In a video address shared on social media on Tuesday, De la Espriella alleged that Petro and Historic Pact candidate Ivan Cepeda were trying to overturn the election result.

"Petro and Cepeda launched their plan B to remain in power no matter what. And they want to do it through a coup d'etat," he warned.

De la Espriella claimed the situation had worsened in recent hours, accusing Petro of exceeding his authority by rejecting the election outcome and declaring Cepeda the winner.

"Cepeda, playing the good cop, is calling for civil disobedience so as not to recognise the votes that, in democracy, in freedom, the Colombian people cast at the ballot box to make me president of all," he added.

The president-elect appealed to Colombia's armed forces to uphold the Constitution and defend the country's democratic institutions. He also urged the international community to remain "watchful, attentive, and supportive of us."

De la Espriella further alleged that Petro and Cepeda were seeking to avoid future investigations.

"Added to this is the fear that both Petro and Cepeda have of the revelations to come, not only regarding all the corruption that ran rampant during these four dark years of government , but also the legal consequences their ties to narcoterrorism will bring, both with criminal groups inside Colombia and with the cartel led by the narco-dictator Nicolas Maduro," he said.

Political tensions increased after Carlos Alonso Lucio, a member of De la Espriella's transition team, said Petro should "be tried" and could face extradition to the United States if requested by US authorities.

De la Espriella later announced the suspension of the presidential transition process with the outgoing administration.

Finance Minister and transition coordinator German Avila subsequently halted transition meetings, saying remarks made by members of the incoming administration had jeopardised the process.

Colombia occupies a position no other South American country shares: it has coastlines on both the Pacific and the Caribbean, sitting right beneath the southern approach to the Panama Canal. That geography does a lot of the economic heavy lifting. A container leaving Buenaventura on the Pacific or Cartagena on the Caribbean gets to North America, Europe, or Asia without the extra transit time that landlocked or single-coast neighbours like Bolivia, Paraguay, or even Pacific-only Peru and Chile have to absorb.

Then there's the equatorial position, near-constant daylight and rainfall for agriculture, four mountain ranges (the three Andean cordilleras plus a few outlying massifs) creating dozens of microclimates packed close together, and a slice of the Amazon in the south. Put it together, and you get one of the most naturally diversified resource bases in the hemisphere: coffee and flowers from the temperate highlands, oil and coal from the eastern plains and Caribbean basin, gold, nickel, and emerging copper from the Andean belt, plus a services and tourism sector growing fast around Bogotá, Medellín, and the coast.

Economically, Colombia is Latin America's fourth-largest economy, and it's built one of the region's more resilient middle-income economies over the last two decades: steady rather than spectacular, which is probably why it gets overlooked next to Brazil's scale or Argentina's boom-and-bust drama.

The numbers right now

2026 has been a mixed year for Colombia, and any honest account needs to say so. Growth has recovered from a weak 2023 (0.6%) to a steadier path: most forecasters now put 2026 GDP growth somewhere between 2.2% and 2.8%, with some houses (BBVA, Allianz Trade) projecting acceleration toward 3.5% in 2027. Inflation has re-accelerated though, to around 5.5% in core terms, which pushed the central bank to raise rates back above 11%. A very public dispute between the Finance Minister and the central bank in early 2026 has also raised questions about monetary policy independence for the first time since the 1991 constitution.

The fiscal picture is the bigger concern. Colombia suspended its fiscal rule in mid-2025, and the deficit has run as high as 6–7% of GDP, pushing public debt above 60%. Foreign direct investment inflows, roughly USD 6.6 billion in 2025, grew only modestly and remain below their post-pandemic peak. None of this is catastrophic by regional standards, but it's real, and it's why Colombia still trades below investment grade with some rating agencies.

Look past the headline numbers, though, and the picture brightens: a record coffee harvest, oil reserves that have outperformed expectations, remittances up over 8% to nearly USD 9 billion, double-digit growth in service exports, and a private consumption base (73% of GDP) that's proven remarkably sticky even through the inflation spike. Reserves sit near USD 66–67 billion, about ten months of import cover, which gives the country real shock-absorption capacity.

How Colombia stacks up against its neighbours

Brazil remains the region's undisputed heavyweight: roughly ten times Colombia's economy, the deepest capital markets, the most mature industrial base, including in defence (Embraer, a nuclear submarine program, satellite launches). That scale comes at a cost, though: it's harder and slower to enter as a mid-sized foreign investor, and Brazil's own fiscal and political cycles are at least as volatile as Colombia's.

Peru offers a more investor-friendly mining concession framework on paper, and it edges out Colombia in raw gold and copper output. But its parallel economy is arguably in worse shape. Peru's own data shows that of roughly 200 tonnes of gold exported in a recent year, less than half could be traced to a verifiable legal origin, and violence tied to informal mining keeps escalating, including a widely reported 2025 massacre in the Pataz region. Colombia's formalisation approach, incomplete as it is, gets cited internationally as a more structured model than Peru's indefinite "in-process" registry.

Chile is the clean, stable comparator: best sovereign credit rating in the region, most predictable rule of law, a copper-driven economy with a genuine sovereign wealth cushion. It doesn't have Colombia's resource diversity or its dual-coast trade geography, though; Chile's whole economic identity runs through one commodity and one coastline.

Argentina is the highest-variance story in the region right now. A real re-armament and reform cycle is underway (its first new fighter jets in nearly forty years arrived in December 2025), but that comes bundled with a much longer history of currency crises and policy reversals than Colombia has had over the same period.

Mexico , while technically North American, is the other natural comparator for scale and manufacturing depth. But it carries its own concentrated exposure to US trade policy that Colombia, with a more diversified export base, doesn't share to the same degree.

Line them up together and Colombia looks like the balanced generalist of the group. Not the biggest, not the cleanest, not the fastest-growing, but the only one combining a genuinely diversified resource and export base, two-ocean access, and a growth rate that, fiscal noise aside, has been positive and improving for three straight years.

Sectors worth watching

Energy and mining: Oil and coal still anchor export revenue, but copper is the emerging story. Colombia holds an estimated 9.7 million tonnes of underexplored copper resources along the Andean belt, and the national mining agency opened tenders for 14 strategic copper zones in late 2025. Less than 3% of national territory currently carries a mining title, which is either a governance problem or a long runway, depending on where you sit.

Defence and security: Colombia spends more on defence as a share of GDP than any other South American country, and its domestic threat environment (dissident guerrilla factions, organised crime, and growing concern about drone-enabled attacks) has kept demand for counter-UAS, ISR, and tactical equipment structurally high, even as broader procurement slowed under the outgoing administration. Regional analysts expect Colombia's defence market to grow faster than the rest of South America through 2031, off a smaller base than Brazil but with a clearer near-term pull.

Services, tourism, and agriculture: The most consistently positive story in the 2026 data. Service exports and tourism revenue both grew close to 10% year-on-year, and financial services are forecast to be among the fastest-growing sectors in the broader economy.

A new government changes the calculus

Mid-2026 brought the biggest shift in this whole picture. Abelardo de la Espriella won Colombia's presidential runoff on June 21 with just under 50% of the vote, ending the Petro era, and takes office on August 7. His running mate, José Manuel Restrepo, is a former commerce and finance minister, a credible, market-facing figure rather than a political outsider, which matters for how investors are likely to read the transition.

