Rwanda rejected the “break-in” framing, with its embassy in the United States calling the claim a “gross misrepresentation.” Kigali said it was DRC security personnel who escalated the situation, alleging they blocked unarmed Rwandan agents from accessing a shared hallway and elevator area despite both delegations being booked at the same hotel.

Rwanda said the matter was resolved quickly and without further escalation.  

"The Rwandan detail member was briefly restrained from accessing the elevator by DRC security agents, which was inappropriate and wrong behaviour in a common area, but the matter was eventually resolved without further escalation," the Rwandan statement read in part.

Rwanda and the DRC have been in Washington for US-facilitated mediation efforts aimed at easing tensions in eastern Congo, where Kinshasa accuses Kigali of backing the M23 rebel group, an allegation Rwanda denies.  

The matter also follows fresh US sanctions announced on March 2, 2026, targeting the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) and senior officers over alleged support to M23, sanctions that Rwanda has condemned.  

Belgium has long faced scrutiny over the killing. A 2002 parliamentary investigation concluded the Belgian state was “morally responsible” for Lumumba’s death.

Prosecutors say Davignon, who was a junior diplomat at the time and later became a European commissioner, is accused of war crimes linked to Lumumba’s unlawful detention or transfer, the denial of his right to an impartial trial, and what they described as “humiliating and degrading treatment.” He is also accused in connection with the deaths of Lumumba’s political allies Maurice Mpolo and Joseph Okito.

Davignon is the only living suspect among those accused of involvement in the killing. The case was brought by Lumumba’s family and later taken up by Belgian federal prosecutors.

After the ruling, Lumumba’s granddaughter Yema Lumumba said it was “a step in the right direction,” adding: “What we want is to search for truth and establish different responsibilities.” The family’s lawyer, Christophe Marchand, called it “a gigantic victory,” saying it is difficult for a country to judge its own colonial crimes.

Lumumba, who was 35 when he was executed, remains a symbol of African independence movements. The only known remains of the slain leader, a single gold-capped tooth, were recovered years later after being held by the family of a deceased Belgian officer linked to the disappearance of his body.

The seizure included 105 boxes of Pethidine containing 1,045 bottles, 31 boxes of Morphine Sulphate with 310 bottles, and 44 boxes of Fentanyl holding 440 bottles, the Authority said. Seven suspects were arrested in connection with the case.

DCEA said the medicines are legally used in hospitals to manage severe pain, but warned that when diverted from authorised channels, they can be abused and may cause addiction.

In Tanzania, opioid medicines are regulated under the Drug Control and Enforcement Act and the Tanzania Medicines and Medical Devices Act, which designates the Medical Stores Department as the only authorised importer and distributor of narcotic medicines.

The Authority said the bus interception came during broader nationwide operations in January and February 2026, which it said resulted in the seizure of 9.93 tonnes of illicit drugs, the confiscation of 1,795 bottles of controlled medicinal narcotics , and the destruction of 87.5 acres of cannabis farms. It said 151 suspects were arrested, while six vehicles and 29 motorcycles were impounded.

The border reopening followed the withdrawal of M23 from Uvira in January, at the request of the United States, which sought to consolidate the truce achieved through a Trump-brokered agreement between Rwanda’s Paul Kagame and DRC’s Felix Tshisekedi in Washington in December 2025.

The border closure restricted the movement of people and goods between the two countries, impeding trade and undermining the East African Community’s common market and custom union arrangements that are intended to eliminate trade barriers between the members of the regional bloc.

“When the border was closed, business declined. Without Congolese customers, movement decreased and so did our income,” remarks a Burundian market vendor, who emphasises that the substantial reduction in the number of Congolese customers who would purchase their products in large amounts to resell in their country, strained their small businesses.

The reopening is expected to boost cross-border trade, increasing Burundi’s and the DRC’s exports. During the two-month closure, there were shortages of consumer goods and a rise in prices, which constrained the livelihood of people, especially those living around the border towns of Uvira and Gutamba.

