Her remarks formed part of a wider message on regional sovereignty, as she criticised external influence, particularly from the United States , and called for unity across Latin America. By pointing to Bolivia’s experience, Quilcué framed the region’s political direction as an ongoing struggle between competing models of governance, while emphasising the need for cooperation to address shared economic and social challenges.

The dispute followed remarks by Petro describing the situation in Bolivia as a “popular insurrection” and a “Bolivian political crisis,” while offering Colombia’s support for a peaceful solution.

“President Petro’s statements are spreading misinformation, making value judgments and implying direct interference in Bolivian internal politics ,” Aramayo said.

He stressed that the move did not mean Bolivia was severing diplomatic relations with Colombia.

Petro later told Radio Caracol that Bolivia was experiencing “extremism” following the ambassador’s expulsion.

The diplomatic row comes amid growing tensions in Bolivia, where protests and roadblocks have disrupted transport and supplies of food and basic goods across parts of the country.

“Colombians have killed each other for entire generations due to revenge, small things, things of no importance, and above all, a lot of social exclusion,” Petro said.

He described Colombia as one of the world ’s most unequal countries and said drug trafficking had fuelled violence and corruption for decades.

Petro later admitted that his administration had failed to fully meet its goals under the Youth in Peace programme, particularly in stopping the recruitment of young people by armed groups and criminal networks.

“This government did not fulfil 100 percent with ‘Youth in Peace’ and more needs to be done,” he said. “Colombia fell into drug trafficking.”

The programme is one of Petro’s flagship social initiatives and aims to provide vulnerable young people with financial assistance, educational opportunities and psychosocial support to prevent recruitment by gangs and illegal armed groups.

Among those attending the event was a participant identified as Daniel, who said the programme should be expanded and protected.

“It is a process that should continue,” he said, adding that it should defend “the rebelliousness of all youth.”

Colombia continues to face violence linked to dissident guerrilla factions, drug trafficking groups and organised crime networks despite ongoing government peace efforts.

This is not a new phenomenon. Looking back two decades, media coverage at the time highlighted a similar stance from former president Álvaro Uribe, who chose to avoid debates framed by confrontation and personal attacks. His argument centred on maintaining a campaign tone free from aggression—both receiving and delivering it. Today, sectors aligned with figures like Senator Iván Cepeda echo comparable reasoning, emphasising direct engagement with citizens over participation in adversarial debate formats.

This ongoing discussion reflects what is happening today, as highlighted by Carolay Morales, a Colombian journalist from Global South Voices. She points out that some political sectors argue it is more effective to speak directly to people in public squares, mass events, and public tours, rather than engage in debates with opponents. This approach prioritises a direct connection with supporters, but also raises questions about the lack of spaces to confront ideas between candidates.

However, this strategy has long sparked criticism. Commentators have argued that bypassing debates transforms political communication into a one-directional exchange, where candidates speak to supporters rather than engage with competing ideas. As noted years ago by Alejandro Gaviria, this dynamic resembles a “preacher and followers” relationship, raising concerns about the lack of dialogue between equals. Without debates, opportunities to challenge proposals, clarify positions, and contrast visions for the country become limited.

The persistence of this approach raises broader questions about democratic practice—not only in Colombia but globally. While campaign styles and political figures evolve, certain strategies remain unchanged. The current election cycle invites reflection on whether debates should be considered an essential component of democratic accountability, or simply one of many optional tools in modern political communication.

He said Cuba was the only country in Latin America and the Caribbean able to produce its own vaccine at the height of the pandemic, adding that the achievement helped save lives, starting with Cubans themselves.

“If a society , in the middle of a global crisis, was able to rapidly produce an effective vaccine, then that society should not be invaded or bombed. It should be applauded and helped,” Petro said.

His remarks came amid renewed tensions between Washington and Havana. On May 1, US President Donald Trump expanded sanctions on Cuba and suggested that the United States could deploy an aircraft carrier near the island.

Cuban officials condemned the move. President Miguel Díaz-Canel described Washington’s position as a “dangerous escalation,” while Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez accused the US of acting with cynicism and hypocrisy.

Petro also pushed for a coordinated strategy to dismantle criminal networks and highlighted energy transition as a pathway to reducing violence and fostering sustainable development. The visit signals a renewed effort to stabilise bilateral ties, revive trade and address long-standing security challenges affecting border communities.

Petro further criticised Noboa over border closures, arguing that the restrictions had pushed more people in both countries towards illegal trafficking networks. He also alleged that criminal groups based in Ecuador were plotting to assassinate him and Senator Iván Cepeda, widely seen as a potential contender in Colombia’s next presidential race.

The remarks add to a growing rift between Bogotá and Quito. Petro said earlier this week that he planned legal action against Noboa over claims linking him to Ecuadorian crime boss Adolfo Macías, known as “Fito”. The diplomatic clash comes amid a worsening trade dispute that began after Ecuador imposed tariffs on Colombian imports, prompting retaliatory measures from Bogotá.

What they said

Petro said the accusations would be dismantled in U.S. legal proceedings and denied any ties to traffickers. Colombia’s embassy stated, “The reported insinuations have no legal or factual basis.” Ecopetrol President Ricardo Roa said the allegations involving the state oil company “lacked all reality or logic.”

He explained that the initiative will be formally presented by Ghana’s president, John Dramani Mahama, before international bodies on March 25. The proposal seeks to classify slavery as "the gravest crime against humanity", aiming to establish a legal and moral precedent within the international system.