The new administration's platform is pro-business and security-led, built around a few concrete commitments:

Deregulation and tax cuts aimed at four growth engines (hydrocarbons and mining, infrastructure, agriculture, and tourism), including plans to eliminate the financial transactions tax and cut fuel taxes to free up liquidity for businesses and consumers.

A smaller state, with proposals to cut government size by roughly 40% and redirect spending from bureaucracy toward productive incentives.

A reversal on hydrocarbons policy , reactivating oil and gas development after several years of a renewables-first stance that analysts say constrained investment in the sector.

A security-first growth thesis. The incoming government has set an explicit target of 6–7% annual GDP growth, arguing that ending the "Total Peace" negotiations, resuming operations against illegal armed groups, and restoring territorial control will do more to unlock private investment than any single fiscal measure. Whether that growth number is realistic or not, most institutional analysts covering the transition share the underlying logic: that Colombia's discount to regional peers is as much a security-risk discount as a policy one.

Closer alignment with the United States and Israel on security cooperation, including a possible link to Washington's broader regional security initiatives, alongside a more cautious posture toward Chinese investment in critical infrastructure than the outgoing government held.

For defence and security specifically, this is a meaningful inflexion point. A government elected on a mandate to confront rather than negotiate with illegal armed groups, paired with a stated intent to deepen military cooperation with the US and Israel, points toward sustained or accelerating demand for exactly the equipment categories already in structural demand (counter-UAS, ISR, tactical gear, precision capability), with the added tailwind of a government more willing to move procurement through quickly instead of trading it off against social spending, which the outgoing administration often did.

The investor read on this transition has been notably positive. Analysts at the Atlantic Council and elsewhere have framed the election as a likely trigger for the "return of capital" to Colombia, pointing to improved visibility on security, a return toward sound fiscal policy , and renewed US relations as the key drivers, the same three variables that have weighed most heavily on Colombia's investment case since 2022. Colombia held investment-grade ratings and OECD membership as recently as the early 2020s, before the prior administration's fiscal drift; the new government's stated aim is to rebuild that standing.

Nothing here is a sure thing. De la Espriella won by a margin of roughly 250,000 votes out of nearly 26 million cast, and he'll need to build coalitions in a fragmented Congress to pass anything beyond what can be done by decree. But the direction of travel (tax relief, deregulation, hydrocarbons reactivation, and a security posture explicitly designed to de-risk the country for private capital) is the clearest positive catalyst Colombia's investment case has had in years, and it lands directly on top of the structural advantages already covered above.

The honest risk list

Any serious investment case has to sit alongside the real headwinds too: a fiscal deficit that needs credible consolidation, inflation still well above target, a May 2026 election cycle that introduced political uncertainty, persistent security risk tied to illegal armed groups and narco-mining, and structurally low R&D and productivity investment, which the OECD flags as capping Colombia's long-run growth potential at around 2.5% unless addressed.

Why Colombia still makes the case

Colombia isn't the safest bet in South America, and it isn't the biggest. What it offers instead is more specific: a resource base diversified enough to weather single-commodity shocks, a trade geography no other South American economy can replicate, a growth trajectory that's been quietly improving rather than spectacularly booming, and, particularly relevant for defence, security, and commodities operators, sectors where genuine structural demand exists independent of the political cycle.

The countries that look "safer" on paper (Chile for stability, Peru for mining regulation) each trade that safety for something narrower: a smaller economic base, or in Peru's case, a supply-chain integrity problem that may be worse than Colombia's rather than better. Brazil offers scale, but at a cost of entry most mid-sized investors can't easily absorb. Colombia sits in the gap: developed enough to have real institutions and market access, undercapitalised enough that genuine first-mover advantage still exists in mining formalisation, copper, and defence modernisation, and positioned geographically in a way that will matter more, not less, as global supply chains keep looking for alternatives to single-choke-point routes.

For an investor or operator already building relationships on the ground, rather than trying to enter cold, Colombia's combination of resource depth, dual-coast access, and structurally underserved sectors makes a stronger long-term case than its 2026 headline fiscal numbers suggest on their own.

The incoming government is what turns that calculus from wait-and-see to act-now. A pro-business administration cutting taxes, shrinking the regulatory state, and reactivating hydrocarbons is the kind of policy shift that tends to show up in job creation before it shows up in GDP statistics: construction, energy services, tourism, and agriculture are all labour-intensive sectors that respond quickly to lower financing costs and faster permitting. Layer defence spending on top of that: a government committed to confronting rather than negotiating with illegal armed groups will need to buy and maintain more equipment, train more personnel, and build out more domestic industrial capacity through INDUMIL, COTECMAR, and CIAC, all of which pulls in foreign contractors, local suppliers, and skilled labour at the same time. Security spending in Colombia has historically functioned as a de facto jobs and industrial-base program almost as much as a military one.

Put the three together: tax relief and deregulation pulling in private capital, restored security pulling in the foreign investors who were pricing in conflict risk, and defence procurement pulling through its own supply chain of contractors and jobs. This is the first time in several years all three growth levers have pointed the same direction at once. That's the real argument for treating 2026 as an inflexion point rather than just another data point in Colombia's long run of steady-but-unspectacular growth.

The article solely represents the views of Dean Tavakoli, C.E.O of Munimentum Systems Consultancy.

Mexico remains the world's largest Spanish-speaking country by native speakers, with about 138.1 million people speaking Spanish as their first language, according to World Population Review population estimates.

The ranking highlights the global reach of Spanish, one of the world's most widely spoken languages. More than 500 million people speak Spanish as a native language, making it the second-most spoken native language globally after Mandarin Chinese, according to the Instituto Cervantes.

The United States ranks second with approximately 65.5 million Spanish speakers. Although English is the country's dominant language, decades of immigration from Latin America, particularly Mexico, Puerto Rico, Cuba and Central America, have made the U.S. home to one of the world's largest Spanish-speaking populations. Around 69.5% of Spanish speakers in the U.S. are native speakers, according to World Population Review.

Latin America accounts for eight of the world's ten largest Spanish-speaking populations.

After Mexico and the United States, Colombia ranks third with 53.1 million native Spanish speakers, followed by Spain with 48.9 million and Argentina with 47.5 million.

The remaining countries in the top ten are Peru (30.6 million), Venezuela (29.4 million), Chile (20.2 million), Ecuador (17.5 million) and Guatemala (17 million).

Spanish is the official language in 20 sovereign states across Europe and the Americas and is also one of the six official languages of the United Nations .

The United States is unique among the top-ranked countries because it has no federal official language, yet it hosts the world's second-largest Spanish-speaking population.

According to the U.S. Census Bureau , the country's Hispanic population has grown steadily over recent decades, driven by both immigration and natural population growth. Spanish is the most widely spoken language after English and is used extensively in education, media, business and public services.

Unlike most Latin American countries, however, a smaller share of the U.S. population speaks Spanish as a native language compared with countries where Spanish is the national language.

The Instituto Cervantes estimates that nearly 600 million people worldwide use Spanish, including native speakers, second-language speakers and learners.

Spanish is the official language of international organisations, including the United Nations, the European Union, the Organisation of American States and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). It is also one of the most studied foreign languages globally.

Population growth across Latin America, together with the continued expansion of Hispanic communities in the United States, is expected to sustain Spanish as one of the world's most influential global languages in the coming decades.

The mission comes as rescue operations continue in the hardest-hit regions, where homes and infrastructure have been severely damaged. Colombian authorities said the deployment is part of a humanitarian response aimed at assisting Venezuela’s emergency services and helping locate those still missing.