“The reopening of the border is a great joy for us and for all the residents of Uvira. Even in Gatumba, there is celebration. Motorcycles and bicycles are moving. I even saw students leaving their schools to come celebrate at the border,” notes another trader.

As of 2023, over 80% of Burundi’s exports were destined for DRC, a significant portion of which went through the Kavimvira border post. However, the rising insecurity worsened the humanitarian situation, significantly reducing trade flow and dampening the economic prospects of both nations.

This was not the first time Burundi had closed a border due to insecurity. In 2024, the East African nation claimed that its neighbour, Rwanda, was hosting and training the Red Tabara, an anti-regime rebel outfit that Bujumbura attributed to an attack that claimed 20 lives in December 2023. This culminated in the closure of the border between the two countries. The action significantly jeopardised the flow of goods and people, hindering economic activities, mostly along the borderlands.

There are some doubts as to whether the M23 withdrawal from Uvira will be sustained, considering the recent escalation. On Tuesday, the military spokesperson of the rebel group, Willy Ngoma, was killed in a drone strike near Rubaya, North Kivu province. This has heightened tensions with a possibility of fresh confrontation between the Rwanda-backed rebels and the Congolese army.

The frequent conflicts in the Great Lakes region highlight the need for regional blocs, particularly the EAC and the Southern African Development Community, to strengthen their conflict management mechanisms to prevent or mitigate cross-border disputes before they spiral.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

“You treat a country, or a president, or a government like a spoilt child,” Kagame said, referring to how Congo is handled in international diplomacy. “The problem didn’t start in Rwanda, we didn’t cause it,” the East African quotes.

Kagame rejected claims that Rwanda is involved in Congo for economic gain, particularly mineral exploitation.

“If we were in Congo for precious metals and minerals, we’d be 100 times richer than we are today,” he said, insisting Rwanda’s primary concern is national security .

At the centre of Rwanda’s argument is the continued presence of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), an armed group linked to the Interahamwe militia responsible for the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. Kagame said the group continues to promote genocide ideology and poses a direct threat to Rwanda.

“They keep saying, ‘We want to finish what we started,’” Kagame said, adding that the ideology has been passed down to younger generations despite many original fighters being elderly.

Rwanda has repeatedly denied backing the AFC/M23 rebel group fighting Congolese government forces in eastern Congo, despite United Nations Security Council demands that Kigali withdraw troops and stop supporting the rebels. Rwanda maintains that M23 fighters are Congolese citizens addressing unresolved political and ethnic grievances.

“They say Rwanda and Burundi are twins, but Burundi has chosen to be twins with Congo,” Kagame said. While the UN has acknowledged the security threat posed by the FDLR, Kagame said Congo and its allies,  including Burundi, face little scrutiny.

Sovereignty beyond rhetoric

The President of the Democratic Republic of Congo framed sovereignty as action rather than declaration, calling for value addition and economic control over natural resources. It was a pointed reminder that resource ownership without control over value chains offers little real power.

Congo’s position mirrors that of many Global South countries: rich in strategic resources, yet dependent on external financing. As long as raw materials leave the continent unprocessed, sovereignty remains symbolic rather than structural.

A changing political tone

Nigeria’s Vice President, Kashim Shettima, openly challenged dependency, speaking not as a beneficiary of aid but as a stakeholder demanding agency. This shift in language is significant. It signals a move away from gratitude towards assertion, though assertion without coordination risks remaining performative.

Ghana’s President, John Dramani Mahama, went further, arguing that the failure lies not with African countries but with a global financial system that transformed temporary aid into a permanent fixture. Aid fatigue, in this context, is not frustration with donors, but with a system that discourages self-sufficiency.

When institutions acknowledge the inevitable

Former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo warned that the Global South cannot outsource its future, a statement that carries weight given his long involvement in aid negotiations. It reflects an emerging consensus among leaders who once operated comfortably within donor frameworks but now recognise their limitations.