Ablakwa also said the international community has not fully acknowledged the gravity of these crimes or held those responsible accountable.

"For more than 300 years, Africans were treated as property, many of them in the most dehumanising and despicable circumstances. Perpetrators are yet to apologise and have not compensated the victims," Ablakwa said.

“It is unfortunate that our friends in the EU and the US have served notice that they will not be voting for this resolution, but the good news is that we are far more than them, and we want to be on the side of justice, on the right side of history ,” he added.

A new poll published by El Tiempo places Gustavo Cepeda in the lead ahead of Colombia’s 2026 presidential election with 34.5% support. He is followed by Paloma Valencia on 22.2%, while Abelardo De La Espriella trails with 15%. The survey reflects an increasingly competitive political landscape, with significant fragmentation among opposition figures. Analysts suggest the results highlight shifting voter preferences and early consolidation around leading candidates. With the election still months away, the figures remain fluid but indicate a strong старт for Cepeda’s campaign. The poll also underscores the importance of alliances as candidates seek to broaden support.

Colombia strengthens leadership with CELAC-Africa forum

Colombia has hosted a high-level forum between the CELAC and African representatives, reinforcing its diplomatic leadership role. According to the Foreign Ministry, the initiative aims to deepen cooperation in trade, sustainability and political dialogue between both regions. Officials described the meeting as a milestone in South-South relations, positioning Colombia as a bridge between Latin America and Africa. The forum also focused on shared challenges such as climate change and economic development. Authorities stressed the importance of multilateralism in addressing global issues. The event is part of Bogotá’s broader strategy to expand its international influence.

Birth rate in Antioquia falls to lowest level in 18 years

New data reported by DANE shows that births in Antioquia dropped to their lowest level in nearly two decades during 2025. The decline reflects broader demographic trends across Colombia, including lower fertility rates and changing social dynamics. Experts attribute the drop to economic uncertainty, increased access to education and shifting family planning choices. The figures raise concerns about long-term impacts on the labour force and economic growth. Authorities are monitoring the trend as part of national demographic planning. The data highlights a significant transformation in population patterns within the region.

Four Clan del Golfo suspects arrested in major operation

Colombian authorities have captured four alleged members of the Clan del Golfo wanted by the United States on drug trafficking charges. The operation was carried out by national police in coordination with international agencies, marking a significant blow to the criminal network. Officials stated that the suspects were involved in large-scale narcotics operations linked to transnational routes. The arrests form part of ongoing efforts to dismantle organised crime structures in Colombia. Authorities emphasised continued cooperation with US law enforcement. The case underscores the persistent challenge posed by drug trafficking groups.

Dispute grows over claims in Uribe assassination case

Tensions have escalated following accusations related to the assassination of Miguel Uribe Uribe, with Ivan Cepeda demanding concrete evidence to support recent claims. The controversy has reignited political debate, with differing factions disputing interpretations of historical responsibility. Cepeda criticised what he described as unfounded allegations and called for a fact-based approach. The issue has drawn renewed public attention to one of Colombia’s most emblematic political crimes. Analysts warn that the dispute could deepen existing political divisions. The case remains a sensitive topic in the country’s historical memory.

While air and maritime trafficking still play roles, land routes through Mexico dominate the final stage of the journey.

Here’s how the flow typically works.

The land route: Mexico as the gateway

The map above highlights a green land corridor running from Colombia northward through Panama and Central America, into Mexico and across major U.S. border cities such as El Paso, Laredo and Mexicali.

This aligns with findings from the DEA’s National Drug Threat Assessment, which consistently reports that Mexican transnational criminal organisations control most wholesale drug distribution in the United States. After cocaine leaves South America, it is transported through countries including Panama, Costa Rica, Honduras and Guatemala before entering Mexico.

From there, it moves overland across the U.S.–Mexico border, often concealed in vehicles, commercial shipments or through smuggling tunnels. U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) seizure data regularly shows large quantities of cocaine, methamphetamine, heroin and fentanyl intercepted at southwest border ports of entry.

The land route remains dominant because it allows traffickers to move bulk quantities with established logistics networks and corruption infrastructure already in place, according to the DEA.

The Sea route: Caribbean and Pacific maritime corridors

The map’s blue arrows illustrate maritime trafficking through both the Pacific Ocean and the Caribbean Sea.

UNODC reports that traffickers frequently use “go-fast” boats , fishing vessels, semi-submersibles and container shipping to move cocaine from Colombia’s Pacific coast and Caribbean ports. From there, shipments pass through Central American coastal states or Caribbean islands before continuing north.

The U.S. Coast Guard plays a central role in maritime interdictions. In recent years, it has announced record cocaine seizures in the eastern Pacific, underscoring how significant the sea route remains. However, despite substantial seizures, maritime trafficking persists due to the vast expanse of open water and limited enforcement capacity relative to the scale of operations.

The air route

The map also shows air corridors from northern South America into Central America.

While less common for bulk shipments today than in the 1980s and 1990s, air trafficking still occurs. According to UNODC, traffickers use small aircraft to land in remote airstrips in countries such as Honduras and Nicaragua. From there, shipments are transferred to land vehicles for overland transport north.

Air routes are typically used for high-value loads that require speed and reduced exposure time.

