A summary of the average monthly pensions across Europe highlights just how wide that gap has become. At the top sits Iceland, where retirees receive more than €3,100 ($3,645) a month on average. At the lower end of the high-income bracket, countries like Ireland and Belgium hover just above €2,000 ($2,351).

According to OECD and Eurostat data, Northern and Western European countries consistently rank highest in pension payouts.

Iceland leads with roughly €3,169 per month per beneficiary, followed by Luxembourg (€2,868) and Denmark (€2,545). Norway and Switzerland also sit comfortably above €2,300.

These countries share a common model, and that is a strong public pension system combined with occupational and private schemes. OECD analysis shows that multi-pillar pension systems, where state support is supplemented by employer-backed and private savings, tend to deliver higher retirement incomes.

There is also a broader economic context where higher wages during working life translate into larger contributions and, ultimately, higher pensions.

Countries such as Austria (€2,156), the Netherlands (€2,118) and Belgium (€2,021) fall slightly behind the Nordic leaders but remain above the €2,000 mark.

Eurostat data indicate that these countries benefit from mature social security systems with wide coverage, though replacement rates, the share of income maintained after retirement, vary depending on career length and contribution history.

Ireland, at around €2,005, rounds out the group. While its public pension is relatively modest, it is often supplemented by private retirement savings, which OECD reports say are increasingly important across Europe.

Why the gap exists

The variation in pension levels comes down to a few key factors:

Eurostat has repeatedly warned that Europe’s ageing population will intensify these pressures in the coming decades, with the ratio of working-age people to retirees continuing to shrink.

However, Higher pensions do not automatically mean better living standards.

Countries like Switzerland and Norway, while offering higher monthly payouts, also have significantly higher costs of living. OECD comparisons show that purchasing power can vary widely, meaning €2,000 in one country may stretch further than €3,000 in another.

Poland is expected to allocate around 4.5% of its gross domestic product (GDP) to defence in 2025, the highest share among NATO allies, according to recent estimates compiled by defence analysts and data platforms, including Atlas Institute and reported by Euronews.

The surge reflects a broader shift across the alliance, where governments are under growing pressure to meet or exceed NATO’s benchmark of spending at least 2% of GDP on defence.

Countries on NATO’s eastern flank, closest to Russia , dominate the top of the spending rankings. Lithuania (4.0%), Latvia (3.7%) and Estonia (3.4%) are all projected to significantly exceed the alliance’s 2% target.

What this signals is a strategic recalibration. Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, frontline states have moved rapidly to strengthen military readiness, expand troop numbers and modernise equipment.

Euronews reports that defence budgets across Europe have seen sustained increases, with many governments committing to multi-year spending plans focused on air defence systems, artillery and ammunition stockpiles.

The United States , NATO’s largest military power, is expected to spend about 3.2% of GDP on defence in 2025—lower than several Eastern European allies in proportional terms but still far higher in absolute spending.

Northern European countries are also stepping up. Norway (3.3%) and Denmark (3.2%) are among the top contributors, reflecting growing concerns over Arctic security and regional stability.

Meanwhile, major Western European economies such as the United Kingdom and Germany are projected to spend around 2.4% of GDP, signalling progress after years of criticism for underinvestment.

Germany, in particular, has pledged a long-term shift in defence policy following its €100 billion special fund announced after the Ukraine invasion, a move widely covered by Euronews as a turning point in European security policy.

A notable development is that nearly all NATO members reached the 2% GDP benchmark in 2025. Countries including France, Italy, Canada and Spain hit that threshold, marking a significant change from just a few years ago when many allies fell short.

Recent data compiled from international migration estimates and policy analyses shows that more than 50 million immigrants live in the United States, far exceeding any other country, according to figures cited by immigration platform CitizenPath and global data aggregators.

Germany follows with 15.8 million immigrants, while Saudi Arabia (13.5 million), Russia (11.6 million) and the United Kingdom (9.4 million) round out the top five.

Analysts at Intelpoint note that advanced economies continue to attract the largest absolute migrant populations due to stronger labour markets and institutional stability, particularly in sectors such as healthcare, construction and technology .