"I have been censored even on social media. The owners of social media platforms have put in place an algorithm so that if my face appears or if my voice appears, it is not distributed and does not reach a larger audience," he said.

The Colombian leader linked the alleged censorship to his outspoken criticism of Israel's military campaign in Gaza, arguing that those opposing what he described as genocide were increasingly being silenced.

“Simply because I opposed a friend of theirs, the genocidal maniac who killed 20,000 babies in Gaza,” Petro said, referring to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Petro warned that the issue extended beyond Colombia, claiming that growing control over digital platforms by private technology companies posed a broader threat to democracy .

“When the private owners of artificial intelligence , and therefore of social media platforms, come together to censor someone who has opposed a genocide, we may be heading toward fascism once again, but this time on a global scale,” he stated.

The president also drew parallels between violence in Colombia and the conflict in Gaza, while criticising what he described as rising racism around the world .

“If a photo of me or my voice appears in any of the videos, the platform has an algorithm to restrict the dissemination of that information,” Petro said. “That is silencing a president of the Republic elected by popular vote.”

His remarks came amid a political dispute involving Gloria Arizabaleta, chair of the House Accusations Committee, who signed a controversial resolution proposing Petro’s provisional suspension over allegations that he improperly intervened in the presidential campaign.

Constitutional experts challenged the move, arguing that only the Senate has authority to suspend a sitting president. Within 24 hours, Colombia’s Inspector General suspended Arizabaleta for allegedly exceeding her powers.

In May, Colombia’s Council of State ordered Petro not to use official channels to support or oppose political parties, after ruling that some of his statements breached rules governing public officials during election periods.

Petro rejected the allegations, saying he had a duty to report alleged crimes against him or members of his administration. Colombia is due to hold the second round of its presidential election on June 21, after no candidate won an outright majority in the first round on May 31.

Far-right lawyer Abelardo de la Espriella will face left-wing Senator Ivan Cepeda, who is backed by Petro’s political movement. Petro is constitutionally barred from seeking re-election and is expected to leave office on August 7.

“The Security Council will make determinations with effective mediation, and ultimately of humanity,” Petro said. “Finding ways for a quick resolution to the wars and conflicts occurring throughout the Middle East region.”

The Colombian leader also criticised Israel's actions in the region, accusing it of seeking to “nullify” Palestine and Lebanon, and called on the United States to help mediate efforts aimed at restoring Lebanon's sovereignty.

Beyond the Middle East, Petro urged an end to the U.S. embargo on Cuba and condemned anti-immigration policies , describing them as discriminatory measures used for political gain.

Colombia's presidency of the Security Council will oversee a month-long agenda that includes a high-level debate on the Middle East titled “Advancing Political Solutions in the Middle East: Mediation and Dialogue for Lasting Peace .”

As council president, Colombia will be responsible for directing the body's programme of work and chairing both formal and informal meetings throughout June.

The country has also scheduled high-level discussions on Women, Peace and Security and Children and Armed Conflict as part of its presidency programme.

Petro further alleged electoral fraud and said he does not recognise the preliminary vote count, while de la Espriella, who led the first round with 43.74% of the vote, called on him to accept the result. Ivan Cepeda secured 40.90%, forcing a second round scheduled for 21 June, when voters will decide the country’s next president after no candidate achieved an outright majority.

Cepeda further argued that proposals put forward by de la Espriella represent a risk, claiming they include the introduction of “mega-prisons” inspired by Central American policies and economic measures similar to those promoted by Argentina’s president Javier Milei. His remarks follow a ruling by a municipal criminal court in Bogotá prohibiting the use of the national team jersey in de la Espriella’s campaign. The second round of Colombia’s presidential election is set for 21 June and will determine the successor to President Gustavo Petro for the 2026–2030 term.

The outcome highlights a deeply polarised political landscape, with voters largely backing candidates from either the political right or left, while centrist contenders failed to gain significant support.

The runoff campaign is expected to focus on issues including security, drug trafficking, economic management, democratic institutions and the legacy of President Gustavo Petro’s government.

Speaking to supporters after advancing to the second round, de la Espriella presented the election as a defining moment for the country.

“This is tyranny or institutionality. The past or the future, complicity or independence and patriotism,” he said. “There is no more room for indifference.”

He also accused his rival of links to criminal groups, describing Cepeda as “a bandit allied with narco-terrorists.”

De la Espriella said that if elected, he would uphold judicial independence, work with local governments regardless of political affiliation, reduce poverty, strengthen security, combat drug trafficking and restore state authority across Colombia.

Cepeda, meanwhile, criticised what he described as foreign involvement in the election after Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa publicly congratulated de la Espriella and criticised the left-wing candidate on social media .

“Foreign governments are meddling in our elections,” Cepeda said.

He also called for greater scrutiny of his opponent’s campaign finances and questioned the scale of spending behind the campaign.

Cepeda argued that the runoff represents a choice between preserving social policies advanced under the current administration and a shift toward a conservative government.

“Mr de la Espriella represents fascism, mafia fascism,” he said, warning that social gains achieved during the current government could be reversed if his opponent wins.

The June 21 runoff will determine whether Colombia continues with the left-leaning political agenda associated with the Historical Pact or moves toward a more conservative, security-focused approach under de la Espriella. With the first-round margin relatively narrow, both candidates are expected to intensify efforts to attract voters whose preferred candidates were eliminated, making coalition-building and voter outreach central to the final stage of the campaign.

This concludes our live coverage of Colombia’s 2026 general election. Stay with Global South World for more updates and information on Colombia’s presidential runoff.

23:30 GMT: Paloma Valencia officially announces her support for presidential candidate Abelardo de la Espriella ahead of Colombia’s runoff election.

22:30 GMT: With nearly 100% of votes counted in Colombia’s presidential election, Abelardo de la Espriella leads with over 43%, followed by Iván Cepeda with close to 41%, sending both candidates to a runoff to decide the country’s next president.

21:00 GMT: Polls close in Colombia’s 2026 presidential election.

20:05 GMT: After accompanying former president Álvaro Uribe during his voting in Rionegro, presidential candidate Paloma Valencia arrives at her polling station in Bogotá, where she casts her vote in Colombia’s presidential election.

18:05 GMT: Esteban González Pons, head of the European Union’s election observation mission, highlights the international monitoring effort in Colombia’s presidential vote, with more than 140 observers from Norway, Switzerland and Canada deployed across all regions to assess the process under democratic standards.

17:10 GMT: Interior Minister Armando Benedetti oversees the national monitoring centre as authorities track the presidential vote in real time, coordinating with regional governments and overseeing security, mobility and emergency response. More than 122,000 polling stations have been set up to serve over 41 million registered voters nationwide.

16:55 GMT: Presidential candidate Claudia López votes in Bogotá, urging Colombians to turn out in large numbers. Accompanied by her dog “Dulce”, she says she voted “with hope and optimism” for a country with more opportunities for young people and women, adding that the ballot remains the strongest tool to protect democracy and shape the future.

16:45 GMT: Senator Iván Cepeda, from the ruling Pacto Histórico party, casts his vote at Colegio San Lucas in Bogotá’s Kennedy district, where he is joined by dozens of supporters.

16:35 GMT: Journalist and former presidential pre-candidate Vicky Dávila casts her vote in Colombia’s presidential election.

15:00 GMT: Colombia’s Interior Ministry reports 443 complaints of electoral offences registered so far during Sunday’s vote.

14:30 GMT: Vice President Francia Márquez calls on Colombians to head to the polls and exercise their right to vote.