While cocaine routes remain critical, the DEA notes that synthetic drugs such as fentanyl increasingly dominate the U.S. overdose crisis. Unlike cocaine, fentanyl is often manufactured in Mexico using precursor chemicals sourced from Asia and then trafficked across the land border.

This shift has further established Mexico’s role as the primary entry point for illicit drugs into the United States.

Córdoba Governor Erasmo Zuleta said around 80 per cent of the department has been impacted, including 24 of its 30 municipalities. Local authorities reported that river overflows and prolonged flooding have damaged homes and rural infrastructure, with more than 33,000 families particularly affected following a series of cold fronts that hit the Caribbean region in late January. Residents described the floods as unavoidable despite efforts to reinforce riverbanks with sandbags and makeshift barriers.

Emergency agencies remain focused on protecting lives and providing shelter and food to displaced families, according to Colombia’s National Unit for Disaster Risk Management. President Gustavo Petro said the scale of the disaster exceeds the state’s normal response capacity, citing 14 deaths, around 9,000 homes destroyed and more than 300,000 people affected nationwide as extreme weather continues to strain vulnerable communities.

Ecuador’s Olympic Committee (COE) warned that the country is close to facing a possible Olympic suspension due to alleged state interference in sports governance . The alert follows a conflict between the COE and Fedeguayas, after government pressure linked to leadership disputes within the federation. COE officials argue that state involvement violates the principle of autonomy required by the International Olympic Committee (IOC). They cautioned that continued interference could lead to sanctions, including exclusion from international competitions. Authorities have not ruled out dialogue, but tensions remain unresolved.

Ecuador reviews Colombia’s account of foreign ministers’ meeting

Ecuador’s government said it is analysing Colombia’s version of a recent bilateral meeting between foreign ministers, which outlined commitments on security cooperation, energy integration and tariff issues. Quito stressed the importance of coordination on cross-border security, particularly in the fight against organised crime. Officials highlighted energy collaboration and trade as shared priorities, while underscoring Ecuador’s interest in concrete follow-up mechanisms. The statement reflects cautious diplomacy as both countries seek to balance cooperation with national interests.

Messi sparks excitement as Inter Miami arrives in Guayaquil

Argentine football star Lionel Messi was enthusiastically welcomed by fans in Guayaquil ahead of a friendly match between Inter Miami and Barcelona SC, dubbed the “Match of History ”. Supporters gathered outside the Oro Verde Hotel, praising Messi’s legacy and expressing excitement at seeing him play in Ecuador. Authorities deployed a special security operation due to the scale of public interest. The match, part of Inter Miami’s South American tour, is expected to feature players such as Luis Suárez and Rodrigo De Paul, drawing significant attention nationwide.

Prison authority cites improvements at Penitenciaría del Litoral amid health concerns

Ecuador’s prison authority SNAI said it is implementing improvements in food provision and infrastructure at the Penitenciaría del Litoral following reports of sanitary problems. Officials claimed measures are underway to address hygiene, overcrowding and basic services at the facility. The prison has been at the centre of repeated crises, highlighting structural weaknesses in the penitentiary system. SNAI insisted that reforms are ongoing, though concerns from inmates’ relatives and human rights groups persist.

Scientist documents Ecuador’s butterflies after three decades of research

Entomologist Keith Willmott has spent more than 30 years studying Ecuador’s butterflies, documenting species with transparent wings and others affected by forest fires . His work combines field research and conservation science, contributing to global understanding of biodiversity in Ecuador’s ecosystems. Willmott has highlighted how habitat loss and climate change threaten butterfly populations. His research underscores Ecuador’s role as a biodiversity hotspot and the importance of long-term scientific study for conservation efforts.

Footage, taken by Viory, from the property shows extensive decay, with collapsed roofs and vegetation overtaking what was once a symbol of wealth and power during Escobar’s rise in the cocaine trade. The estate, named after Escobar’s daughter, continues to attract visitors, even as it stands abandoned and marked by the violence associated with his criminal empire.

Authorities said the auction represents a symbolic victory of the state over organised crime. The sale follows other measures to repurpose confiscated assets, including the transfer in 2025 of land from another Escobar property to rural women affected by Colombia’s armed conflict , as part of a reparations and agrarian reform programme.

The concerns come amid rising trade tensions between the two neighbouring countries. Ecuador recently announced a 30 per cent security tariff on all Colombian imports, citing insufficient cooperation on cross-border crime, including drug trafficking and illegal mining. Colombia responded by suspending electricity exports to Ecuador and imposing its own tariffs on a range of Ecuadorian goods, including rice.

Producers argue that Ecuador would bear the brunt of the dispute. While Colombia could source rice from alternative suppliers or rely on subsidised domestic stocks, Ecuadorian farmers have fewer options to redirect their exports. Industry representatives warn that uncertainty over access to the Colombian market is already discouraging some growers from planting new crops.

The impact could extend beyond farmers themselves. Ecuador relies heavily on Colombian imports such as fertilisers, plastics and vehicle parts, creating an imbalance that leaves rural communities particularly exposed to trade disruptions. With the tariffs set to take effect on 1 February, agricultural groups fear the measures will add to the economic strain faced by farm workers and small producers in one of Ecuador’s most important farming regions.

Ecuador’s government, led by President Daniel Noboa, announced the tariffs earlier this week, framing them as a response to what it described as a lack of reciprocity from Colombia on security cooperation. The measure affects a range of Colombian products and adds strain to an already delicate bilateral relationship.

