Celebrating with supporters in San José, Fernández framed her victory as a decisive break with the political order established after the 1948 civil war. A close ally of outgoing President Rodrigo Chaves, she campaigned on a platform focused on public security and economic pressures, as Costa Rica faces rising homicides linked to organised crime alongside high living costs, unemployment and inflation.

This concludes our live coverage of Costa Rica’s general election, a closely watched vote shaped by concerns over security, political fragmentation and institutional trust. Follow Global South World for continued updates as results are finalised and the country moves into the next phase of the electoral process.

01:00 GMT: Vote counting continues across multiple precincts as ballots are tallied.

00:00 GMT: Polls close across Costa Rica, marking the end of voting in a closely watched presidential and legislative election as the vote count begins.

22:40 GMT: Polling stations reported heavy turnout as ballot boxes filled up with only hours left before voting closed.

20:45 GMT: Costa Rican President Rodrigo Chaves cast his ballot as voting continued nationwide.

20:32 GMT: Children take part in a symbolic election at the Children's Museum during Costa Rica's general election day in San Jose.

20:15 GMT: Costa Rica’s Supreme Electoral Tribunal said voting was proceeding normally, adding there were no reports of violence at polling stations so far.

19:00 GMT: Costa Rican President Rodrigo Chaves was seen surrounded by supporters of the Sovereign People’s Party, reacting with gestures amid cheers and boos, in a moment captured on video.

17:35 GMT: The election observation mission deployed across designated monitoring routes nationwide as voting continued.

17:10 GMT: Presidential candidate Álvaro Ramos of the National Liberation Party (PLN) casts his ballot during Costa Rica’s general election.

16:30 GMT: Ariel Robles, presidential candidate of the Broad Front (Frente Amplio), cast his vote in Pérez Zeledón and is moving toward Cartago.

15:50 GMT: Claudia Dobles, presidential candidate of the Citizen Agenda Coalition (CAC), cast her vote and urged Costa Ricans to go out early and participate in the democratic process, saying the future of the country is in their hands. She also noted early reports from voting stations in Australia showed her winning at some polls there.

15:20 GMT: José Aguilar Berrocal, presidential candidate for the Avanza Costa Rica Party, cast his vote and said his campaign had been a success, urging voters to back unity, change, and support for entrepreneurs while rejecting higher taxes and bureaucracy.

14:50 GMT: Former Costa Rican president José María Figueres cast his vote and spoke about national unity in defending the country’s democracy.

13:40 GMT: Costa Rican presidential candidate Laura Fernández called on voters to back the country’s “project of change”.

13:30 GMT: Presidential candidate Laura Fernández of the Sovereign People’s Party (PPSO) casts her vote at a polling station.

12:00 GMT: Voting begins across Costa Rica

The voting process is set to run for 12 hours on election day, with polls expected to open at 6 AM local time (12 PM GMT) and close at 6 PM local time (12 AM GMT).

What to know

On February 1, Costa Rica holds its general election where voters choose a new president, two vice-presidents and all 57 members of the Legislative Assembly. If no presidential candidate wins at least 40 % of the vote in the first round, a runoff is expected on 5 April 2026. Voting is voluntary, but turnout has traditionally been high compared with regional averages. Eligible voting age is 18 and above.

The election comes amid rising public concern over security, driven by increases in homicide rates and organised crime, issues once rare in what’s been seen as one of Latin America’s most stable democracies. Security, economic pressures, and confidence in political institutions are central themes shaping voter attitudes.

The political landscape is highly fragmented. Around 20 presidential candidates compete, but only a few gain significant traction, leaving a large share of undecided voters and making outcomes uncertain.

Front-running candidates & proposals

According to the country’s constitution, voting is defined as a “ compulsory civic function .” However, there are no legal penalties for individuals who choose not to participate in the electoral process.

More than 3.7 million Costa Ricans are eligible to vote. Despite this, public sentiment toward the election appears muted. A poll conducted on January 21 by the University of Costa Rica’s Centre for Political Research and Studies (CIEP) reported that nearly 79% of respondents felt little or no enthusiasm about the campaigns.

However, the same survey revealed a more nuanced outlook on voter participation. Over 57% of those surveyed indicated they were motivated to vote, while 19.5% expressed no desire to participate.