Institutional voices echoed this unease. The Commonwealth Secretary-General spoke cautiously about reform and cooperation, while Global Fund Executive Director Peter Sands acknowledged that aid flows are shrinking and domestic financing will become unavoidable.

This admission matters. When institutions built around aid begin to question its sustainability, the era of predictable external support is effectively over.

The real test: unity or fragmentation

The Accra Reset ultimately exposes a deeper problem. While the Global South speaks of unity, its countries continue to negotiate trade, financing and policy individually, often in Western capitals, leaving them vulnerable to sanctions , protectionism and shifting geopolitical interests.

Fragmented economies are easy to discipline. Coordinated economies are harder to ignore.

The Accra Reset is not a declaration of independence. It is a stress test. One that asks whether the Global South is prepared to finance itself, trade with itself and defend its economic interests collectively.

Aid, as several speakers implied, will end whether the Global South is ready or not.

Click here to watch our previous episodes

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

He claimed the move was intended to “hush up” alleged abuses committed by the Congolese army and groups fighting alongside it, including local militias known as Wazalendo.

The allegations come following reports of renewed violence , looting and civilian displacement in Uvira following the withdrawal of AFC/M23 fighters from the city on January 15. After the rebels left, government troops, Wazalendo militias and other allied forces entered the city.

Local residents have reported gunfire and widespread looting, with homes, public buildings and places of worship targeted. Some residents, particularly from the Banyamulenge community, have fled the area fearing further violence.

AFC/M23 said it withdrew from Uvira as a gesture of good faith and called on the United Nations to deploy a neutral force to protect civilians and place the city under international responsibility. The Congolese government is yet to respond.

The submission follows renewed U.S. initiatives to secure access to critical minerals and reduce dependence on China, which currently processes a majority share of the global supply of copper, lithium, and cobalt. 

In the DRC, Chinese firms, including CMOC, Zijin, and Huayou, have previously held control over approximately 80% of the nation's mining production.

By offering access to assets not tied to existing joint ventures, the DRC government aims to encourage American investment. U.S. interest in these minerals is driven by their use in electric vehicles, renewable energy systems, and advanced defence technologies.

Key mineral assets listed

The assets now open for U.S. investor review span several strategic resources, including manganese, copper, cobalt, gold, lithium, and other critical minerals. Projects on the list, as reported by Reuters , include:

Officials have stated that the listed assets have been subjected to internal screening processes and comply with Congolese legal frameworks.

Diplomatic context and peace accords

The minerals agreement is closely linked to recent diplomatic developments. It follows a peace agreement signed on December 4, 2025, between DRC President Felix Tshisekedi and Rwanda, brokered by U.S. President Donald Trump. Referred to as the Washington Accords, the deal includes provisions for U.S. oversight of regional stability efforts in exchange for investment access.

The United States has supported these efforts through financial commitments, including funding for the $553 million Lobito Corridor upgrade. This infrastructure project is designed to facilitate the export of minerals from Central Africa to international markets.

Oversight and implementation structure

A Joint Steering Committee for American Investors has been created to manage the agreement. The Congolese side of the committee includes:

The committee is expected to initiate meetings to begin formal contract discussions with interested investors.

Here is a recap of a few:

Sudan

From April 2023, Sudan has been stuck in turmoil, which has claimed the lives of hundreds of people and left women and children vulnerable. The conflict erupted over power struggles between rival military factions, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the RSF. The conflict led to parts of the country facing famine. Millions were displaced, health systems collapsed, and reports of mass sexual violence mounted, yet funding and diplomatic engagement remained limited as donor fatigue developed. “Each passing day brings staggering levels of violence and destruction. Civilians are enduring immense, unimaginable suffering, with no end in sight,” Assistant Secretary-General for Political Affairs of the UN Khaled Khiari told ambassadors.

DR Congo

In eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, fighting between armed groups intensified, particularly in North Kivu. Civilians faced killings, forced recruitment, and displacement, but the conflict received scant coverage outside Africa despite being a deadly one. The fighting resumed at the beginning of 2025 when the M23 rebel group made significant advances across the East. 