CitizenPath data also highlights that immigration remains central to U.S. population growth, with migrants accounting for a significant share of workforce expansion in recent years.

While Western nations dominate in total numbers, Gulf countries lead when measured by proportion of immigrants within their populations.

These figures reflect a fundamentally different migration structure, where foreign workers make up the majority of the labour force under temporary or sponsorship-based systems.

According to regional analyses cited by Intelpoint, Gulf economies rely heavily on migrant labour across construction, domestic work and service industries, with limited pathways to permanent residency or citizenship.

Brazil follows at a distance with roughly 21 million tonnes, while India, Australia and Russia each hold significantly smaller but strategically important reserves.

Rare earth elements, which are a group of 17 minerals including neodymium, dysprosium and terbium, are indispensable in high-performance magnets, wind turbines, electric vehicles and advanced electronics.

The USGS notes that global demand continues to rise sharply, driven by clean energy technologies and defence applications, increasing the strategic importance of stable supply chains.

China’s dominance is not limited to reserves. The country also accounts for the majority of global rare earth mining and processing capacity, giving it outsized influence over pricing and availability.

Beyond China and Brazil, several countries are positioning themselves as alternative suppliers.

India holds approximately 6.9 million tonnes of reserves, while Australia, already a key producer, has around 5.7 million tonnes. Russia and Vietnam each account for roughly 3–4 million tonnes, according to USGS estimates.

The United States , with about 1.9 million tonnes, remains comparatively limited in reserves but is investing heavily in domestic production and processing to reduce reliance on imports.

Greenland has also drawn attention in recent years, with around 1.5 million tonnes of estimated reserves, though development remains politically and environmentally sensitive.

In Africa, Tanzania and South Africa hold smaller but notable deposits, underscoring the continent’s growing relevance in critical minerals discussions.

The concentration of rare earth resources, and even more so, processing capacity, however, has raised concerns among Western governments.

The USGS highlights that supply disruptions, whether due to geopolitical tensions, export controls or environmental regulations, could have significant downstream effects on industries ranging from renewable energy to defence manufacturing.

Recent years have seen increased efforts by the United States, the European Union and allies to diversify sourcing, invest in recycling technologies and develop alternative materials.

According to maritime analyses and industry insights reported by Marine Insight , canals serve as strategic connectors between seas, rivers, and industrial regions, reducing transit times and fuel costs while easing congestion around longer natural routes.

The Panama Canal, which stretches roughly 82 km, remains one of the most economically vital waterways globally. It links the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, saving ships from the lengthy and hazardous journey around South America ’s Cape Horn. Despite its relatively modest length, its geopolitical and commercial significance is outsized.

Similarly, Europe’s Kiel Canal in Germany, measuring just over 98 km, is one of the world’s busiest artificial waterways, allowing vessels to bypass the Danish Straits and significantly cut transit time between the North Sea and the Baltic Sea.

Russia’s Volga–Don Canal, at approximately 101 km, plays a key role in connecting the Caspian Sea basin with global shipping routes, forming part of a larger inland water transport network that supports regional trade.

Further north, Sweden’s historic Göta Canal, spanning about 193 km, is less commercially dominant today but remains a notable engineering achievement and an important cultural waterway.

However, Egypt ’s Suez Canal, also around 193 km long, is a cornerstone of global trade. It provides the shortest maritime route between Europe and Asia, handling a significant share of the world’s container traffic. Disruptions to the canal, as seen in recent years, have demonstrated its critical role in supply chains and energy shipments.

Longer inland systems, such as the Illinois Waterway in the United States (over 540 km) and the Erie Canal (around 582 km), highlight the importance of canals in domestic trade. These waterways connect major river systems and industrial hubs, facilitating the movement of bulk goods like grain, coal, and petroleum.

Towering above all is China’s Grand Canal, extending approximately 1,777 km. Recognised as the world's longest canal, it links key economic regions from Beijing to Hangzhou. According to Marine Insight, the Grand Canal has historically supported internal trade and continues to play a role in water transport and regional development.

Yet symbolism has not translated into gender equality as a central pillar of Sheinbaum’s governing agenda. Instead, the early phase of her presidency has been defined by the implementation of sweeping judicial and electoral reforms originally proposed by her predecessor, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (also known as AMLO), the founder of her party, Morena (National Regeneration Movement).