“We sold them energy when they needed it,” Petro said, referring to electricity exports provided since late 2024. He added that now Ecuador’s situation has stabilised, the decision appeared driven more by political alignment than by regional solidarity, criticising what he described as diplomacy based on confrontation rather than cooperation.

Colombia and Ecuador maintain close economic and security ties, sharing a long and porous border that has required joint efforts against organised crime and smuggling.

Petro said renewed communication between the two sides has created space for Washington to better understand Colombia’s approach to tackling drug trafficking. He argued that dialogue now allows US authorities to grasp the scope of his government’s anti-narcotics strategy, which he described as broader than traditional enforcement-led policies .

Relations between the two leaders deteriorated sharply in early 2026 following a series of public exchanges. Trump described Colombia as a “sick country” and suggested military intervention to combat drug trafficking, comments that Petro rejected by calling for national mobilisation and warning that Colombia would defend its sovereignty. Ties began to stabilise after a phone call on 7 January, paving the way for Petro’s upcoming visit to the White House.

Cuervo’s claimed age surpasses that of Jeanne Louise Calment of France , who remains the longest-lived person officially recorded, having died at 122 years and 164 days. However, Cuervo’s status has yet to receive formal recognition.

Trump said Colombia remained a major source of cocaine entering the United States and described Petro as hostile to US interests, issuing a blunt warning as tensions between the two governments continued to rise.

Petro had earlier argued that the United States had historically “invaded” and taken territory that should belong to Latin America . He also defended Colombia’s role in the war on drugs and warned Trump against damaging nearly two centuries of diplomatic relations, cautioning him not to “awaken the jaguar”.

The exchange comes amid broader regional friction linked to US sanctions on Venezuela, drug trafficking policy, and shifting diplomatic dynamics between Washington and Latin American governments.

How the regional drug trade works

Colombia remains the world's largest producer and exporter of cocaine, with an estimated 80% of the global supply originating within its borders.

The nature of the illicit industry has evolved over the years, challenging the efforts of local and international law enforcement

Fentanyl vs. cocaine

Another key point missing in the discussions, and especially Donald Trump's misleading claim that each drug boat destroyed saves 25,000 American lives, is that the drugs causing America's crisis are not coming from South America. Fentanyl, produced mainly in Mexico, not cocaine, originating in Colombia and Venezuela, is the most lethal substance.

And indeed, the crisis did not begin with drug gangs. Americans were hooked by their own big businesses as pharmaceutical companies co-opted doctors to prescribe highly addictive opiates. As Jorge Rodriguez, president of Venezuela's National Assembly, put it: "If they (the USA) want to bomb something, they should bomb the headquarters of Perdue Pharma."

Maduro and the "Cartel of the Suns"

The Trump administration has labelled President Maduro the "drug dealer in chief," alleging he heads an organisation known as the "Cartel of the Suns." While the Maduro government certainly has links to the drug trade, describing it as a centrally commanded, organised cartel is misleading.

The Venezuelan state is characterised by extensive corruption, with local officials and governors taking cuts from the trade. And the links between the Venezuelan government and transnational crime groups are well documented.

However, the US government's actions - such as the recent pardoning of former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández, who was convicted of drug trafficking in the US- underscore that the real issue is that Maduro is an ideological foe of the administration, not necessarily a unique threat in the drug trade.

Drugs as a livelihood

Much of the debate around the attacks on boats has centred around the question of whether those on board were drug traffickers or simple fishermen. It's impossible to know, but the difference is also not as stark as it might seem. In poor coastal regions, the drug trade is a significant part of the economy, along with agriculture and fishing.

Under most legal codes, a drug dealer or a fisherman would have the same status in law unless convicted in court: innocent.

This is where Colombian president Gustavo Petro, not a natural ally of Maduro, meets his neighbour ideologically. Both argue that the law is being ignored, and their citizens have lost their right to a trial.

Next steps

The US seizure of an oil tanker off the Venezuelan coast marks a significant escalation in the pressure exerted on Maduro. And while the Venezuelan president has already offered to resign, his terms were clearly not acceptable in Washington. Tensions are set to rise, and the people of Colombia and Venezuela, regardless of any links to the drug trade, will feel more pain.

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World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

The president argued that Colombia has shed “blood and blood” fighting drug trafficking for more than half a century, insisting that the issue cannot be addressed through force but through dialogue. He sharply criticised Trump’s remarks, accusing the United States of shifting blame while consuming the very narcotics Colombia has battled to curb. “Then the thanks are an insult,” Petro declared, adding that those who escalate threats risk awakening “the American jaguar that is asleep in the heart of the people.”

Trump’s comments earlier in the week, warning that any country producing or trafficking drugs into the US could be “subject to attacks”, raised concerns in Bogotá, particularly after he hinted Colombia could be added to the list of potential targets alongside Venezuela . His statement came as he renewed calls for ground operations against drug networks operating in Venezuelan territory.

The exchange comes amid heightened tensions between Washington and Caracas, with the US maintaining naval deployments in the Caribbean, including the USS Gerald Ford, as Venezuela mobilises its armed forces and millions of militia members. Petro’s intervention adds a new layer of regional friction as disputes over sovereignty, security and counternarcotics strategy intensify.

According to Gloria Arriero, Director of Colombia’s national immigration service, the adults arrived in the country between 22 and 23 October from the United States and Panama, entering with valid documentation. Their presence drew immediate attention after an alert and an anonymous tip prompted a joint investigation by Migration Colombia, the Gaula Militar Oriente, and the Colombian Institute of Family Welfare (ICBF). The adults were held temporarily in Medellín before being transferred to New York , while the minors were placed under ICBF protection.