Haiti

Haiti continued to slide deeper into crisis as armed gangs expanded control over large parts of Port-au-Prince. Kidnappings surged, state authority eroded further, and humanitarian access shrank, yet international response stalled amid political paralysis. “Caught in the middle of this unending horror story are the Haitian people, who are at the mercy of horrific violence by gangs and exposed to human rights violations from the security forces and abuses by the so-called ‘self-defence’ groups,” Volker Türk, High Commissioner for Human Rights, is quoted .

Myanmar

In Myanmar, clashes between the military junta and ethnic armed groups were reported, with airstrikes hitting civilian areas. The conflict’s impact on women, children and minorities remained severe, even as global focus drifted elsewhere. Four years after the military seized power in 2021, Myanmar’s junta controls just 21% of the country, while rebel groups and ethnic armed forces hold about 42%, according to a 2024 BBC investigation.

Smaller but persistent conflicts in Ethiopia’s border regions, Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado, and Burkina Faso also worsened. While some of these were short-lived, they were mostly driven by a mix of insurgency and political instability.

DR Congo and Rwanda

In Washington, Trump hosted a summit where the leaders of DR Congo and Rwanda signed what he hailed as a “historic” peace accord. But analysts quickly noted the document merely endorsed a June agreement that had already failed to halt the conflict.

Clashes were intensifying even ahead of the ceremony, with M23 rebels expanding their control in eastern DR Congo. Both Kinshasa and Kigali accused each other of violating ceasefire terms, and there was no public handshake between Presidents Félix Tshisekedi and Paul Kagame, whose tense relations underscored the deal’s fragility.

Within days, Rwandan Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe refused to commit to any troop withdrawal, insisting Rwanda had none in DR Congo. This, despite UN experts saying Rwandan forces were effectively directing M23 operations.

On the ground , M23 seized major cities, artillery pounded eastern provinces, and residents fled into Burundi. Even as Trump praised the summit as “a great day,” rebel advances continued, and regional officials warned the deal’s collapse was a humiliation for Washington.

Thailand and Cambodia

A similar pattern emerged in Southeast Asia . 

In July, Trump pushed Thailand and Cambodia into a border ceasefire . Bangkok agreed reluctantly; Phnom Penh openly welcomed US involvement.

But the truce unraveled within months. Clashes erupted after a Thai engineering team came under fire. Since then, Thai and Cambodian forces have traded artillery, rockets and air strikes along the border, prompting repeated evacuations of communities.

Thailand accused Cambodia of laying new landmines that maimed several soldiers, while refusing to release troops captured during the July clashes. Cambodia, meanwhile, portrayed itself as the aggrieved party and sought international support.

Domestic politics amplified tensions. Thailand’s military was given free rein to “finish the job,” while Cambodia’s leadership took actions that deepened mistrust, including leaking a sensitive phone call that toppled Thailand’s Shinawatra government.

With both sides showing no signs of stopping, it has become apparent that Trump-brokered ceasefire never addressed the root disputes. 

Bangkok repeatedly said it was not ready for new diplomacy until Cambodia showed “sincerity,” leaving the agreement effectively dead.

Taken together, the DR Congo–Rwanda and Thai-Cambodian cases show a consistent pattern: Trump secured highly publicised signing ceremonies, but the underlying conflicts continued almost immediately.

It also raised questions about whether Trump’s rushed deals ever had a genuine chance at peace.

“We’ll be involved. We’re sending some of our biggest and greatest companies over to the two countries, and we’re going to take out some of the rare earth and take out some of the assets and pay, and everybody’s going to make a lot of money,” he said.

The ceremony was held at the newly-renamed Donald J. Trump Institute of Peace , with a sign installed the day before. DRC President Felix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame signed on behalf of their countries.