These initiatives have dominated legislative activity, signalling a strategic emphasis on institutional restructuring rather than social or redistributive policies. Under Sheinbaum, Morena has recalibrated Mexico’s democratic architecture, systematically redesigning—or dismantling—institutions originally created to limit executive power.

Power without friction

This transformation is underpinned by an unprecedented concentration of political authority. In the 2024 elections, Morena dramatically expanded its control at the state level: the number of Morena governors rose from four to twenty-four of Mexico’s thirty-two states, collectively representing more than 72% of the population, often through electoral coalitions. At the federal level, Sheinbaum commands the strongest majority in the lower chamber since 1982, when the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) governed as a hegemonic force. As a result, opposition parties have been severely weakened.

This concentration of power is reshaping the mechanics of governance. Institutional friction has diminished, as seen in the swift passage of constitutional reforms to expand the military’s role in public security and the approval of the judicial reform that restructures the Supreme Court and introduces the popular election of judges—both advanced with limited cross-party negotiation.

In each case, Morena’s legislative dominance reduced the need for coalition-building, narrowing the space for pluralistic deliberation and weakening traditional checks and balances. Policy decisions are now largely settled within Morena’s internal structures rather than through open democratic contestation.

Mexico’s current political moment cannot be understood as the product of a single election cycle or reform package. The country’s long transition to democracy—unfolding over decades and culminating in the peaceful alternation of power in 2000—was widely described as the end of the PRI’s “perfect dictatorship”, a term popularised by Mario Vargas Llosa and later echoed by Mexican writers like Juan Villoro in assessing Mexico’s uneasy democratic consolidation. That transition sought to dismantle the authoritarian structures consolidated during the PRI’s late-twentieth-century dominance.

Today, however, Mexico’s power configuration increasingly resembles earlier periods, such as the presidency of Gustavo Díaz Ordaz (1965-1970), when authority operated through formal constitutional mechanisms concentrated within a centralised presidential authority, strict control over political opposition and the press, and the violent repression of dissent. The presence of prominent Morena figures such as Marcelo Ebrard, Manuel Bartlett, and Mario Delgado—all of whom built their careers within the PRI before migrating to Morena—underscores continuity rather than rupture.

The democratizing reforms of the late twentieth century rested on fragile pillars that are now under strain. Political pluralism, once gradually institutionalised through competitive elections and proportional representation, has been eroded by Morena’s overwhelming congressional dominance.

Redesigning institutional independence

The judiciary—once conceived as an independent constitutional counterweight and a guarantor of fundamental rights—was overhauled in the 2025 judicial elections. Approved by an estimated turnout of just 13% amid widespread voter confusion, the reform fundamentally alters the courts’ role as an independent arbiter.

Initiated under AMLO and supported by Sheinbaum, the overhaul politicises the judiciary and weakens the rule of law. Rather than constraining executive authority through technical and professional oversight, the judiciary now aligns more closely with the ruling party and faces heightened exposure to infiltration by organised crime through politicised judicial appointments.

This reform is not an attempt to expand her personal executive apparatus, but it does represent a structural consolidation of Morena’s long-term dominance. By reshaping the judiciary’s composition and weakening its autonomy, the governing party reduces institutional counterweights that could constrain future administrations. 

Electoral institutions, long regarded as cornerstones of Mexico’s democratic transition after the disputed 1988 elections, are also poised for transformation. Sheinbaum’s proposed reform of the National Electoral Institute (INE) would significantly reshape Mexico’s electoral system by introducing the popular election of electoral authorities, reducing legislative representation, and tightening public spending. The proposal would also shrink Congress. Most alarmingly, it would dissolve the INE altogether and replace it with a centralised electoral body that would absorb the functions of state-level electoral institutes.

These reforms are unfolding in a context where democratic rights are already fragile. According to the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI) , Mexico scores just 5 out of 10 on the indicators of freedom of expression and separation of powers. Additionally, it receives a score of only 4 points on the civil rights indicator, which barely puts Mexico in the category of a defective democracy rather than an autocracy. The trend, however, shows clear signs of deterioration.