14:25 GMT: Presidential candidate Paloma Valencia calls on Colombian women to make history by electing the country’s first female president, saying “it is our time,” as she appears alongside former president Álvaro Uribe.

14:20 GMT: Presidential candidate Iván Cepeda, in a message to the nation, urged voters to back a future focused on reducing poverty and inequality, protecting natural resources and building a modern, diversified economy. He also emphasised hope over fear and unity over division, calling on Colombians to turn out and vote.

14:10 GMT: Presidential candidate Abelardo de la Espriella votes in Barranquilla, saying “we will defeat tyranny”.

13:45 GMT: Gustavo Petro casts his vote in Colombia’s presidential election, which will determine his successor for the 2026–2030 term.

13:30 GMT: President Gustavo Petro casts his vote in Bogotá’s Plaza de Bolívar, highlighting the ballot as a popular mandate to choose the leader who will guide Colombia for the next four years. He also reaffirmed electoral guarantees and dismissed past claims about seeking to remain in power or establish a dictatorship.

13:20 GMT: Córdoba Governor Erasmo Zuleta officially opens the electoral day, urging citizens to participate massively, freely and democratically in the presidential vote.

13:00 GMT: Voting gets underway in Colombia, with early lines reported at some of the country’s largest polling stations.

12:30 GMT: Colombia prepares to head to the polls as Bogotá readies key voting sites.

Polls are expected to open in Colombia’s presidential election at 8:00 am local time (13:00 GMT) and close at 4:00 pm local time (21:00 GMT).

What to know

Colombia is heading to the polls this Sunday, May 31, for its presidential election, where voters will choose a new president and vice president. More than 41 million citizens are eligible to vote. If no candidate secures over 50% of the valid vote, a runoff between the top two contenders will take place in the following weeks. Voting is not compulsory, but turnout remains a key factor in determining the outcome.

The election unfolds in a highly polarised political climate, with voters choosing between sharply different visions for the country. Issues such as security , education, economic stability and national sovereignty are at the centre of public debate, reflecting broader concerns about the country’s direction.

Colombian authorities have introduced several restrictions and security measures ahead of the election weekend, including a “ley seca” that bans alcohol sales in many areas, temporary border closures for Colombian nationals on election day, and increased deployments of police and military forces nationwide.

More than 13,000 voting sites have been established across the country, with approximately 800,000 citizens assigned as election jurors and vote counters.

Current polling indicates that three candidates are leading the race: Iván Cepeda from the left, Abelardo de la Espriella representing an anti-establishment right platform, and centre-right candidate Paloma Valencia. Analysts expect Cepeda to qualify for the second round, while competition for the second runoff position remains close between De la Espriella and Valencia.

The campaign period has included allegations of electoral fraud from President Gustavo Petro, alongside criticism of the election management system. However, Colombia’s electoral authorities, including the National Electoral Council (CNE), the Registraduría, and election observer groups, have rejected claims that the voting process lacks transparency.

Authorities have identified more than 200 municipalities as facing elevated risks of electoral violence or fraud, with concerns particularly focused on rural areas. Security concerns remain heightened following the assassination attempt on presidential pre-candidate Miguel Uribe last year.

Voters will also have the option to cast a “voto en blanco”, which is recognised as a formal protest vote rather than a spoiled ballot.

Key candidates & support

Iván Cepeda (Historic Pact)

A prominent left-wing figure, Cepeda has built his campaign around social justice, human rights and structural reform. His candidacy draws on the broader political movement associated with progressive forces in Colombia, appealing particularly to younger voters, urban sectors and those who support a stronger role for the state in addressing inequality. His supporters often frame his campaign within a long history of social struggles, positioning him as part of a project aimed at deepening democratic inclusion. Cepeda is considered one of the leading contenders, with a solid base but facing challenges in expanding his appeal among more conservative and undecided voters.

Abelardo de la Espriella (Defenders of the Homeland)

A right-leaning candidate and well-known lawyer, de la Espriella has centred his campaign on security, institutional order and a tougher stance on crime. He appeals to voters concerned about rising insecurity and those who favour stronger enforcement policies and a more conservative political direction. His message also resonates with sectors calling for balance in governance and sceptical of left-wing reforms. He has gained visibility and support among conservative voters, positioning himself as a competitive candidate in a fragmented field.

Paloma Valencia (Conservative Party)

She gained momentum after securing around 3.2 million votes in a March primary. Positioned as a more “moderate” conservative, she appeals to centre-right voters with a focus on security, institutional order and economic stability. A vocal critic of President Gustavo Petro and supporter of the “No” vote in the 2016 peace deal, she has a solid conservative base, though her polarising profile may limit broader appeal.

Debates and campaign dynamics

The absence of major televised debates in Colombia’s presidential race reflects both strategic decisions by candidates and the highly polarised political environment. Leading contenders have largely prioritised direct campaigning and controlled media appearances over open confrontation, seeking to avoid risks in a fragmented race with no clear frontrunner. At the same time, deep ideological divisions and mutual distrust between political camps have made consensus around debate formats more difficult, limiting opportunities for head-to-head exchanges ahead of the vote.

Political climate and stakes

This election is seen as a crucial moment for Colombia’s democracy, as it navigates deep divisions and competing narratives about its future. Campaign rhetoric has reflected these tensions, with candidates mobilising support around themes of change, stability and national identity.

Security remains a central concern for many voters, alongside economic challenges and questions about governance. The outcome will likely shape Colombia’s domestic and foreign policy direction, particularly in relation to international partnerships and internal reforms.

With no clear consensus among voters and a divided electorate, analysts expect a competitive race that could extend to a second round. The next administration will face the challenge of governing in a fragmented political environment while addressing key issues such as security, inequality and institutional trust.

Ultimately, the election will serve as a test of Colombia’s democratic resilience and its ability to navigate political polarisation while maintaining stability.

Her remarks formed part of a wider message on regional sovereignty, as she criticised external influence, particularly from the United States , and called for unity across Latin America. By pointing to Bolivia’s experience, Quilcué framed the region’s political direction as an ongoing struggle between competing models of governance, while emphasising the need for cooperation to address shared economic and social challenges.

The dispute followed remarks by Petro describing the situation in Bolivia as a “popular insurrection” and a “Bolivian political crisis,” while offering Colombia’s support for a peaceful solution.

“President Petro’s statements are spreading misinformation, making value judgments and implying direct interference in Bolivian internal politics ,” Aramayo said.

He stressed that the move did not mean Bolivia was severing diplomatic relations with Colombia.

Petro later told Radio Caracol that Bolivia was experiencing “extremism” following the ambassador’s expulsion.

The diplomatic row comes amid growing tensions in Bolivia, where protests and roadblocks have disrupted transport and supplies of food and basic goods across parts of the country.

“Colombians have killed each other for entire generations due to revenge, small things, things of no importance, and above all, a lot of social exclusion,” Petro said.

He described Colombia as one of the world ’s most unequal countries and said drug trafficking had fuelled violence and corruption for decades.

Petro later admitted that his administration had failed to fully meet its goals under the Youth in Peace programme, particularly in stopping the recruitment of young people by armed groups and criminal networks.

“This government did not fulfil 100 percent with ‘Youth in Peace’ and more needs to be done,” he said. “Colombia fell into drug trafficking.”

The programme is one of Petro’s flagship social initiatives and aims to provide vulnerable young people with financial assistance, educational opportunities and psychosocial support to prevent recruitment by gangs and illegal armed groups.