Arriero said the children would remain under the custody of New York State authorities to guarantee their safety and determine long-term protective measures. Colombian officials framed the operation as part of broader efforts to address cross-border risks involving vulnerable minors, especially in cases linked to groups already under international scrutiny.

Lev Tahor has faced years of allegations of abuse, mistreatment, and educational deprivation, reported by former members in different countries. The community, which established a compound in Colombia in October, has also been the subject of legal cases abroad. Its original leader, Shlomo Helbrans, convicted of fraud in the United States, died in Mexico in 2017, and the group has since attempted to establish communities in Canada and Guatemala.

Despite the controversies, Lev Tahor has repeatedly denied all accusations, insisting it is the target of religious persecution. The latest intervention in Colombia adds to a growing list of international actions involving the group, reflecting a wider global concern over the welfare of children within isolated religious communities.

The reform follows a ruling by the Corte Constitucional de Colombia, which demanded that the registry adapt its systems to allow gender markers beyond the traditional “male/female” binary. Implementation involved extensive technical adjustments, updating databases, printing systems and digital ID frameworks, to ensure that both physical and digital documents reflect the new options: “NB” for non-binary and “T” for trans.

For many in the LGBTQ+ community, this legal recognition goes beyond paperwork. It represents official validation of identities historically invisibilised by the state. According to advocates, having identity documents that reflect one’s self-perception is fundamental to accessing other civil rights , from employment and healthcare to political participation.

This reform also places Colombia among a growing list of countries seeking to modernise the concept of gender in state administration. By decoupling legal identity from rigid binary norms, the country signals a shift towards more inclusive policies a change that could set a precedent for other nations navigating the complexities of gender, identity and rights in a globalised world .

This divide, has of course been exploited by politicians. From the 1970s onwards, the left sought to build support among racial minorities, gradually altering its own identity. Once fundamentally class-based, the “left” in the early 21st century took the fight not only to imperialist and colonial legacies but also to all those perceived to embody that heritage.

As a result, the integration that once defined the region has partly given way to racial fragmentation. Electoral maps from the last 20 years closely mirror the ethnic makeup of communities.

In Bolivia, the Aymara leader Evo Morales won office not only because voters endorsed the programme of his Movement for Socialism, but because of affinity to his indigenous background. Large constituencies backed him as he used anti-colonial rhetoric to seize and redistribute land from elite farmers, often of Spanish heritage.

In Bolivia’s 2025 election, the right-wing candidate Rodrigo Paz won with the backing of vice-presidential candidate Edman Lara - someone Indigenous voters consider one of their own. Tensions emerged immediately: Lara has mobilised supporters demanding expanded powers from the president.

In Peru, Communist Party leader Isaac Humala Núñez founded the Ethnocacerist Movement in 1987 with a straightforward agenda: power to the Indigenous population. His sons later built the Peruvian Nationalist Party on this foundation. One of them, Ollanta Humala became president in 2011. The party collapsed a few years later, but was replaced by a left-wing movement likewise oriented toward Indigenous voters, albeit without explicitly racial slogans. In 2021, its candidate Pedro Castillo - himself indigenous - won the presidency. Electoral maps show that Castillo prevailed in regions dominated by indigenous populations.

Ecuador’s elections have also taken on a racial character. Daniel Noboa won office with support from the Europeanised electorate and now faces protests from indigenous groups, escalating in some cases into armed confrontation.

In Brazil, the Workers’ Party—the main force of the left—does not explicitly foreground racial issues. However, after coming to power in 2003, it expanded affirmative-action policies explicitly aimed at increasing access for Black, Indigenous, and low-income Brazilians. 

The victory of right-wing candidate Jair Bolsonaro in 2019 was, to some extent, a revolt against these policies. Overlaid electoral and demographic maps tell the story: the “Black” Northeast voted for the left, while the “white” South and Southeast backed the right. The 2022 results show a similar pattern, though the left won that time - political preferences still matter, and Brazi’s divisions are less ethnically-based than, for example, Bolivia.

Colombia’s recent elections reveal a comparable trend. Around 60% of the population belongs to various ethnic groups distinguishing themselves from the “descendants of colonisers”. Left-wing candidate Gustavo Petro made race a visible part of his platform, promising to defend the rights of Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. Turnout in regions where those groups predominate surged, while the traditionally “white” centre of the country once again saw low participation.

Indigenous communities are beginning to step outside the framework of the left and articulate their own demands. Brazilian Indigenous groups staged unrest at a climate summit, opposing the construction of railways, power facilities and oil extraction in the Amazon - projects seen as vital for most Brazilians, but not for Indigenous groups. Similar dynamics are unfolding in Peru, Colombia, Ecuador, Chile and even Argentina, where Indigenous populations are small minorities, yet still mobilising against development initiatives, sometimes violently, as seen in Chile and Ecuador.

The intensification of racial tensions destabilises Latin American states and obstructs their development. Crucially, these mobilisations rarely benefit indigenous communities themselves, but their leaders- often pursuing personal or group political and financial interests. They use left-wing movements as a façade, stoking conflict and provoking confrontation between “indigenous” and “non-indigenous” Latin Americans.

