reportedly spent several weeks.

Posters in the capital celebrated his return, with messages like "Welcome home, Mr. President of the Republic." On October 8, amidst growing concerns about his health, the government announced that he would be back soon and subsequently banned local media from discussing his health status.

In his absence, Prime Minister Joseph Dion Ngute represented the government at various functions.

Having ruled Cameroon for over 41 years, Biya is the second longest-serving leader in Africa, after Equatorial Guinea's Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo. He has a history of extensive overseas travel, often for medical purposes, with an estimated $65 million spent on such trips over 35 years, according to the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project.

State broadcaster CRTV captured the moment Biya's presidential plane landed at Yaoundé Nsimalen International Airport.

The footage showed Biya, accompanied by his wife Chantal, shaking hands with officials as a jubilant crowd awaited his arrival. Supporters, dressed in outfits adorned with his portrait, chanted and played drums, creating a festive atmosphere.

A jubilant crowd awaited his arrival, with supporters dressed in outfits bearing his portrait, chanting to the rhythm of drums. As his motorcade swiftly departed for the presidential palace, CRTV dedicated a special programme to cover his return.

Despite his uncertain future, Wandji has found an unexpected opportunity – competing for South Korea in the 2024 Homeless World Cup, a global tournament aimed at uplifting unhoused individuals, refugees, and those overcoming adversity. 

"I left Cameroon because of the war," he told AFP.

The Homeless World Cup, backed by FIFA and held in Asia for the first time this year, brings together teams made up of marginalised individuals from around the world. 

For Wandji, playing for South Korea is a symbol of resilience. "I stayed in the airport for one year, and it wasn’t easy, but now things are better," he said. "I just want to say thank you to Korea, thank you to immigration, to the manager, and the coach who chose me to participate in the Homeless World Cup. And thank you so much to God."

The commemoration was attended by six African leaders, including Paul Biya of Cameroon, Faure Gnassingbe of Togo, and Faustin-Archange Touadera of the Central African Republic. However, the absence of officials from Niger, Mali, and Algeria has been noted as a sign of France's strained relations with these countries. Burkina Faso on the other hand was represented by a chargé d'affaires.

The event took place at the Boulouris necropolis near Saint-Raphael, followed by ceremonies off the coast of Toulon, key locations during the August 15, 1944 landings. 

Macron's participation in the ceremonies is deemed as France's long-overdue recognition of the contributions made by African soldiers, many of whom were forcibly recruited, in the liberation of Europe. 

The Provence landings , while less deadly than the Normandy invasion , were a significant chapter in the Allied campaign, with approximately 1,000 Allied deaths compared to more than 4,400 in Normandy.

He asserted that the triumph over Axis powers would not have been possible without the contributions of various peoples, including volunteers from foreign nations.

"There would have been no Allied victory without the sacred alliance of volunteers, without the contribution of other peoples, without foreigners, without blacks and other infantrymen," President Biya stated, adding that, "this struggle was waged together to defend the universal values and ideals of peace and justice."

France marked the 80th anniversary of the Allied invasion of the French Riviera in World War II on Thursday, with special recognition given to the many African soldiers from former French colonies who played a crucial role in pushing back the Nazis.

Ngombe's arrest and subsequent detention at the State Defence Secretariat (SED) in Yaoundé drew widespread criticism from human rights organisations and advocates for freedom of expression.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) highlighted the increasing restrictions on freedom of expression and association in Cameroon and called on the government to listen to peaceful demands for reform instead of stifling dissent.

“Cameroonian authorities should listen to peaceful demands for reform instead of stifling freedom of expression,” HRW said in a statement on Monday, July 29.

The young activist's videos encouraged Cameroonians to register to vote in the February 2025 presidential election and questioned the authorities' intolerance of criticism. In one of his videos, Ngombe expressed doubts about the electoral process's fairness, even if many youths registered to vote.

“I know many of you have not yet registered for the presidential election -- no worries, I know you will,” Ngombe says in French. “I have already enrolled on the electoral list, but I know that, even if millions of us register massively, the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement … will still do everything possible to win.”