Among those attending the event was a participant identified as Daniel, who said the programme should be expanded and protected.

“It is a process that should continue,” he said, adding that it should defend “the rebelliousness of all youth.”

Colombia continues to face violence linked to dissident guerrilla factions, drug trafficking groups and organised crime networks despite ongoing government peace efforts.

This is not a new phenomenon. Looking back two decades, media coverage at the time highlighted a similar stance from former president Álvaro Uribe, who chose to avoid debates framed by confrontation and personal attacks. His argument centred on maintaining a campaign tone free from aggression—both receiving and delivering it. Today, sectors aligned with figures like Senator Iván Cepeda echo comparable reasoning, emphasising direct engagement with citizens over participation in adversarial debate formats.

This ongoing discussion reflects what is happening today, as highlighted by Carolay Morales, a Colombian journalist from Global South Voices. She points out that some political sectors argue it is more effective to speak directly to people in public squares, mass events, and public tours, rather than engage in debates with opponents. This approach prioritises a direct connection with supporters, but also raises questions about the lack of spaces to confront ideas between candidates.

However, this strategy has long sparked criticism. Commentators have argued that bypassing debates transforms political communication into a one-directional exchange, where candidates speak to supporters rather than engage with competing ideas. As noted years ago by Alejandro Gaviria, this dynamic resembles a “preacher and followers” relationship, raising concerns about the lack of dialogue between equals. Without debates, opportunities to challenge proposals, clarify positions, and contrast visions for the country become limited.

The persistence of this approach raises broader questions about democratic practice—not only in Colombia but globally. While campaign styles and political figures evolve, certain strategies remain unchanged. The current election cycle invites reflection on whether debates should be considered an essential component of democratic accountability, or simply one of many optional tools in modern political communication.

He said Cuba was the only country in Latin America and the Caribbean able to produce its own vaccine at the height of the pandemic, adding that the achievement helped save lives, starting with Cubans themselves.

“If a society , in the middle of a global crisis, was able to rapidly produce an effective vaccine, then that society should not be invaded or bombed. It should be applauded and helped,” Petro said.

His remarks came amid renewed tensions between Washington and Havana. On May 1, US President Donald Trump expanded sanctions on Cuba and suggested that the United States could deploy an aircraft carrier near the island.

Cuban officials condemned the move. President Miguel Díaz-Canel described Washington’s position as a “dangerous escalation,” while Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez accused the US of acting with cynicism and hypocrisy.

Petro also pushed for a coordinated strategy to dismantle criminal networks and highlighted energy transition as a pathway to reducing violence and fostering sustainable development. The visit signals a renewed effort to stabilise bilateral ties, revive trade and address long-standing security challenges affecting border communities.

Petro further criticised Noboa over border closures, arguing that the restrictions had pushed more people in both countries towards illegal trafficking networks. He also alleged that criminal groups based in Ecuador were plotting to assassinate him and Senator Iván Cepeda, widely seen as a potential contender in Colombia’s next presidential race.

The remarks add to a growing rift between Bogotá and Quito. Petro said earlier this week that he planned legal action against Noboa over claims linking him to Ecuadorian crime boss Adolfo Macías, known as “Fito”. The diplomatic clash comes amid a worsening trade dispute that began after Ecuador imposed tariffs on Colombian imports, prompting retaliatory measures from Bogotá.

What they said

Petro said the accusations would be dismantled in U.S. legal proceedings and denied any ties to traffickers. Colombia’s embassy stated, “The reported insinuations have no legal or factual basis.” Ecopetrol President Ricardo Roa said the allegations involving the state oil company “lacked all reality or logic.”

He explained that the initiative will be formally presented by Ghana’s president, John Dramani Mahama, before international bodies on March 25. The proposal seeks to classify slavery as "the gravest crime against humanity", aiming to establish a legal and moral precedent within the international system.

Ablakwa also said the international community has not fully acknowledged the gravity of these crimes or held those responsible accountable.

"For more than 300 years, Africans were treated as property, many of them in the most dehumanising and despicable circumstances. Perpetrators are yet to apologise and have not compensated the victims," Ablakwa said.

“It is unfortunate that our friends in the EU and the US have served notice that they will not be voting for this resolution, but the good news is that we are far more than them, and we want to be on the side of justice, on the right side of history ,” he added.

A new poll published by El Tiempo places Gustavo Cepeda in the lead ahead of Colombia’s 2026 presidential election with 34.5% support. He is followed by Paloma Valencia on 22.2%, while Abelardo De La Espriella trails with 15%. The survey reflects an increasingly competitive political landscape, with significant fragmentation among opposition figures. Analysts suggest the results highlight shifting voter preferences and early consolidation around leading candidates. With the election still months away, the figures remain fluid but indicate a strong старт for Cepeda’s campaign. The poll also underscores the importance of alliances as candidates seek to broaden support.

Colombia strengthens leadership with CELAC-Africa forum

Colombia has hosted a high-level forum between the CELAC and African representatives, reinforcing its diplomatic leadership role. According to the Foreign Ministry, the initiative aims to deepen cooperation in trade, sustainability and political dialogue between both regions. Officials described the meeting as a milestone in South-South relations, positioning Colombia as a bridge between Latin America and Africa. The forum also focused on shared challenges such as climate change and economic development. Authorities stressed the importance of multilateralism in addressing global issues. The event is part of Bogotá’s broader strategy to expand its international influence.

Birth rate in Antioquia falls to lowest level in 18 years

New data reported by DANE shows that births in Antioquia dropped to their lowest level in nearly two decades during 2025. The decline reflects broader demographic trends across Colombia, including lower fertility rates and changing social dynamics. Experts attribute the drop to economic uncertainty, increased access to education and shifting family planning choices. The figures raise concerns about long-term impacts on the labour force and economic growth. Authorities are monitoring the trend as part of national demographic planning. The data highlights a significant transformation in population patterns within the region.

Four Clan del Golfo suspects arrested in major operation

Colombian authorities have captured four alleged members of the Clan del Golfo wanted by the United States on drug trafficking charges. The operation was carried out by national police in coordination with international agencies, marking a significant blow to the criminal network. Officials stated that the suspects were involved in large-scale narcotics operations linked to transnational routes. The arrests form part of ongoing efforts to dismantle organised crime structures in Colombia. Authorities emphasised continued cooperation with US law enforcement. The case underscores the persistent challenge posed by drug trafficking groups.

Dispute grows over claims in Uribe assassination case

Tensions have escalated following accusations related to the assassination of Miguel Uribe Uribe, with Ivan Cepeda demanding concrete evidence to support recent claims. The controversy has reignited political debate, with differing factions disputing interpretations of historical responsibility. Cepeda criticised what he described as unfounded allegations and called for a fact-based approach. The issue has drawn renewed public attention to one of Colombia’s most emblematic political crimes. Analysts warn that the dispute could deepen existing political divisions. The case remains a sensitive topic in the country’s historical memory.

While air and maritime trafficking still play roles, land routes through Mexico dominate the final stage of the journey.

Here’s how the flow typically works.

The land route: Mexico as the gateway

The map above highlights a green land corridor running from Colombia northward through Panama and Central America, into Mexico and across major U.S. border cities such as El Paso, Laredo and Mexicali.

This aligns with findings from the DEA’s National Drug Threat Assessment, which consistently reports that Mexican transnational criminal organisations control most wholesale drug distribution in the United States. After cocaine leaves South America, it is transported through countries including Panama, Costa Rica, Honduras and Guatemala before entering Mexico.