The agreement builds on a deal originally signed by the foreign ministers of each country in June. Both government s have previously accused each other of failing to uphold the terms of the agreement. Tensions between the DRC and Rwanda remain, with ongoing fighting between government forces and militants that Rwanda backs, Kinshasa claims, an allegation Kigali denies.

In addition to addressing the peace process, the agreement includes an economic component to increase trade between the two African nations and the United States .

While reaffirming the group's continued participation in the Doha talks, Nangaa warned that persistent military aggression by government forces could jeopardise their involvement. “We are subjected to continuous and repeated bombings… our good faith has limits. We will not allow criminals to continue killing our people ,” he said.

Local reports have confirmed an uptick in violence across the conflict-ridden Kivu provinces, including a recent attack on the Twangiza mining site, Viory reports. The clashes come as the peace process, mediated by Qatar and aimed at ending long-standing hostilities, remains fragile and under threat.

“We have no other occupations apart from the mining site,” she explains. “Going to the fields currently puts our lives at risk because of the ADF rebels,” she told Viory.

Armed groups like the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) have intensified attacks across eastern DRC, driving thousands from their homes. Local officials warn of daily displacement due to the worsening security crisis. “Mining is what keeps this population alive,” said Monga Mabanga Julio, the governor’s delegate in Njiapanda-Manguredjipa.

According to Oxfam , for every 3kg of Congolese cobalt, Tesla may generate over $3,000 in profit, while the Congolese government earns under $10 in royalties, and miners like Josephine receive barely $7.

Local leaders argue the mineral wealth could still rebuild the nation if managed properly.

“These reserves will allow the Congolese state to finance roads, hospitals, and schools ,” said Katembo Lughala Josue, a mining official.

Despite holding over 70% of the world ’s cobalt supply, the DRC’s mining industry remains plagued by insecurity, poverty, and exploitation.

He was also ordered to pay $33 billion in reparations, with $29 billion earmarked for the Congolese state.

Decades before Kabila, Ahmadou Ahidjo, the first president of Cameroon, was similarly sentenced to death in absentia, though for a different reason. His successor, Paul Biya, accused him of staging a failed coup in 1983.

The conviction was the wedge that widened the rift between Ahidjo and Biya, who were former allies and top honchos of the ruling Cameroon National Union. It was even Ahidjo’s resignation that allowed Biya to assume what would be long-held power.

At the time of his sentencing, Ahidjo was living openly in exile in France , unlike Kabila, whose whereabouts are unknown. Biya later commuted the penalty to life imprisonment. Ahidjo died in 1989 in Senegal, where his remains remain, despite Biya’s long-standing pledge — unfulfilled to this day — to allow their return.

Biya eventually commuted the sentence to life imprisonment, and Ahidjo died in 1989 in Senegal, where his remains are still located, despite a longstanding pledge by Biya — who remains in power — to allow his body to return home.

In Chad, the pursuit of justice for former president Hissène Habré proved more complicated. 

Rights groups accused him of ordering killings, overseeing torture and rape, and other atrocities that drew international attention. Between 1993 and 2003, Belgian courts attempted to prosecute him, without success.

Chadian courts later sentenced Habré to death in absentia for war crimes and crimes against humanity, charges he dismissed as politically motivated. From exile in Senegal, however, he faced a special tribunal there that convicted him of rape, sexual slavery and responsibility for the deaths of 40,000 people during his rule.

Instead of execution, Habré was sentenced to life in prison in Dakar’s Prison du Cap Manuel. The verdict was historic: the first time one country’s courts tried the former leader of another for crimes against humanity. Habré died in 2021, aged 79.

These cases underscore how, across Africa, fallen leaders often remain entangled in the politics they once shaped — judged in absentia, pursued abroad, or posthumously remembered through sentences never carried out. 

The growth comes despite challenges in implementing a peace accord aimed at removing Rwandan troops and rebel groups from the country's east.