The most recent CIEP poll, released on January 28, shows that 43.8% of respondents intend to vote for Fernandez. This level of support could allow him to secure a first-round victory, avoiding a runoff. Such outcomes are rare in Costa Rica’s recent electoral history.

Ramos ranks second in the poll with 9.2% support, followed by Dobles at 8.6%. Robles is in fourth place with 3.8%. Meanwhile, the percentage of undecided voters stands at approximately 26%, a decrease from 32% the previous week.

Although Fernandez leads by a significant margin, political analysts note that upsets remain possible due to the high number of undecided voters and the weakening of traditional political alliances. In 2022, Chaves won the presidency despite having only 7% support in pre-election polling.

Political climate & stakes

Costa Rica’s fragmented political options and high levels of voter indecision reflect broader scepticism toward traditional parties and political leadership, as well as frustration over persistent economic pressures and rising insecurity. Campaign debates have been dominated by security policy, including controversial proposals such as expanding prison capacity, strengthening police powers and tightening criminal controls, measures that have also raised concerns about civil liberties and institutional balance.

Institutionally, the election will test Costa Rica’s consensus-oriented democratic model. With no party expected to secure a legislative majority, the next president is likely to face a fragmented Legislative Assembly, potentially limiting the government’s ability to pass reforms without broad cross-party negotiation. As a result, the composition of parliament and post-election alliances are expected to be as consequential as the presidential outcome itself.

Crime remains a major concern for many voters, as criminal groups compete for control over key cocaine trafficking routes to Europe and the United States. This growing violence has cast a shadow over the Central American country, long known for its appeal as a wildlife tourism destination.

The campaign focused largely on President Chaves, a controversial leader who is ineligible for re-election due to constitutional limits on consecutive terms.

The 2022 election marked a turning point in Costa Rican politics. Chaves, an economist and former World Bank official who left the institution following sexual harassment allegations, won the presidency after tapping into public frustration with corrupt political elites.

Since taking office, Chaves has sought to boost the economy with mixed results, while often clashing with political institutions. His leadership style has been marked by a rejection of established norms and an abrasive tone.

Legal attempts to prosecute Chaves on corruption and election interference charges were blocked by Congress, preserving his presidential immunity. Fernández has stated she would appoint Chaves to her cabinet if elected, which would allow him to maintain immunity beyond his term.

Traditional political parties have faced difficulties in reshaping their platforms. Despite a rise in organised crime and violence during his presidency, Chaves maintains an approval rating of around 50%.

Costa Rica, once considered one of the region’s safest countries, now reports a homicide rate of 16.7 per 100,000 people – the third highest in Central America. Last year, authorities dismantled the so-called South Caribbean Cartel, Costa Rica’s first identified transnational crime group, and arrested a former security minister on U.S. drug trafficking charges.

In response to the violence, Chaves has referenced the security policies of El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele. He invited Bukele to attend the inauguration of a new prison modelled after El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Centre.

The country is currently governed by President Rodrigo Chaves, who took office in 2022 and is constitutionally barred from seeking another consecutive term. His administration has operated without a stable majority in the Legislative Assembly, reflecting a broader pattern in Costa Rican politics in which fragmented parliaments limit executive power and force negotiation across party lines. This institutional design makes legislative results as important as the presidential contest itself.

Polling ahead of the election suggests that the candidate, Laura Fernández, linked to the current governing camp, is leading the race and approaching the threshold required to win outright in the first round. Opposition parties, meanwhile, remain divided among multiple contenders, making it difficult to consolidate support behind a single alternative. A large share of undecided voters means the outcome is still not guaranteed, but the current polling landscape points to continuity rather than a sharp political rupture.

This dynamic matters because the presidency in Costa Rica holds key responsibilities, including directing public policy, overseeing security strategy and representing the country internationally. At the same time, a fragmented legislature can constrain the next president’s ability to pass reforms, making the balance of power between the executive and parliament central to how effectively the next government can govern.

The election takes place against a backdrop of growing public concern over crime, economic pressures and confidence in institutions. While Costa Rica remains one of Latin America ’s most stable democracies, these issues have intensified political debate and tested the traditional consensus-driven model that long defined the country’s politics.

For Costa Rica, the 2026 vote is not only about choosing a new leader, but about how its democratic system functions in a more fragmented and demanding political environment . The result will indicate whether the current governing approach retains voter backing and how the country’s long-standing institutional framework adapts to changing political realities.