Ngombe's lawyer, Barrister Akere Muna, confirmed that the activist had been granted bail and that no charges had yet been filed against him. Muna, who is also an opposition politician, stated that "authorities might decide to either drop the case or press charges after further investigation."

The release of Ngombe has been welcomed by human rights advocates, who continue to call for all charges against him to be dropped. Ilaria Allegrozzi, a senior Sahel researcher at HRW, emphasised that Ngombe should never have been arrested in the first place and that his place is not in prison.

“His place is not in prison,” she posted on X . “He should have never been arrested."

This incident comes amid heightened tensions in Cameroon, where President Paul Biya's government has faced criticism for handling dissent and efforts to extend his four-decade rule.

The recent warning by the Minister of Communication, René Emmanuel Sadi, against using "irreverent or offensive" language towards President Biya underlines the government's sensitivity to criticism.

The Health Minister's statement mandates that all international travellers must complete identification forms at airports upon arrival.

Airport testing is being reinstated, with an immediate focus on those returning from the Mecca pilgrimage .

Previously established protocols during the height of COVID-19 are being reactivated. These include mandatory mask-wearing for individuals with flu-like symptoms, strict hand hygiene practices, and frequent disinfection of shared spaces.

The government has affirmed its preparedness to identify cases and provide complimentary healthcare services nationwide.

Cameroon's first Covid-19 case was reported in March 2020. The Ministry of Public Health has recorded 1,974 deaths due to the pandemic, with over 120,000 cases confirmed in the country.

Cameroon's football landscape is in tumult as the FA appoints an interim head coach in the wake of a shocking sacking. Martin Mpile Ndtoungou steps into the hot seat, replacing the ousted Marc Brys, who was dismissed for 'unacceptable behavior.' The crisis unfolded when the Minister of Sports unilaterally appointed Brys, bypassing FECAFOOT, triggering a deepening crisis that looms over the upcoming World Cup qualifiers, Daiji World reports.

Chinese-funded seaport expansion

The Kribi Deep Seaport expansion in Cameroon, funded by China Eximbank, is set to enter its second phase, marking a significant leap in the port's capabilities. The ambitious project aims to double the port's capacity, attracting larger vessels and more transshipment cargo. Additionally, the construction of a major highway and a thriving industrial zone near the port by Chinese companies signals a blossoming partnership with China Eximbank. According to the South China Morning Pos t, the investments have soared to approximately US$1.48 billion, reflecting the port's strategic importance.

ILO promotes decent work in Cameroon

The International Labour Organization (ILO) has spotlighted the pivotal importance of decent work and social protection in Cameroon, with an emphasis on youth employment and the alignment of skills with the labor market. The commitment to social protection has been underscored by the signing of Cameroon’s Decent Work Country Programme, reinforcing the nation's dedication to universal health insurance coverage and social justice, The Sun reports.

Cameroonian arrested in Singapore for forgery

A gripping tale unfolds as a daring young man from Cameroon, Karl Phillippe Njiomo Tengueu, found himself embroiled in a scandalous forgery escapade. Travelling across borders, he devised a cunning plan to sneak into a Bruno Mars concert at the Singapore Sports Hub by forging staff passes. His audacious act, though meticulously plotted, led to his downfall as he was sentenced to 10 weeks in jail for forgery and cheating. Today Online reports that his calculated actions were perceived as a threat to the security of large-scale events, painting a cautionary tale of ambition gone astray.

Fuel smuggling syndicate

The Nigerian Army's interception of a fuel smuggling syndicate shining a light on the clandestine support to Ambazonian rebels in Cameroon, unravels a gripping narrative of regional security. As the eight members of the syndicate were apprehended with a staggering 24,200 litres of fuel, valued at ₦19.3 million, the operation stands as a testament to the commitment to fortify regional security and curb illegal support to terrorist groups. According to the 21 st Century Chronicle , the interception serves as a bold stroke in the sagacious pursuit of peace and stability.

Here are the top five cocoa-producing nations whose annual surplus continually boosts their gross domestic products (GDPs).