From there, it moves overland across the U.S.–Mexico border, often concealed in vehicles, commercial shipments or through smuggling tunnels. U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) seizure data regularly shows large quantities of cocaine, methamphetamine, heroin and fentanyl intercepted at southwest border ports of entry.

The land route remains dominant because it allows traffickers to move bulk quantities with established logistics networks and corruption infrastructure already in place, according to the DEA.

The Sea route: Caribbean and Pacific maritime corridors

The map’s blue arrows illustrate maritime trafficking through both the Pacific Ocean and the Caribbean Sea.

UNODC reports that traffickers frequently use “go-fast” boats , fishing vessels, semi-submersibles and container shipping to move cocaine from Colombia’s Pacific coast and Caribbean ports. From there, shipments pass through Central American coastal states or Caribbean islands before continuing north.

The U.S. Coast Guard plays a central role in maritime interdictions. In recent years, it has announced record cocaine seizures in the eastern Pacific, underscoring how significant the sea route remains. However, despite substantial seizures, maritime trafficking persists due to the vast expanse of open water and limited enforcement capacity relative to the scale of operations.

The air route

The map also shows air corridors from northern South America into Central America.

While less common for bulk shipments today than in the 1980s and 1990s, air trafficking still occurs. According to UNODC, traffickers use small aircraft to land in remote airstrips in countries such as Honduras and Nicaragua. From there, shipments are transferred to land vehicles for overland transport north.

Air routes are typically used for high-value loads that require speed and reduced exposure time.

While cocaine routes remain critical, the DEA notes that synthetic drugs such as fentanyl increasingly dominate the U.S. overdose crisis. Unlike cocaine, fentanyl is often manufactured in Mexico using precursor chemicals sourced from Asia and then trafficked across the land border.

This shift has further established Mexico’s role as the primary entry point for illicit drugs into the United States.

Córdoba Governor Erasmo Zuleta said around 80 per cent of the department has been impacted, including 24 of its 30 municipalities. Local authorities reported that river overflows and prolonged flooding have damaged homes and rural infrastructure, with more than 33,000 families particularly affected following a series of cold fronts that hit the Caribbean region in late January. Residents described the floods as unavoidable despite efforts to reinforce riverbanks with sandbags and makeshift barriers.

Emergency agencies remain focused on protecting lives and providing shelter and food to displaced families, according to Colombia’s National Unit for Disaster Risk Management. President Gustavo Petro said the scale of the disaster exceeds the state’s normal response capacity, citing 14 deaths, around 9,000 homes destroyed and more than 300,000 people affected nationwide as extreme weather continues to strain vulnerable communities.

Ecuador’s Olympic Committee (COE) warned that the country is close to facing a possible Olympic suspension due to alleged state interference in sports governance . The alert follows a conflict between the COE and Fedeguayas, after government pressure linked to leadership disputes within the federation. COE officials argue that state involvement violates the principle of autonomy required by the International Olympic Committee (IOC). They cautioned that continued interference could lead to sanctions, including exclusion from international competitions. Authorities have not ruled out dialogue, but tensions remain unresolved.

Ecuador reviews Colombia’s account of foreign ministers’ meeting

Ecuador’s government said it is analysing Colombia’s version of a recent bilateral meeting between foreign ministers, which outlined commitments on security cooperation, energy integration and tariff issues. Quito stressed the importance of coordination on cross-border security, particularly in the fight against organised crime. Officials highlighted energy collaboration and trade as shared priorities, while underscoring Ecuador’s interest in concrete follow-up mechanisms. The statement reflects cautious diplomacy as both countries seek to balance cooperation with national interests.

Messi sparks excitement as Inter Miami arrives in Guayaquil

Argentine football star Lionel Messi was enthusiastically welcomed by fans in Guayaquil ahead of a friendly match between Inter Miami and Barcelona SC, dubbed the “Match of History ”. Supporters gathered outside the Oro Verde Hotel, praising Messi’s legacy and expressing excitement at seeing him play in Ecuador. Authorities deployed a special security operation due to the scale of public interest. The match, part of Inter Miami’s South American tour, is expected to feature players such as Luis Suárez and Rodrigo De Paul, drawing significant attention nationwide.

Prison authority cites improvements at Penitenciaría del Litoral amid health concerns

Ecuador’s prison authority SNAI said it is implementing improvements in food provision and infrastructure at the Penitenciaría del Litoral following reports of sanitary problems. Officials claimed measures are underway to address hygiene, overcrowding and basic services at the facility. The prison has been at the centre of repeated crises, highlighting structural weaknesses in the penitentiary system. SNAI insisted that reforms are ongoing, though concerns from inmates’ relatives and human rights groups persist.

Scientist documents Ecuador’s butterflies after three decades of research

Entomologist Keith Willmott has spent more than 30 years studying Ecuador’s butterflies, documenting species with transparent wings and others affected by forest fires . His work combines field research and conservation science, contributing to global understanding of biodiversity in Ecuador’s ecosystems. Willmott has highlighted how habitat loss and climate change threaten butterfly populations. His research underscores Ecuador’s role as a biodiversity hotspot and the importance of long-term scientific study for conservation efforts.

Footage, taken by Viory, from the property shows extensive decay, with collapsed roofs and vegetation overtaking what was once a symbol of wealth and power during Escobar’s rise in the cocaine trade. The estate, named after Escobar’s daughter, continues to attract visitors, even as it stands abandoned and marked by the violence associated with his criminal empire.

Authorities said the auction represents a symbolic victory of the state over organised crime. The sale follows other measures to repurpose confiscated assets, including the transfer in 2025 of land from another Escobar property to rural women affected by Colombia’s armed conflict , as part of a reparations and agrarian reform programme.

The concerns come amid rising trade tensions between the two neighbouring countries. Ecuador recently announced a 30 per cent security tariff on all Colombian imports, citing insufficient cooperation on cross-border crime, including drug trafficking and illegal mining. Colombia responded by suspending electricity exports to Ecuador and imposing its own tariffs on a range of Ecuadorian goods, including rice.

Producers argue that Ecuador would bear the brunt of the dispute. While Colombia could source rice from alternative suppliers or rely on subsidised domestic stocks, Ecuadorian farmers have fewer options to redirect their exports. Industry representatives warn that uncertainty over access to the Colombian market is already discouraging some growers from planting new crops.

The impact could extend beyond farmers themselves. Ecuador relies heavily on Colombian imports such as fertilisers, plastics and vehicle parts, creating an imbalance that leaves rural communities particularly exposed to trade disruptions. With the tariffs set to take effect on 1 February, agricultural groups fear the measures will add to the economic strain faced by farm workers and small producers in one of Ecuador’s most important farming regions.

Ecuador’s government, led by President Daniel Noboa, announced the tariffs earlier this week, framing them as a response to what it described as a lack of reciprocity from Colombia on security cooperation. The measure affects a range of Colombian products and adds strain to an already delicate bilateral relationship.

“We sold them energy when they needed it,” Petro said, referring to electricity exports provided since late 2024. He added that now Ecuador’s situation has stabilised, the decision appeared driven more by political alignment than by regional solidarity, criticising what he described as diplomacy based on confrontation rather than cooperation.

Colombia and Ecuador maintain close economic and security ties, sharing a long and porous border that has required joint efforts against organised crime and smuggling.