In the interview he:

Resilience Amid Conflict

Samba highlighted that the Congolese economy has remained “resilient amidst a very difficult context internationally as well as nationally,” citing projected GDP growth of 6.3% this year. Inflation is trending downwards, and the DRC is progressing steadily through its macroeconomic program with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). “We have kept our promises and our commitments in terms of reforms and in terms of the way the budget has been executed,” he said, expressing confidence in a successful second review of the program scheduled for October.

Despite an ongoing war he attributes to Rwandan-backed armed groups, Samba underscored the government’s focus on economic management rather than solely on security spending. “Security is important,” he said, “but the economy is resilient. Growth is there.”

IMF Partnership and Financial Stability

The DRC receives both technical and financial assistance from the IMF, which provides balance-of-payment support. Samba noted that the country currently holds close to three months of official reserves in foreign currencies , an important buffer against external shocks. “It’s a dialogue,” he emphasised, rejecting the idea that IMF reforms are imposed on Kinshasa. “We discuss, we exchange, and we do agree on what has to be done. So far, it’s going well.”

The country recently completed an IMF programme for the first time.

Separately, it has secured commitments from the World Bank and is working with the African Development Bank to fund the world's biggest hydro-electric project, the Grand Inga Dam. Mukoko Samba insisted that the project will go ahead despite large finance gaps remaining and little apparent appetite from private-sector companies to engage.

Regional Economic Integration

The minister acknowledged that political tensions have slowed progress on economic cooperation with Rwanda but reaffirmed President Félix Tshisekedi’s longstanding commitment to regional integration. He identified the potential for joint exploitation of gas reserves in Lake Kivu as one area where the US-brokered talks could bear fruit. However, his words were accompanied by a warning:

"What we don't want is this illegal exploitation of natural resources from DRC, the use of armed groups to instil instability, to disrupt the rule of law and to disrupt the right of the DRC government to rule its own territory and to manage its own resources. So we can go into deals with any neighbour, but that has to be cooperation, collaboration, dialogue, and not imposition."

Trade with the US and AGOA

Asked about the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), which is up for renewal in Washington amid a U.S. government shutdown, Samba was optimistic: “I don’t think there is anything to fear about that. We are still willing to discuss with the US government so that we can renew AGOA for the benefit of both.” 

Cobalt and Resource Policy

Samba reaffirmed his government’s ambition to move up the value chain in mining, particularly in cobalt, of which the DRC supplies about 70% of the global market. After months of prohibiting exports of the metal, a new quota system will come into force this month. "The measures that we took in February this year show that there is a way to manage the cobalt market differently," he observed.

The minister argued that local processing is critical to controlling prices and preventing market manipulation by foreign stockpiling. “When you supply 70% of the world market,” he said, “tell me then why you shouldn’t be… at least having a say in where the prices get fixed.”

But prices aren't the only issue; it's important for the DRC to increase its refining capacity so that more profits from the minerals remain in the country. As well as trying to push foreign miners to do more, the government is supporting local initiatives, Mukoko Samba said.

He pointed to the Buenassa project in Katanga, which is establishing a Congolese-led refinery for cobalt and copper with government equity participation.

Interview filmed by Said Echarif at the Crans Montana Forum in Rabat on Oct 3, 2025

According to recent data confirmed by the Energy Institute’s Statistical Review of World Energy 2025, a surprising number of nations, particularly in Africa, have overwhelmingly renewable electricity grids.

Here are the top 10 countries with the highest share of renewable electricity production:

What these numbers show is that countries often overlooked in global energy conversations are, in fact, global leaders when it comes to renewable reliance. Much of this dominance comes from hydropower, supported in some cases by biomass and smaller-scale solar and wind systems.

In places like DR Congo and Ethiopia, vast river systems provide clean electricity, while in Kenya and Tanzania, investments in geothermal and hydropower have transformed their national energy profiles.

The 2025 Statistical Review of World Energy highlights the significance of these shifts in a broader global context. Worldwide, energy demand rose by around 2% in 2024, but electricity demand grew even faster at nearly 4%, creating pressure to expand capacity quickly.