Cote d'Ivoire

Cote d'Ivoire continues to hold its position as the leading cocoa-producing nation globally by contributing 44% of the total production. According to a 2024 report from Statista , Cote d'Ivoire harvested around 1.45 million tons of cocoa beans in the 2012/2013 season. The country is projected to increase cocoa production to 1.8 million tons by the end of the 2024 season.

Ghana

As usual, Ghana closely follows, contributing 14% to the world's total cocoa production. According to Joseph Aidoo , the Chief Executive Officer of the Ghana Cocoa Board, the country is projected to produce between 650,000 to 700,000 tons of cocoa beans by the end of the 2023-2024 season, compared to an earlier forecast of 850,000 tons. The season concludes in September.

Ecuador

Ecuador typically produces an average of 337,000 tons of cocoa annually. However, in the 2022/2023 crop year, production increased to 454,000 tons . As the third-largest cocoa producer, it holds a 9% share of the global output. Nevertheless, forecasts indicate a slight dip in production for the 2023/2024 season, with an expected output of 430 thousand tons, lower than the previous year's yield.

Cameroon

Cameroon contributes 6% of the world's total cocoa production in 300,000 metric tons. Statista projects Cameroon to produce 300,000 tons of cocoa in the 2023/2024 crop year. The country has always shown its prowess in cocoa production, producing 225,000 tons of cocoa beans in 2012/2013.

Nigeria

Just like Cameroon, Nigeria contributes 6% of the global cocoa production. Visual Capitalist shows Nigeria produced around 280,000 tons of cocoa beans in 2022. The country, however, produced around 238,000 tons of cocoa beans in 2023, according to Statista . It is expected to improve with a production of about 270 thousand tons in 2023/2024.

The museum was constructed to honour Bamoun, an ethnic group from Northeastern Cameroon and one of the oldest kingdoms in sub-Saharan Africa founded in 1384.

The edifice was constructed by Issofou Mbouombouo, a native of Cameroon whose design involved a combination of tradition and modernity.

The structure has the coat of arms of the kingdom and a double bell that signifies patriotism.

While the entrance of the museum gives you the feel of a snake, the topmost part of the building looks like a spider with its legs sticking out in the middle part of the building. Both symbols signify the victory of the Bamoum people and the spider is used in divination rituals by Bamoum doctors.

The two-headed snake was created by the 11th king of the kingdom, according to Xinhua news.

The story is told that the king was attacked by two enemy forces from the east and the west, his war strategy was to split his army in two and fight back, and he won on both fronts at the same time. On his return, he said 'We have won these two wars like a two-headed snake, which can bite towards two directions at the same time.'

The people believe in a supreme god and ancestor worship is their religion.

Bamoun King, Ibrahim Njoya, a famous king in the kingdom who reigned from 1889 to 1933 was the motivation for the construction of the museum.

Grandson of King Ibrahim Njoya, former Sultan King Ibrahim Mbombo Njoya in 2013, launched the construction of the museum.

The new museum was inaugurated on April 13, 2024, in an iconic ceremony with over 2,000 guests.

Current Sultan King Mouhammad Nabil Mforifoum Mbombo Njoya oversaw the inauguration of the museum which is now open to tourists.

According to VOA , the museum has 12,500 pieces including weapons, pipes, and musical instruments. The museum also has on display items from the life of the most famous Bamoun King, Ibrahim Njoya, who reigned from 1889 to 1933 and created Bamoun Script, a writing system that contains over 500 syllabic signs. It also exhibits his manuscripts and a corn-grinding machine he invented.

What they said:

Victoria United, Wilfried Nathan Douala's club has since refuted the facts, citing an error on the part of Fecafoot according to Le Monde. According to the newspaper, the club noted that Douala and team-mate Nji Richmond “do not have double identities as speculated by Fecafoot. We believe that this might be an error from the Fecafoot. We call on our supporters to remain calm as we have submitted the necessary documents to justify that the players do not have a double identity,” the BBC quoted a club statement from Victoria United.