Freedom of expression remains particularly vulnerable. Since 2000, more than 150 journalists have been murdered , while countless others face daily harassment and threats. In her morning press conferences, Sheinbaum has continued the practice of the so-called “Lie Detector,” a rebranded version of AMLO’s “Who’s Who in the Lies,” used to publicly denounce journalists accused of spreading “falsehoods” for criticising Morena.

Mexico’s internal concentration of power also shapes its external posture. Ahead of the upcoming review of the USMCA trade agreement, Sheinbaum’s administration has taken steps aimed at appeasing Washington—often at a cost to Mexican citizens. Security policy, in particular, continues to prioritise optics over justice. The transfer of ninety-two cartel members to date has been a calculated manoeuvre   that bypassed formal extradition procedures.

Controlling the optics

Narrative management lies at the heart of Morena’s governing style. With five years still ahead, Sheinbaum faces a fundamental choice: whether to dismantle organised crime and corruption or to once again rebrand impunity. The president has highlighted a sharp decline in homicide rates , attributing it to improved coordination among security forces. Yet many observers question the reliability of these figures, particularly as reported disappearances have continued to rise annually under Morena governments.

International concern has intensified. In April 2025, the UN Committee on Enforced Disappearances invoked Article 34 of the Convention against Enforced Disappearance with respect to Mexico—a rare step reserved for cases where there are well-founded indications of widespread or systematic disappearances. While not a final judgment, the move placed Mexico under heightened international scrutiny and underscored persistent concerns about impunity and institutional capacity.

Corruption allegations have also trailed Sheinbaum’s administration. Two flagship infrastructure projects championed by Morena—the Tren Maya and the Interoceanic Corridor —have been linked to fatal accidents. In both cases, leaked audio recordings involving AMLO’s children have suggested structural flaws and irregularities in construction processes.

On the international stage, Sheinbaum has shown greater engagement than her predecessor. She attended the G20 summit in Brazil and the G7 meeting in Canada and has strengthened Mexico’s ties with the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States. She has also managed—at least so far—to maintain a cordial relationship with U.S. President Donald Trump, keeping tariffs at bay.

Yet Washington’s renewed focus on the region, including intervention in Venezuela and threats of cross-border military operations against Mexican cartels, poses a challenge to Morena’s discourse of sovereignty. Increasingly, the administration appears more focused on framing and justifying the possibility of U.S. military intervention than on preventing it.

Optics in Mexican politics has always been a priority for the incumbent administration, regardless of the party. The PRI sought to maintain absolute political stability and secure its own, unchallenged dominance over the government, which lasted uninterrupted for 71 years. When the PAN (National Action Party) took power in 2000, the two main things they wanted to portray were “change” and “modernisation”. Now that Morena is in its second mandate, Sheinbaum must navigate competing audiences: the Mexican public, hardline Morena party members, and U.S. President Trump. 

The recent detention and ensuing death of “El Mencho”, the leader of the NGJC—the most powerful and violent cartel of the past ten years—illustrates this logic, in which the target of the optics was the U.S. government as a response to mounting U.S. pressure over fentanyl and insecurity. In Mexico, people know that the detention of high-ranking leaders rarely dismantles criminal structures: fragmentation produces further violence and instability, especially in the case of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel.

Sheinbaum governs without the unifying authority that Andrés Manuel López Obrador commanded over Morena. Internal divisions have become more visible, and controversies involving high-profile figures—like Gerardo Fernández Noroña’s expenses and Adán Augusto López’s resignation as leader of the Senate due to political issues—have exposed cracks beneath the surface of legislative dominance. 

Sustaining the perception of order, economic stability, and sovereign control—particularly in relation to the United States—helps preserve political capital even as structural problems persist. In this sense, optics are not merely a communication strategy; they are a mechanism for maintaining authority in a system where formal checks have eroded.

Whether this approach consolidates democratic stability or further normalises executive dominance will define the remainder of her term. Sheinbaum’s central challenge will be balancing internal party cohesion, public legitimacy, and external pressures.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Stephania Corpi is a journalist and documentary photographer based in Mexico. She reports on migration, human rights, gender equality, and underreported social and political issues across Latin America. Her work has appeared in The Washington Post , El País , The Guardian , NPR, Texas Public Radio, and other international outlets.