Petro said renewed communication between the two sides has created space for Washington to better understand Colombia’s approach to tackling drug trafficking. He argued that dialogue now allows US authorities to grasp the scope of his government’s anti-narcotics strategy, which he described as broader than traditional enforcement-led policies .

Relations between the two leaders deteriorated sharply in early 2026 following a series of public exchanges. Trump described Colombia as a “sick country” and suggested military intervention to combat drug trafficking, comments that Petro rejected by calling for national mobilisation and warning that Colombia would defend its sovereignty. Ties began to stabilise after a phone call on 7 January, paving the way for Petro’s upcoming visit to the White House.

Cuervo’s claimed age surpasses that of Jeanne Louise Calment of France , who remains the longest-lived person officially recorded, having died at 122 years and 164 days. However, Cuervo’s status has yet to receive formal recognition.

Trump said Colombia remained a major source of cocaine entering the United States and described Petro as hostile to US interests, issuing a blunt warning as tensions between the two governments continued to rise.

Petro had earlier argued that the United States had historically “invaded” and taken territory that should belong to Latin America . He also defended Colombia’s role in the war on drugs and warned Trump against damaging nearly two centuries of diplomatic relations, cautioning him not to “awaken the jaguar”.

The exchange comes amid broader regional friction linked to US sanctions on Venezuela, drug trafficking policy, and shifting diplomatic dynamics between Washington and Latin American governments.

How the regional drug trade works

Colombia remains the world's largest producer and exporter of cocaine, with an estimated 80% of the global supply originating within its borders.

The nature of the illicit industry has evolved over the years, challenging the efforts of local and international law enforcement

Fentanyl vs. cocaine

Another key point missing in the discussions, and especially Donald Trump's misleading claim that each drug boat destroyed saves 25,000 American lives, is that the drugs causing America's crisis are not coming from South America. Fentanyl, produced mainly in Mexico, not cocaine, originating in Colombia and Venezuela, is the most lethal substance.

And indeed, the crisis did not begin with drug gangs. Americans were hooked by their own big businesses as pharmaceutical companies co-opted doctors to prescribe highly addictive opiates. As Jorge Rodriguez, president of Venezuela's National Assembly, put it: "If they (the USA) want to bomb something, they should bomb the headquarters of Perdue Pharma."

Maduro and the "Cartel of the Suns"

The Trump administration has labelled President Maduro the "drug dealer in chief," alleging he heads an organisation known as the "Cartel of the Suns." While the Maduro government certainly has links to the drug trade, describing it as a centrally commanded, organised cartel is misleading.

The Venezuelan state is characterised by extensive corruption, with local officials and governors taking cuts from the trade. And the links between the Venezuelan government and transnational crime groups are well documented.

However, the US government's actions - such as the recent pardoning of former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández, who was convicted of drug trafficking in the US- underscore that the real issue is that Maduro is an ideological foe of the administration, not necessarily a unique threat in the drug trade.

Drugs as a livelihood

Much of the debate around the attacks on boats has centred around the question of whether those on board were drug traffickers or simple fishermen. It's impossible to know, but the difference is also not as stark as it might seem. In poor coastal regions, the drug trade is a significant part of the economy, along with agriculture and fishing.

Under most legal codes, a drug dealer or a fisherman would have the same status in law unless convicted in court: innocent.

This is where Colombian president Gustavo Petro, not a natural ally of Maduro, meets his neighbour ideologically. Both argue that the law is being ignored, and their citizens have lost their right to a trial.

Next steps

The US seizure of an oil tanker off the Venezuelan coast marks a significant escalation in the pressure exerted on Maduro. And while the Venezuelan president has already offered to resign, his terms were clearly not acceptable in Washington. Tensions are set to rise, and the people of Colombia and Venezuela, regardless of any links to the drug trade, will feel more pain.

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World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

The president argued that Colombia has shed “blood and blood” fighting drug trafficking for more than half a century, insisting that the issue cannot be addressed through force but through dialogue. He sharply criticised Trump’s remarks, accusing the United States of shifting blame while consuming the very narcotics Colombia has battled to curb. “Then the thanks are an insult,” Petro declared, adding that those who escalate threats risk awakening “the American jaguar that is asleep in the heart of the people.”

Trump’s comments earlier in the week, warning that any country producing or trafficking drugs into the US could be “subject to attacks”, raised concerns in Bogotá, particularly after he hinted Colombia could be added to the list of potential targets alongside Venezuela . His statement came as he renewed calls for ground operations against drug networks operating in Venezuelan territory.

The exchange comes amid heightened tensions between Washington and Caracas, with the US maintaining naval deployments in the Caribbean, including the USS Gerald Ford, as Venezuela mobilises its armed forces and millions of militia members. Petro’s intervention adds a new layer of regional friction as disputes over sovereignty, security and counternarcotics strategy intensify.

According to Gloria Arriero, Director of Colombia’s national immigration service, the adults arrived in the country between 22 and 23 October from the United States and Panama, entering with valid documentation. Their presence drew immediate attention after an alert and an anonymous tip prompted a joint investigation by Migration Colombia, the Gaula Militar Oriente, and the Colombian Institute of Family Welfare (ICBF). The adults were held temporarily in Medellín before being transferred to New York , while the minors were placed under ICBF protection.

Arriero said the children would remain under the custody of New York State authorities to guarantee their safety and determine long-term protective measures. Colombian officials framed the operation as part of broader efforts to address cross-border risks involving vulnerable minors, especially in cases linked to groups already under international scrutiny.

Lev Tahor has faced years of allegations of abuse, mistreatment, and educational deprivation, reported by former members in different countries. The community, which established a compound in Colombia in October, has also been the subject of legal cases abroad. Its original leader, Shlomo Helbrans, convicted of fraud in the United States, died in Mexico in 2017, and the group has since attempted to establish communities in Canada and Guatemala.

Despite the controversies, Lev Tahor has repeatedly denied all accusations, insisting it is the target of religious persecution. The latest intervention in Colombia adds to a growing list of international actions involving the group, reflecting a wider global concern over the welfare of children within isolated religious communities.

The reform follows a ruling by the Corte Constitucional de Colombia, which demanded that the registry adapt its systems to allow gender markers beyond the traditional “male/female” binary. Implementation involved extensive technical adjustments, updating databases, printing systems and digital ID frameworks, to ensure that both physical and digital documents reflect the new options: “NB” for non-binary and “T” for trans.

For many in the LGBTQ+ community, this legal recognition goes beyond paperwork. It represents official validation of identities historically invisibilised by the state. According to advocates, having identity documents that reflect one’s self-perception is fundamental to accessing other civil rights , from employment and healthcare to political participation.

This reform also places Colombia among a growing list of countries seeking to modernise the concept of gender in state administration. By decoupling legal identity from rigid binary norms, the country signals a shift towards more inclusive policies a change that could set a precedent for other nations navigating the complexities of gender, identity and rights in a globalised world .

This divide, has of course been exploited by politicians. From the 1970s onwards, the left sought to build support among racial minorities, gradually altering its own identity. Once fundamentally class-based, the “left” in the early 21st century took the fight not only to imperialist and colonial legacies but also to all those perceived to embody that heritage.

As a result, the integration that once defined the region has partly given way to racial fragmentation. Electoral maps from the last 20 years closely mirror the ethnic makeup of communities.

In Bolivia, the Aymara leader Evo Morales won office not only because voters endorsed the programme of his Movement for Socialism, but because of affinity to his indigenous background. Large constituencies backed him as he used anti-colonial rhetoric to seize and redistribute land from elite farmers, often of Spanish heritage.