For the first time, low-carbon electricity sources (renewables plus nuclear) accounted for more than 40% of global electricity production, thanks largely to record additions of solar and wind. Yet fossil fuels continue to rise in absolute terms, showing the world is still in a difficult transition phase.

Africa’s dominance in renewable share is not just about resources, but also about constraints. Many of these nations lack the infrastructure to rely heavily on coal, oil, or gas. Electricity demand is relatively low compared to industrialised economies, which means that even modest renewable installations can supply the majority of power.

At the same time, dependence on hydropower makes these systems vulnerable to drought and climate variability, raising questions about resilience and reliability.

Globally, the conversation around renewables is moving beyond capacity building to issues of finance, policy, and grid integration. Recent news reflects a major pact cut public funding for fossil fuels by as much as 78% in 2024, while clean energy investments in 2025 are projected to reach $2.2 trillion, nearly double fossil fuel financing.

What they said

“In applying article 7 of the military penal code, the court imposes a single sentence, namely the most severe one, which is the death penalty,” Lt Gen Mutombo Katalayi said in court. “This is a vast joke. We have always said this is a political trial,” Kabila's party’s permanent secretary, Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary, said after the verdict. “Instead of seeking cohesion and national reconciliation, this trial will further divide Congolese.” However, victims’ lawyers hailed the outcome. “Victims finally appear and the suffering they live in anonymity now has an author,” said Kasongo Mayombo, who represented several NGOs in eastern Congo.

Speaking at a press briefing in Kinshasa on September 17, DRC’s Minister of Justice, Guillaume Ngefa Atondoko, stated:  “In the situation we find ourselves in, they want to commit seemingly legal and legitimate acts to cover up their crimes. So it's important to remember that all these actions are null and void. The appropriate authorities will be able to impose sanctions on these magistrates who will begin their work. You know, even to be appointed magistrates, there are criteria; you cannot appoint a magistrate who is over 62 years old.”

 “The principle is to refer all cases of misconduct to mediation. As long as we have all chosen to give it a chance, the more the day goes by, the more they reveal their true intentions,” Patrick Muyaya Katembwe, Minister of Communication and Media, said.

“That's why it's important that all Congolese understand us and say no, because no one can ally themselves with those whose only goal is to kill and intimidate." 

The remarks follow failed efforts to establish peace in the eastern region. In July, the DRC and M23 signed a Declaration of Principles, brokered by Qatar, agreeing to a permanent ceasefire with plans for implementation by August 18. However, the ceasefire did not take effect, as M23 withdrew from the talks, citing alleged violations by the DRC and the failure to release M23 prisoners.

These developments occurred after a separate agreement between the DRC and Rwanda, mediated by the United States and Qatar, was signed in Washington on June 27.

The DRC has long accused Rwanda of supporting the M23 armed group, particularly in North and South Kivu. Rwanda has consistently denied these allegations.

Since then, authorities have reported 28 suspected cases and at least 16 deaths, including four health workers, putting the case fatality rate at about 57%. 

The country’s Public Health Emergency Operations Centre has activated its Incident Management System, deploying rapid response teams and reinforcing epidemiological surveillance. Triage and isolation facilities have been established, and investigations are underway to identify and monitor contacts.

This marks the 16th Ebola outbreak in DRC since the virus was first discovered there in 1976. Officials confirmed the latest flare-up is caused by the Zaire strain, for which a vaccine exists. According to the World Health Organisation, stocks of the vaccine are prepositioned in Kinshasa and are expected to be delivered to affected sites.

Following this, the ECOWAS Regional Centre for Surveillance and Disease Control (RCSDC) has said the risk of the virus spreading to West Africa is “significant” due to the high volume of travel between the DRC and West African capitals.

The Regional body has therefore urged ECOWAS member states to amongst others, "strengthen surveillance and early warning systems, especially at airports and other entry points for passengers arriving from or transiting through the DRC, reinforce rapid response teams to ensure immediate action if suspected cases are identified," an information note stated.