Nigeria's national football team, the Super Eagles, boasts a rich history in the Africa Cup of Nations, having been crowned champions three times, with their last triumph in 2013. The absence of decorated former winners such as Egypt and Cameroon, coupled with Senegal's elimination from the round of 16, has intensified speculation about who will ultimately lift the trophy.

“If you look at the current Nigeria setup, you’ll see Osimhen very determined and their top players, play together as a team, they are very confident. One of the most threatening teams is Senegal but they have been eliminated by Ivory Coast,” Shaban said in an interview with GSW.

The 2023 Africa Cup of Nations is  the ongoing 34 th edition of the biennial African Association Football tournament, hosted by Côte d'Ivoire and organized by the Confederation of African Football, kicked off on January 13 and is set to conclude on February 11, 2024.

“The history and facts speak in favour of Nigeria. They’re likely to pull a surprise. Currently, they have three titles, they have experience, and I’m very impressed with their performance. With the elimination of Senegal, it gives so much advantage to Nigeria," he added.

As fans, football enthusiasts and analysts eagerly anticipate the upcoming matches, all eyes will be on Nigeria to see if they can capitalize on the current tournament dynamics and secure their fourth Africa Cup of Nations title.

Shaban dismissed the notion that the choice of either a local or foreign coach influences a team's success, asserting, "Winning the trophy has nothing to do with the preference of a local or foreign coach. It is about someone who has the strength, competence, and capability to manage the team. Irrespective of where you are coming from, if you can deliver, that's what matters."

Shaban Mohammed is a Ghanaian sports journalist who doubles as a sports statistician for the sport in Africa.

Cameroon has clocked a milestone as the first country in the world to roll out a routine vaccine programme against malaria. The move targeted at reducing malaria in children will see the country offer the RTS,S vaccine to all infants up to the age of six months old at no cost. According to Cameroon Online , the vaccine is known to be effective in at least 36% of cases. The development of the RTS,S vaccine took over 30 years of research by the British drug maker GSK. The drug has been approved by the World Health Organisation (WHO) which has hailed Cameroon for the historical project.

Gold production

Acting Minister of Mines, Professor Fuh Calistus Gentry has met with miners operating in the Eastern region to talk about issues regarding the advancement of gold production in Cameroon. The miners were invited to migrate to small mines by adopting the “Carbon in Leach” leaching system, a closed, modern, and adapted system that makes it possible to control the production of gold in the quarries.  A joint project monitoring committee made up of geologists, the National Brigade and Mining Engineers has been set up for this purpose, according to Journal Du Cameroun .

Stampede kills students

At least ten students lost their lives during a stampede at the Lycée Bilingue d’Etoug-Ebe, located in the political capital Yaoundé on January 22, 2024. Cameroon Online reported that the students who were late for school were rushing to enter the school’s gate which had earlier been closed. Many students were reported dead and about 106 others were injured.

Government appointments

Cameroon’s President Paul Biya has appointed a retired senior state official and former Minister of Forestry and Wildlife Ngole Philp Ngwese to the post of High Commissioner of Cameroon to Canada. According to Cameroon Info, the interim High Commissioner in Canada for the country, Philippe Fouda Tsilla will hand over power to the sixty-year-old. “In this happy circumstance, the High Commission joins the Cameroonian diaspora in Canada to send its warm and hearty congratulations to the new head of diplomatic mission,” a statement signed on January 18 by the outgoing Fouda Tsilla was quoted by Cameroon Info .

AFCON

Captain of the Cameroon National Football Team also known as the Indomitable Lions has not participated in the ongoing Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) in Abijan since the start of the tournament. Vincent Aboubakar suffered an injury in his left thigh during training, leading to his withdrawal from the games. An MRI (magnetic resonance imaging) revealed a slight musculo-aponeurotic separation classified grade 1, the doctor of the Cameroonian selection was quoted by Actu Cameroun in a statement. The team is set to face the Gambia on January 23, 3023 at the Stade De Bouaké for the 3 rd and final day of Group C games. The Indomitable Lions are seeking to qualify for the round of 16.