According to World Bank data on total renewable freshwater resources, Brazil accounts for roughly 5,661 billion cubic metres annually, making it the most water-rich country globally. Russia follows with about 4,312 billion cubic metres, while Canada, the United States and China also rank among the top holders of freshwater reserves.

The concentration of freshwater in a handful of countries underscores a growing global challenge: water is abundant in some regions but scarce in others, often where demand is highest.

After Brazil and Russia, Canada holds approximately 2,850 billion cubic metres of renewable freshwater resources, slightly ahead of the United States at around 2,818 billion cubic metres and China at about 2,813 billion cubic metres, according to World Bank figures.

Further down the list are Colombia (2,145 billion cubic metres), Indonesia (2,019 billion cubic metres) and Peru (1,641 billion cubic metres), reflecting the role of tropical climates and large river systems in sustaining water availability.

India, despite having significant total freshwater resources estimated at around 1,446 billion cubic metres, faces acute water stress due to its large population and rising demand. Myanmar, with roughly 1,003 billion cubic metres, also ranks among the top countries in absolute terms.

Countries with large reserves can, however, still face regional shortages due to uneven distribution or limited storage and treatment capacity. In Brazil, for example, most freshwater is concentrated in the Amazon basin, far from major urban centres such as São Paulo.

Similarly, despite Russia’s vast reserves, much of its freshwater is located in sparsely populated Siberia, limiting its accessibility for industrial and urban use.

The World Bank has warned that global water demand could exceed supply by 40% by 2030 if current trends continue, driven by population growth, urbanisation and agricultural expansion.

Climate change is further intensifying the challenge, altering rainfall patterns and increasing the frequency of droughts in already water-stressed regions such as South Asia, the Middle East and parts of Africa.

China and India , both among the largest holders of freshwater in absolute terms, are also among the most water-stressed countries when measured per capita, reflecting the pressure of large populations and rapid industrialisation.

Governments are increasingly focusing on water management as a strategic issue. Investments in infrastructure, including dams, reservoirs and desalination plants, are rising, alongside efforts to improve water efficiency in agriculture, which accounts for about 70% of global freshwater use, according to the World Bank.

These strategic chokepoints include the Suez Canal, the Panama Canal, the Strait of Hormuz, the Strait of Malacca, the English Channel, the Bosphorus Strait, and the Strait of Gibraltar. Together they form the backbone of international shipping, connecting the world’s major oceans and trade hubs.

Suez Canal

The Suez Canal in Egypt is one of the most important maritime shortcuts in the world.

Stretching about 193 kilometres, it links the Mediterranean Sea to the Red Sea, allowing ships travelling between Europe and Asia to avoid the long route around Africa.

According to maritime industry data, roughly 50 ships transit the canal daily, and the route carries around 12% of global trade, making it one of the busiest shipping corridors globally.

Strait of Hormuz

The Strait of Hormuz, located between Iran and Oman, is widely regarded as the most important oil chokepoint on the planet.

The narrow passage connects the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman, through which more than 20,000 ships pass annually.

Energy analysts estimate that around 20% of global oil exports move through the strait, making it vital for international energy markets.

Strait of Malacca

The Strait of Malacca, located between Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore, serves as the main shipping corridor linking the Indian Ocean to the South China Sea.

Roughly 260 vessels transit the route daily, according to maritime traffic data.

The passage is especially important for Asian manufacturing economies, including China, Japan and South Korea, which rely heavily on energy imports and global supply chains.

English Channel

The English Channel, separating southern England from northern France , is among the busiest sea routes in the world.

About 400 vessels pass through the channel every day, connecting Atlantic shipping routes to major ports in Northern Europe, including Rotterdam, Antwerp and Hamburg.

The channel stretches roughly 560 kilometres and plays a central role in trade flows between Europe and global markets.

Panama Canal

The Panama Canal, spanning roughly 82 kilometres across Panama, connects the Atlantic and Pacific oceans.

On average, about 32 ships transit the canal daily, according to maritime monitoring data.