At the heart of the industry is Butterfly Kingdom, a butterfly farm based in San José that combines exhibition with commercial breeding and exports. Among the dozens of species cultivated, the Blue Morpho stands out as the most sought-after, prized internationally for its large size and striking iridescent blue wings. Pupae raised across the country are collected and prepared there for shipment to destinations in the Americas, Europe, the Middle East and beyond.

Butterfly farming has developed into a decentralised production chain that relies heavily on small-scale rural participation. Families raise different species on minimal plots of land, often little more than a backyard, before sending the pupae to the capital, where exporters manage inspections, documentation and international logistics. The low land and investment requirements make the activity an accessible source of steady income.

Costa Rica currently exports around 70 butterfly species, with the Blue Morpho leading the market. The model reflects the country’s long-standing focus on conservation-based entrepreneurship, transforming its rich ecosystems into sustainable economic opportunities while maintaining strong demand in global cultural and tourism institutions.

Fernández’s platform emphasises continuity of President Rodrigo Chaves’s policies, including a tough stance on organised crime, bolstering national security and justice systems, and measures to attract foreign investment and modernise infrastructure. She has proposed stronger territorial control, support for the extradition of serious criminals, and improvements to logistics and public spending efficiency.

Alongside Fernández, Álvaro Ramos represents the National Liberation Party (PLN), one of Costa Rica’s traditional parties. An economist and experienced public administrator, Ramos has pitched his campaign around security reform and public services. His proposals include a “smart-security nerve centre” using technology to prevent crime, the recruitment of additional police officers, and initiatives to strengthen the healthcare and social security system, including community mental health centres. Ramos also seeks to modernise the legal framework to support public-private partnerships and sustainable economic activities.

On the centre‑left and progressive side, Ariel Robles of the Broad Front (Frente Amplio) focuses on equity, justice and social solidarity. His platform highlights policies to reduce inequality, expand access to quality education, and promote environmental sustainability integrated with urban and rural development. Robles seeks to mobilise voters looking for structural change and greater social protections.

Former first lady Claudia Dobles, of the Citizen Agenda Coalition (CAC), has also been a visible candidate, proposing increased education spending, technological modernisation of schools, and a National Police task force to bolster public security alongside cultural and community initiatives.

While Laura Fernández currently leads in polls and could secure a first‑round victory if she surpasses the required vote share, a large undecided bloc of voters remains, leaving the race open and unpredictable. Analysts note that fragmented support among opposition candidates and high levels of voter uncertainty could influence whether an outright win is possible or whether a runoff on 5 April will be needed.

The upcoming election features an unusually crowded field, with around 20 presidential candidates, but only a few have gained significant traction in opinion polls . Surveys show that a large proportion of the electorate, nearly half, has not yet cemented support for a candidate, creating an unpredictable race that could result in a second round if no contender reaches the 40 per cent threshold required to win outright.

Security policy has emerged as a central theme in the campaign. Costa Rica, once known as one of Latin America ’s safest countries, has experienced rising homicide rates and public concern over organised crime. In this context, initiatives such as the inauguration of a new high-security prison modelled on El Salvador’s controversial CECOT facility have been spotlighted, with President Rodrigo Chaves and visiting leaders emphasising tough-on-crime approaches.

But alongside policy debates, the campaign has been marked by heightened political confrontation and public frustration. Observers note that traditional party structures are weak, many voters express apathy or disillusionment, and personalistic leadership styles have dominated discourse, potentially overshadowing substantive policy discussion. Some analysts warn that the often aggressive tone of the campaign — amplified on social media — poses a challenge to Costa Rica’s reputation as a stable and highly regarded democratic system in the region.

In response to calls for greater voter information, the Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones has launched initiatives such as the “Votante Informado” programme, designed to provide candidates’ plans and profiles to citizens ahead of election day. As Costa Ricans prepare to cast ballots both at home and abroad, these efforts aim to improve engagement and understanding in a contest where the outcome remains far from certain.

Held annually from 25 December to 6 January, the festivities are a longstanding fixture of Costa Rica’s cultural calendar. Hundreds of spectators gather in a festive, family-oriented atmosphere, where improvised and often costumed participants step into the ring, waiting as a bull bursts out and charges, drawing loud reactions from the stands.