In Bolivia’s 2025 election, the right-wing candidate Rodrigo Paz won with the backing of vice-presidential candidate Edman Lara - someone Indigenous voters consider one of their own. Tensions emerged immediately: Lara has mobilised supporters demanding expanded powers from the president.

In Peru, Communist Party leader Isaac Humala Núñez founded the Ethnocacerist Movement in 1987 with a straightforward agenda: power to the Indigenous population. His sons later built the Peruvian Nationalist Party on this foundation. One of them, Ollanta Humala became president in 2011. The party collapsed a few years later, but was replaced by a left-wing movement likewise oriented toward Indigenous voters, albeit without explicitly racial slogans. In 2021, its candidate Pedro Castillo - himself indigenous - won the presidency. Electoral maps show that Castillo prevailed in regions dominated by indigenous populations.

Ecuador’s elections have also taken on a racial character. Daniel Noboa won office with support from the Europeanised electorate and now faces protests from indigenous groups, escalating in some cases into armed confrontation.

In Brazil, the Workers’ Party—the main force of the left—does not explicitly foreground racial issues. However, after coming to power in 2003, it expanded affirmative-action policies explicitly aimed at increasing access for Black, Indigenous, and low-income Brazilians. 

The victory of right-wing candidate Jair Bolsonaro in 2019 was, to some extent, a revolt against these policies. Overlaid electoral and demographic maps tell the story: the “Black” Northeast voted for the left, while the “white” South and Southeast backed the right. The 2022 results show a similar pattern, though the left won that time - political preferences still matter, and Brazi’s divisions are less ethnically-based than, for example, Bolivia.

Colombia’s recent elections reveal a comparable trend. Around 60% of the population belongs to various ethnic groups distinguishing themselves from the “descendants of colonisers”. Left-wing candidate Gustavo Petro made race a visible part of his platform, promising to defend the rights of Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. Turnout in regions where those groups predominate surged, while the traditionally “white” centre of the country once again saw low participation.

Indigenous communities are beginning to step outside the framework of the left and articulate their own demands. Brazilian Indigenous groups staged unrest at a climate summit, opposing the construction of railways, power facilities and oil extraction in the Amazon - projects seen as vital for most Brazilians, but not for Indigenous groups. Similar dynamics are unfolding in Peru, Colombia, Ecuador, Chile and even Argentina, where Indigenous populations are small minorities, yet still mobilising against development initiatives, sometimes violently, as seen in Chile and Ecuador.

The intensification of racial tensions destabilises Latin American states and obstructs their development. Crucially, these mobilisations rarely benefit indigenous communities themselves, but their leaders- often pursuing personal or group political and financial interests. They use left-wing movements as a façade, stoking conflict and provoking confrontation between “indigenous” and “non-indigenous” Latin Americans.

This opinion piece solely represents the views of the author, who has chosen not to disclose his name to avoid repercussions to his work. Global South World knows and can verify his identity.

Speaking via his X account, Petro argued that failing to explicitly name fossil fuels as the root cause of climate change amounts to hypocrisy. He insisted that human existence is only possible if the world transitions away from oil, coal and natural gas , in line with scientific evidence.

Petro was not alone in his objections. More than 80 countries had pushed for a binding fossil fuel exit roadmap during the COP30 talks but ultimately failed to secure a reference in the final agreement. The president’s climate team has described this as a betrayal of scientific consensus and a missed opportunity for a just energy transition.

Colombia’s acting Minister of Environment, Irene Vélez, threw her support behind Petro’s stance, affirming that the government will not yield on the principles of climate justice and scientific truth. She argued that stronger multilateral action and clearer targets are needed to avoid perpetuating dependency on fossil fuel capital.

Petro’s rebuttal to the COP30 declaration has sparked wider debate in Latin America and around the world about climate ambition. While the summit did result in a non-binding “Global Mutirão” agreement on accelerating climate action, critics like Petro say it lacks teeth, particularly without a roadmap to eliminate the fossil fuels most responsible for climate change.

However, Petro faces growing domestic frustration, with critics arguing he is more focused on international issues — including Palestine, Trump’s policies, and the war in Ukraine — than on Colombia’s priorities, potentially jeopardising the country’s crucial trade relationship with the United States .

His recent suspension of intelligence cooperation with the U.S. over its campaign against alleged drug boats has added to tensions, and as world leaders meet at COP30 in Brazil , questions remain about whether Petro’s global message will resonate.

“Liar Trump and your lying friends, liar Mr Rubio. Those you are killing are not drug traffickers,” Petro declared, referring to US operations in the region. He claimed that the real drug traffickers had long moved into political and financial circles. “The drug traffickers have gone, through their politicians, to the offices in Miami to speak with Mr Rubio’s senators, to ask that they bomb here as well, to ask that they also remove the president of the Republic elected by popular vote, to try to humiliate us,” he said.

According to the Colombian government, Petro also recalled the death of a fisherman killed in a US military strike in the Caribbean last year, rejecting claims that the victim was involved in illegal activities. “No one can say that this fisherman, a poor father of a girl, was a drug trafficker. I oppose that,” he added, denouncing what he described as the human cost of foreign intervention.

The president further linked Washington’s regional actions to wider global power imbalances, warning that “what we are seeing in Gaza will happen in the South, in the continents of working and poor people, in those of us who do not hold world power.” He has been one of the most vocal leaders in Latin America to denounce Israel’s actions in Gaza, having suspended coal exports to the country for humanitarian and moral reasons.

The robotic system she employs allows for millimetric precision, helping patients walk pain-free just 24 hours after surgery. Vélez’s work not only represents a leap in surgical innovation but also breaks gender barriers in a field historically dominated by men.

“Orthopaedics has always been led by men,” Vélez told Viory, “but I’ve led a group of women, and I hope there will be many more of us in Latin America .”

Strategically located in the city of Barranquilla, close to Central America , the Caribbean, and the southern U.S., Vélez sees the city as a growing hub for medical tourism. Her work gives patients access to U.S.-standard robotic care at home or nearby.

Footage from the General Factory Jose Maria Cordova (Fagecor) in Bogota shows workers at the state-owned Military Industry (Indumil) designing and producing rifle prototypes and 3D models. The initiative, which has been in development for roughly five years, follows specifications provided by the Colombian Armed Forces, including barrel lengths, ambidextrous systems, fixed sights, and folding or extendable stocks.

Alejandro Bohorquez, professor of International Relations at Universidad Externado de Colombia, highlighted the symbolic dimension of the move: “In Israel's case, this aligns closely with the current campaign discrediting Israel over its recent actions against the Palestinian population. Clearly, for Israel, the concern—beyond losing a decades-long business—doesn’t go much further. It’s more of a commercial issue. Colombia wasn’t even a main partner in the arms trade with these states. So, it’s more like a symbolic protest over Israel and Palestine’s recent actions.”

Indumil’s Engineering and Development Director, Alfonso Palacios Chavarriaga, explained that the next step involves completing the second design phase and producing ten prototypes, which will be tested to ensure they meet technical standards. The final phase will see mass production, with the rifles intended to fully replace the Galil in service with Colombia’s Armed Forces.

The initiative also reflects Colombia’s broader push for defence autonomy. President Gustavo Petro’s government has recently halted arms purchases from both Israel and the United States , underscoring a commitment to building a self-reliant military and reinforcing national sovereignty in defence procurement.