The waterway provides a vital shortcut for trade between the United States, Asia and Latin America, significantly reducing travel distance and shipping costs.

Bosphorus Strait

The Bosphorus Strait, running through Istanbul, connects the Black Sea with the Sea of Marmara.

Although only about 30 kilometres long, the waterway handles heavy maritime traffic with around 48,000 ships passing annually, making it one of the busiest natural straits in the world.

The corridor is particularly important for the movement of grain, oil and regional trade from Black Sea countries.

Strait of Gibraltar

The Strait of Gibraltar, located between southern Spain and northern Morocco, forms the entrance to the Mediterranean Sea from the Atlantic Ocean.

Approximately 300 ships transit the strait daily, carrying cargo and oil between Europe, Africa, the Middle East and global markets.

At its narrowest point, the passage is only about 14 kilometres wide, underscoring its role as a major global shipping chokepoint.

Why these routes matter

More than 80% of global trade moves by sea , according to international shipping estimates.

Because many shipping routes converge at a few narrow passages, disruptions caused by conflict, accidents or environmental factors can quickly affect supply chains worldwide.

Industry experts say the concentration of global maritime traffic in these chokepoints highlights both the efficiency and vulnerability of modern trade networks.

The analysis shows that between February 28 and March 10, U.S. and Israeli forces carried out around 5,000 strikes, while Iran launched roughly 3,000 attacks during the same period.

The figures illustrate the scale and pace of operations as both sides exchanged sustained waves of military strikes across multiple days.

The conflict began with a major initial escalation on February 28, when the combined U.S.– Israel strike wave reached roughly 900 attacks, according to the data.

Iran responded with about 550 strikes, marking the opening phase of the confrontation.

After the initial surge, both sides continued launching attacks throughout early March.

Eigenrac Risk Management’s estimated daily counts show the following pattern:

Destructions from tensions

Apart from the UAE and Qatar, Bahrain was caught in the crossroads after an Iranian drone reportedly struck fuel storage facilities near Bahrain International Airport on Muharraq Island.

The attack reportedly occurred late at night on March 12 in Muharraq Governorate, where the kingdom’s main airport and several energy storage sites are located.

Bahraini authorities said the drone hit fuel tanks, igniting a large fire that sent thick plumes of smoke into the sky and prompted emergency warnings for nearby residents to remain indoors and close windows to avoid inhaling smoke from the burning fuel.

Additionally, oil prices have climbed again after three additional cargo vessels were struck in the Gulf . Brent crude surged more than 9% during Asian trading, briefly pushing above $100 (£74.79) per barrel before retreating slightly to around $97.50.

The International Energy Agency, on Thursday, March 12, said the conflict in the Middle East was "creating the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market".

Back in 2017, Iran’s oil exports were spread across several major global buyers. According to trade data from Visual Capitalist , China accounted for about 26 perrcent of Iranian oil exports, followed by India at 20 percent, the European Union at 19 percent, South Korea at 12 percent, and Turkey at around 10 percent.

Other countries such as the United Arab Emirates, Japan, Syria and Taiwan also imported smaller volumes, creating a relatively diversified export market for Iranian crude.

That picture changed dramatically in 2025.

Recent tanker tracking and trade analysis show that China now absorbs roughly 90 percent of Iran’s crude exports, making it by far Tehran’s largest energy customer. The remaining shipments are distributed among a handful of smaller buyers, including Syria, the United Arab Emirates and Venezuela, with other destinations accounting for only a small fraction of exports.

The shift toward China has been largely driven by U.S. sanctions on Iran’s energy sector, which were reimposed after Washington withdrew from the 2015 nuclear agreement in 2018. The sanctions restricted many countries and companies from purchasing Iranian oil or conducting transactions with Iranian financial institutions.

As a result, many traditional buyers, including European nations, Japan and South Korea, sharply reduced or halted imports of Iranian crude.

China, however, continued purchasing Iranian oil, often through indirect channels or discounted contracts. According to analysts at Kpler , Iranian crude has frequently been sold at significant discounts compared with global benchmark prices, making it attractive for Chinese refiners.

The growing dominance of China in Iran’s oil export market reflects a broader strategic partnership between the two countries.