For those who take part, the appeal lies in the adrenaline and the public response. Amateur bullfighter Andrei Romero said the thrill comes from interacting with the animal and hearing the crowd’s applause and shouts as the bull closes in, moments that define the experience for both participants and spectators.

For many Costa Ricans, toros a la tica represent a distinctive way of marking the end of the year, blending excitement, humour and a strong sense of community. The tradition is seen as a shared cultural expression, passed down through generations and rooted in local identity.

Veteran bullfighter Jorge Rojas, 74, recalled that earlier bullfighting events in Costa Rica, during the late 1960s and early 1970s, were largely unregulated. He noted that the modern version operates under clear rules, reinforcing the emphasis on safety and animal welfare .

The origins of toros a la tica date back to the colonial era, when bullfights followed the customs of the Spanish crown. After independence, the practice continued but evolved, eventually becoming known as corridas a la tica — a term that reflects Costa Rica’s distinctive style and its departure from more violent forms of bullfighting.

The visit places Chaves among a limited group of international officials who have previously entered CECOT, including US Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem and former Argentine Security Minister Patricia Bullrich. The prison, widely associated with El Salvador’s crackdown on organised crime, has become a focal point for regional security discussions.

Chaves’ tour concluded a visit that began on Thursday and included meetings with Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele. During the trip, both leaders signed the Shield of the Americas Alliance , an agreement designed to strengthen cooperation against organised crime and enhance national security efforts between the two countries.

CECOT is the largest prison in Latin America , built to house up to 40,000 inmates and currently holding around 15,000 people accused of links to the Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio 18 gangs. In August, Chaves announced plans to construct a 5,000-inmate prison in Costa Rica inspired by El Salvador’s model, a project scheduled for completion in 2026 but which has yet to begin construction.

One of the most notable developments in Costa Rica’s political landscape comes from candidate Hidalgo, who has predicted significant challenges for rival Laura Fernández in the event of a runoff election. Hidalgo’s assessment reflects a broader political atmosphere where voter loyalty is proving volatile, and campaign dynamics continue to shift rapidly. His remarks underscore rising uncertainty as Costa Rica approaches a defining electoral moment, with polls tightening and competing narratives shaping public expectations. This prediction has added pressure to Fernández’s campaign, intensifying the strategic calculations of both camps.

Fernández prioritises voters over podium politics

Laura Fernández, one of the central figures in the race, has reiterated her decision to focus on direct voter engagement rather than participating heavily in podium-driven political exchanges. According to recent coverage, she has positioned herself as a candidate more interested in speaking with citizens than sparring with opponents in highly mediated spaces. This strategy appears aimed at resonating with undecided voters and strengthening her image as a grounded, people-focused leader. Her stance has sparked conversation about whether Costa Ricans prefer traditional debate formats or more personal campaigning.

Laura Fernández nears historic first-round election victory

In a powerful surge, Fernández is reportedly nearing what could become a historic first-round victory. If achieved, this would mark one of the most significant election outcomes in Costa Rica in years. The momentum around her bid suggests widespread voter alignment with her platform, signalling a possible shift in national priorities. Media coverage highlights that this rise has put her in a commanding position, placing additional pressure on opponents to recalibrate their efforts. Her proximity to a first-round win has elevated national attention on the unfolding campaign narrative.

Dobles blasts rival Fernández over no-show at key pension debate

Another major flashpoint this week came when Dobles publicly criticised Fernández for failing to attend a key debate on pension reform. Pension policy remains one of Costa Rica’s most sensitive and widely discussed issues, especially as the country manages demographic changes and financial pressures on its social systems. Dobles’ criticism has reignited conversations about candidate transparency and willingness to confront difficult issues. The confrontation also adds yet another layer to the already tense electoral competition.

Frontrunner’s empty chair strategy sparks election controversy

One of the most talked-about developments is the “empty chair” strategy employed by Fernández, who declined to appear at certain debates, leaving her podium symbolically vacant. This tactic has stirred controversy, with critics arguing it reflects a lack of engagement and supporters claiming it shows confidence and a refusal to participate in unproductive political theatre. The symbolic power of the empty chair has dominated political discussions, highlighting the evolving nature of modern campaigning and the strategies candidates use to shape public perception.