This opinion piece solely represents the views of the author, who has chosen not to disclose his name to avoid repercussions to his work. Global South World knows and can verify his identity.

Speaking via his X account, Petro argued that failing to explicitly name fossil fuels as the root cause of climate change amounts to hypocrisy. He insisted that human existence is only possible if the world transitions away from oil, coal and natural gas , in line with scientific evidence.

Petro was not alone in his objections. More than 80 countries had pushed for a binding fossil fuel exit roadmap during the COP30 talks but ultimately failed to secure a reference in the final agreement. The president’s climate team has described this as a betrayal of scientific consensus and a missed opportunity for a just energy transition.

Colombia’s acting Minister of Environment, Irene Vélez, threw her support behind Petro’s stance, affirming that the government will not yield on the principles of climate justice and scientific truth. She argued that stronger multilateral action and clearer targets are needed to avoid perpetuating dependency on fossil fuel capital.

Petro’s rebuttal to the COP30 declaration has sparked wider debate in Latin America and around the world about climate ambition. While the summit did result in a non-binding “Global Mutirão” agreement on accelerating climate action, critics like Petro say it lacks teeth, particularly without a roadmap to eliminate the fossil fuels most responsible for climate change.

However, Petro faces growing domestic frustration, with critics arguing he is more focused on international issues — including Palestine, Trump’s policies, and the war in Ukraine — than on Colombia’s priorities, potentially jeopardising the country’s crucial trade relationship with the United States .

His recent suspension of intelligence cooperation with the U.S. over its campaign against alleged drug boats has added to tensions, and as world leaders meet at COP30 in Brazil , questions remain about whether Petro’s global message will resonate.

“Liar Trump and your lying friends, liar Mr Rubio. Those you are killing are not drug traffickers,” Petro declared, referring to US operations in the region. He claimed that the real drug traffickers had long moved into political and financial circles. “The drug traffickers have gone, through their politicians, to the offices in Miami to speak with Mr Rubio’s senators, to ask that they bomb here as well, to ask that they also remove the president of the Republic elected by popular vote, to try to humiliate us,” he said.

According to the Colombian government, Petro also recalled the death of a fisherman killed in a US military strike in the Caribbean last year, rejecting claims that the victim was involved in illegal activities. “No one can say that this fisherman, a poor father of a girl, was a drug trafficker. I oppose that,” he added, denouncing what he described as the human cost of foreign intervention.

The president further linked Washington’s regional actions to wider global power imbalances, warning that “what we are seeing in Gaza will happen in the South, in the continents of working and poor people, in those of us who do not hold world power.” He has been one of the most vocal leaders in Latin America to denounce Israel’s actions in Gaza, having suspended coal exports to the country for humanitarian and moral reasons.

The robotic system she employs allows for millimetric precision, helping patients walk pain-free just 24 hours after surgery. Vélez’s work not only represents a leap in surgical innovation but also breaks gender barriers in a field historically dominated by men.

“Orthopaedics has always been led by men,” Vélez told Viory, “but I’ve led a group of women, and I hope there will be many more of us in Latin America .”

Strategically located in the city of Barranquilla, close to Central America , the Caribbean, and the southern U.S., Vélez sees the city as a growing hub for medical tourism. Her work gives patients access to U.S.-standard robotic care at home or nearby.

Footage from the General Factory Jose Maria Cordova (Fagecor) in Bogota shows workers at the state-owned Military Industry (Indumil) designing and producing rifle prototypes and 3D models. The initiative, which has been in development for roughly five years, follows specifications provided by the Colombian Armed Forces, including barrel lengths, ambidextrous systems, fixed sights, and folding or extendable stocks.

Alejandro Bohorquez, professor of International Relations at Universidad Externado de Colombia, highlighted the symbolic dimension of the move: “In Israel's case, this aligns closely with the current campaign discrediting Israel over its recent actions against the Palestinian population. Clearly, for Israel, the concern—beyond losing a decades-long business—doesn’t go much further. It’s more of a commercial issue. Colombia wasn’t even a main partner in the arms trade with these states. So, it’s more like a symbolic protest over Israel and Palestine’s recent actions.”

Indumil’s Engineering and Development Director, Alfonso Palacios Chavarriaga, explained that the next step involves completing the second design phase and producing ten prototypes, which will be tested to ensure they meet technical standards. The final phase will see mass production, with the rifles intended to fully replace the Galil in service with Colombia’s Armed Forces.

The initiative also reflects Colombia’s broader push for defence autonomy. President Gustavo Petro’s government has recently halted arms purchases from both Israel and the United States , underscoring a commitment to building a self-reliant military and reinforcing national sovereignty in defence procurement.

“I want to thank more than two million people , probably 300,000 citizens, who put their trust in me and gave me this mandate as the new candidate of the Historic Pact for the next stage of this process,” Cepeda said during a press conference in Bogotá on Sunday, October 26.

Looking ahead to the campaign, Cepeda vowed to raise the level of political debate, rejecting the personal attacks that have long characterised Colombian politics . “I will not go to debates to exchange insults with other pre-candidates, nor to threaten or disparage one another,” he declared. “I challenge them to talk about ideas, proposals, and concepts for the country.”

He also urged opponents to maintain respect toward President Gustavo Petro, describing him as “deserving of all the respect in Colombia and in the world for the work he has done as head of state.” Cepeda’s victory consolidates his position as the left’s leading figure ahead of the May 2026 presidential election, where he is expected to campaign on Petro’s progressive legacy while seeking to broaden his appeal beyond the Historic Pact’s traditional base.