In 2021, Iran and China signed a 25-year cooperation agreement aimed at expanding economic ties, including investments in energy, infrastructure and trade. While many details of the deal remain unclear, analysts say energy cooperation forms a central pillar of the relationship.

For China, securing discounted oil supplies helps meet the country’s vast energy demand. China remains the world’s largest crude oil importer, according to data from the International Energy Agency (IEA).

For Iran, China provides a critical economic lifeline at a time when sanctions limit access to many other markets.

Bad Bunny, born Benito Antonio Martínez Ocasio, headlined the Apple Music Super Bowl LX Halftime Show on February 8, 2026, at Levi’s Stadium in Santa Clara, California.

He delivered a show rooted in Latin culture and identity, featuring a dynamic setlist performed primarily in Spanish, and incorporating theatrical elements, surprise moments, including a live wedding and celebratory visuals.

The broadcast drew viewership that exceeded even last year’s record held by Kendrick Lamar.

Before Bad Bunny’s performance, the all-time viewership leaderboard was led by:

These figures reflect total audiences across broadcast and streaming platforms, showing how the halftime show has grown into a peak cultural moment that extends far beyond football.

As a Puerto Rican, Bad Bunny received a lot of pushback , especially from President Donald Trump, when he was announced to headline the Super Bowl. He was alleged to be an immigrant and was not fit to represent Americans, especially as an artist with all his songs in Spanish.

Additionally, the musician has been very vocal about Trump's immigration laws and enforcement.

The heavy pre-performance commentary appears to have fuelled curiosity, drawing global audiences eager to see how he would deliver on the moment.

The Super Bowl halftime show is the major musical performance that takes place during the intermission of the Super Bowl, the annual championship game of the National Football League (NFL).

It’s one of the most-watched entertainment events in the world , with performances that draw massive global audiences and often rival the game itself in cultural impact.

The show takes place between the second and third quarters of the Super Bowl, traditionally to give players a break and entertain viewers during the break.

Originally, it featured marching bands and simple pageantry, much like a college football halftime show, but it has evolved over the decades into a high-production pop spectacle with major global stars.

A turning point came in 1993 with Michael Jackson , whose halftime performance transformed it into a major pop culture event.

Since then, artists like Beyoncé, U2, Prince, Rihanna and Kendrick Lamar have headlined, making it a coveted spotlight in music and entertainment.

The annual list reflects millions of user reviews, bookings and travel activity, ranking the most-loved destinations across the globe.

Here’s a look at the Best Honeymoon Destinations in the World for 2026 :

TripAdvisor describes these destinations as “some of the most romantic places on earth,” based on millions of verified traveller reviews. Oceanfront dining, sunset cruises and spa experiences make them natural choices for honeymooners.

Other top-ranked destinations show the variety couples are seeking:

TripAdvisor’s Travelers’ Choice Awards rely on real guest reviews from travellers worldwide, making this ranking an authentic reflection of honeymoon preferences in 2026. The awards depend on overall traveller satisfaction, including amenities, experiences, food, service and romantic appeal.

England and Wales account for the majority

The largest share of both EU-born residents and EU passport holders lives in England and Wales:

This reflects patterns seen in national census and survey data, where major urban and economic centres such as London, Manchester and Birmingham attract large migrant populations for employment , education and family reasons.

Scotland’s EU community

Scotland also hosts a substantial EU population :

Scotland’s figures reflect both long-term settlement and movement of EU nationals across the UK over recent decades.

Northern Ireland’s unique numbers

Northern Ireland shows an interesting contrast:

This disparity is largely driven by the Ireland-Northern Ireland Common Travel Area and post-Brexit arrangements, which allow many residents of Northern Ireland to hold Irish (and therefore EU) passports even if they were born outside the EU.

What the figures say

Taken together, these numbers show that the UK remains home to a substantial EU community, despite changes in free movement following Brexit.

What’s particularly striking is the gap between the number of people holding EU passports and those born in the EU, suggesting that many people who moved to the UK years ago or whose families have lived in the UK for generations maintain EU citizenship.

The Migration Observatory notes that passport and birth data together offer a more nuanced picture of migration and identity, capturing both recent arrivals and longer-term residents who retain ties to EU countries.