The measures, issued by the US Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), block any property or assets owned by Petro, his wife, and his son, Nicolás Petro Burgos, within US jurisdiction. The sanctions also prevent them from conducting any international transactions involving American financial systems.

Tensions between the US and Colombia have been mounting since September, when Washington removed Bogotá from its list of partners cooperating in the fight against drug trafficking.

The US revoked Petro's visa following his appearance at a pro-Palestinian protest in New York during the UN General Assembly that same month.

The Colombian government expressed relief and gratitude for the release, viewing it as a positive step towards improving bilateral relations with Venezuela. President Gustavo Petro hailed the move as a testament to the potential for dialogue and cooperation between the neighbouring countries.

The detainees, who had been held on charges ranging from alleged involvement in armed groups to immigration violations, were transported back to Colombia in a coordinated operation. Upon arrival, they underwent medical evaluations and were reunited with their families.

This development marks a rare instance of cooperation between the two nations, which have experienced strained relations in recent years due to political and ideological differences. The release is seen as a hopeful sign that diplomatic engagement can lead to tangible outcomes, even amidst broader regional tensions.

While the immediate issue of the detainees has been resolved, both governments have indicated a willingness to continue dialogue on other matters of mutual concern, including border security and trade . However, analysts caution that lasting improvements will require sustained efforts and trust-building between the two administrations.

Eighty years later, the UN remains one of the most significant symbols of global unity, with 193 member states spanning every corner of the globe. What began with 51 founding members has grown into a truly universal body, reflecting decades of decolonisation, independence movements, and shifting political landscapes.

When the UN Charter came into force in 1945, membership was dominated by major world powers and a handful of independent nations. But the decades that followed changed everything. Between 1946 and 1959, the organisation expanded steadily as post-war recovery reshaped Europe and Asia.

Then came a wave unlike any before: the 1960s and 1970s brought dozens of new African and Asian nations into the fold as colonial empires dissolved and independence swept across the Global South. According to the United Nations , membership had grown to 99 states by 1960 and surpassed 110 by 1962.

The next major shift occurred in the 1990s, following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the breakup of Yugoslavia.

Newly sovereign countries across Eastern Europe, Central Asia, and the Balkans joined the UN, marking the organisation's transition into a nearly complete representation of the world map. By the early 2000s, the UN had 193 member states, a number that remains unchanged today.

This steady expansion tells the story of a changing global order. From the original 51 states gathered in San Francisco to nearly every nation on Earth, UN membership reflects humanity’s ongoing quest for shared dialogue and collective problem-solving.

It also mirrors the rise of newly independent voices that reshaped international priorities, from development and equality to environmental sustainability.

In 2025, as the world marks the UN’s 80th anniversary, questions about its effectiveness and reform have taken centre stage. The recent election of Bahrain, Colombia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Latvia, and Liberia to the UN Security Council for the 2026–2027 term underscores the continued effort to ensure diverse regional representation

Pressed by a reporter about congressional briefings and whether the U.S. would seek a formal declaration of war , Trump replied that Washington would act without necessarily asking Congress for a declaration. “I think we're just going to kill people that are bringing drugs into our country… we're gonna kill them, you know, they're gonna be like, dead, okay?” he said.

The president also suggested plans for the United States to take steps against narco-groups operating in the region and defended recent operations that he said had weakened criminal networks. He framed the actions as necessary to protect U.S. communities from the harms of illicit drugs, citing mass deaths tied to synthetic opioids in recent years.

The U.S. Constitution vests war powers in Congress, and international law generally requires that the use of lethal force comply with strict rules on necessity, proportionality and accountability.

“The U.S. federal government does not allow Colombian cannabis to be exported, which could have been a great opportunity to reduce these ‘red zones’,” he said, referring to regions hit hardest by drug-related violence .

Petro contrasted Washington’s stance with the scale of its domestic opioid crisis, saying, “They are essentially supporting a mafia inside the United States that produces fentanyl… consumed within the U.S. with an effect that multiplies by 30 the deaths that cocaine used to cause, reaching 100,000 deaths a year.”

The Colombian leader, who has sought to redefine his country’s relations with the U.S., framed the issue as one of double standards, arguing that the same nations calling for drug reform continue to impose trade barriers that hurt developing economies. “Look at what happens with the ‘green,’ the cannabis product hasn’t been produced for three years; it has been abandoned,” Petro said.

The dispute has broader consequences for U.S.–Latin American relations. The suspension of U.S. subsidies to Colombia's drug-control efforts threatens to destabilise regional cooperation and to strain long-standing partnerships in a region already under pressure from illicit economies and violence .

Analysts note that Petro is seeking to assert Colombia’s sovereignty and challenge what he calls U.S. interventionist postures. His rebuke reflects a shift in Latin America where heads of state are more willing to contest Washington’s influence in foreign and security affairs.

For an international audience, the exchange signals a potential recalibration of the U.S. role in the region. With Colombia taking a more defiant stand, the broader question is how U.S. foreign policy will adapt amid changing power dynamics across the Americas.

The president’s remarks come amid heightened US operations near Venezuelan waters, which have sparked concern in Colombia over the safety of small fishing communities. Petro called on international human rights organisations to investigate.

“We know that two fishermen from Trinidad and Tobago were killed by a missile,” Petro said. “This is a war crime — an act of international aggression against a peace zone, the Caribbean.”

Linking the incident to broader geopolitical violence , Petro compared the situation in the Caribbean to the devastation in Gaza, asserting that “today’s struggles are struggles for life, and they are revolutionary.” He reiterated his government’s decision to suspend coal exports to Israel in protest of what he has called a “genocidal regime.”

Petro concluded his address with an appeal for vigilance among Caribbean governments and human rights defenders, urging them to “monitor and set alerts” against any future acts of foreign aggression, and to protect vulnerable coastal and island communities that remain without effective defence systems.

Colombian President Gustavo Petro announced on Saturday, October 11, that authorities had intercepted 2.7 tonnes of cocaine on a speedboat allegedly bound for Costa Rica. “Without killing anyone. Without firing missiles,” Petro wrote on X, claiming five Colombian nationals were captured alive. He described the operation as evidence of Colombia’s ability to combat drug trafficking without resorting to violence .

But Costa Rica’s Minister of Public Security, Mario Zamora, disputed Petro’s version. He said the boat was not heading for Costa Rica, as Petro claimed, and that the seizure was conducted by Costa Rica’s Coast Guard in cooperation with the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). Zamora also corrected the figures, saying 2.37 tonnes of cocaine were confiscated, and that the crew consisted of two Colombians and three Costa Ricans, not five Colombians.

In response, Petro insisted that “nobody is lying,” sharing an official statement from Colombia’s National Police asserting that the cocaine belonged to dissident groups of the FARC. However, the report aligned with Costa Rica’s version regarding the number of detainees, listing three Colombians and two Costa Ricans.

The disagreement unfolds as Colombia questions Washington’s military presence in the Caribbean, which the US says is part of its anti-narcotics strategy. Former Costa Rican president Laura Chinchilla urged both nations to restore direct dialogue, recalling a time when bilateral cooperation on security was “excellent.” Minister Zamora, however, was blunt in his response: “We talk to the DEA, not to Petro.”

According to the Presidency of Colombia, Petro also revealed that a Colombian man was among the captives. He emphasised that his government was taking diplomatic steps to ensure their release, declaring: “The only one who is fighting for that Colombian is me.”

Petro’s remarks came amid rising tensions over Israel’s military actions in Gaza and his continued criticism of the Netanyahu government, which he has accused of committing “genocide.” He also condemned US policies in the region, arguing that Washington’s anti-drug and immigration measures harm Latin America rather than promote stability.

The president concluded his address by reading a letter from the wife of Elkana Bohbot, an Israeli-Colombian man held hostage by Hamas, who appealed to him to use his diplomatic influence to help free her husband.

In response, Petro doubled down on his criticism, accusing Donald Trump of being “an accomplice to genocide” in Gaza and declaring that the US president “deserves nothing but prison.” Foreign Minister Rosa Villavicencio and Finance Minister Germán Ávila announced they had voluntarily given up their visas in solidarity with the president, while Mining Minister Edwin Palma and senior adviser Angie Rodríguez confirmed theirs had been cancelled by US authorities.

Petro took to social media to frame the cancellations as a badge of honour, writing: “It fills us with pride not to have the visa of a country whose government supports genocide.” Other cabinet members, including Interior Minister Armando Benedetti, suggested more resignations could follow, noting that his own visa had already been revoked twice in the past.

The fallout comes amid a series of confrontations between Bogotá and Washington. Petro has long clashed with Trump over migration, trade and drug policy, while Colombia broke diplomatic ties with Israel in 2024 over the war in Gaza. During Monday’s cabinet meeting, the president announced an end to the free trade agreement with Israel and highlighted plans for Colombia to manufacture its own assault rifles, replacing Israeli imports.

Despite the strain, the US continues to provide Colombia with significant economic and military aid, even after withdrawing its certification as a reliable ally in anti-narcotics efforts earlier this month. With Petro now barred from the United States but holding Italian citizenship, analysts warn that the visa dispute could further complicate already fraught relations between the two countries.

Petro, who has previously confirmed he holds Italian nationality, noted that under the Visa Waiver Programme, he would only require an ESTA authorisation to enter the United States.

The move to revoke his visa came after Petro addressed pro-Palestinian demonstrators outside the United Nations headquarters in New York on Friday. He urged US soldiers to defy orders from President Donald Trump , saying they should “obey humanity” instead. The State Department later described his comments as “reckless and incendiary.”

“It is not a crime ,” Petro reiterated on Saturday, “to call on armies not to fire on humanity.”

Despite the escalating row, the Colombian leader said Trump was welcome in his country, though he drew a sharp line: “No war criminal, let alone a criminal against humanity, will be allowed to enter Colombia.”

Petro had travelled to New York to address the UN General Assembly, where he accused Trump of being “complicit in genocide” in Gaza. His remarks followed a recent UN investigation which concluded that Israel has committed genocide against Palestinians – a finding strongly denied by the Israeli government.

In a post on X, the State Department condemned Petro’s remarks as “reckless and incendiary”, confirming his visa would be cancelled.

During his UN General Assembly address, Petro also accused Trump of being an “accomplice to genocide” in Gaza, following an independent UN investigation that concluded Israel has committed genocide against Palestinians — a claim Israel denies.

Colombian outlet Caracol Radio reported Petro had already departed the U.S. when the announcement was made. His trip comes amid rising tensions with Washington, following disputes over migration, counternarcotics operations, and U.S. military activities in the region.