The warning despite heightened vigilance in West Africa, which suffered a devastating Ebola outbreak from 2014 to 2016 that killed more than 11,000 people across Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. 

What's going on?

The amount each person needs to eat without losing weight will depend on how heavy they are to begin with as well as their height, gender, age and the amount of physical activity they do. Consequently, countries where people are already heavier and taller such as the US and western European nations typically need to each more. Countries where a higher proportion of the population are children , such as in Africa, may have lower requirements on average. However, the UN figures are not a guide for each individual. They are designed for planning at large scale and individuals should calculate their own calorie requirements based on their own circumstances.

Which countries are recommended to eat the least?

The Democratic Republic of Congo, one of the world's poorest countries has the lowest recommended calorie intake, according to the UN. Its total of 1,655 kilocalories a day is equivalent to one meal of a large burger, fries, a soda and a small packet of candy. Other countries at the bottom of the list  include the Central African Republic, Niger, Burundi and Afghanistan.

Which countries are recommended to eat the least?

The other end of the table is dominated by more wealthy nations, which have a considerably larger recommended energy intake.

The UAE and Qatar feature highly because their populations include large male workforces. Men tend to need more calories than women and outdoor work also increases the minimum energy required to avoid losing weight, especially in hotter environments. However, top of the table is Dominica, which has a rural economy where workers perform frequent manual labour. Its minimum level of 2,111 kilocalories per day is 466kcal higher than in the DRC, that's equivalent to an extra 100g of milk chocolate.

The DRC, which supplies 70% of the world’s cobalt, halted exports of the mineral in February following a slump in prices. Daniel Mukoko Samba, who is deputy prime minister as well as economy minister, said his country was talking to Indonesia, the world’s second biggest producer, in discussions that have widened to include forestry products and other goods.

“ We understand that we can't do it alone, that we need some kind of cooperation between the big producers and the big exporters,” Mukoko told GSW on the sidelines of the Crans Montana Forum in Casablanca. Asked whether he would like to see the formation of an organisation among resource-rich states, he replied: “ That's what we would like to see happening.”

OPEC, or the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries, was set up in 1960 by a group of mainly Middle Eastern countries to control the supply of oil to world markets. Although its power has waned in recent years, it has largely succeeded in limiting supply to support prices.

Mukoko Samba confirmed that the government will review the cobalt export ban at the end of the initially announced four-month period, noting that prices had risen following its introduction.

Cobalt is a key ingredient in rechargeable batteries and semiconductors, but its price has been extremely volatile. Twice in the past decade, the market price for a ton of the metal has peaked at over $80,000 a ton before dropping below $30,000. Part of the challenge for producers is that because cobalt is largely mined together with copper and nickel, production becomes delinked from the market.

Indonesia’s Ministry for Energy and Minerals did not respond to a request for comment.

Update: In June, DR Congo decided to extend its cobalt export ban for another three months, although the impact on prices has been muted because of significant stockpiles around the world. The nation did invite US investments in its mineral industry as part of a June accord brokered by Donald Trump to end fighting the country's east. Videography: Glody Nzita Matondo

Researchers at Human Rights Watch (HRW) analysed photos and dozens of testimonies to piece together how farmers, some with their hands tied, were beheaded or had their throats cut with machetes or were simply shot.

The attacks appear to have begun on July 10 or 11 after farmers who had been ordered off their fields were told by M23 leaders that they could return on payment of a $10 tax. Militiamen blocked the roads for several days to prevent people leaving and even reportedly killed relatives who came to retrieve bodies.

“I left to hide some tools but when I returned to get my family, I saw the M23 had reached them,” said a farmer who was living in a field near Kiseguru. “I could see them [his family members] from a distance … they were all shot dead.” He told HRW his wife and their three children —aged 9 months to 10 years old—were killed in front of him.

The bodies of men were apparently left in the fields to support claims that they had been killed in an operation against the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, another armed group linked to perpetrators of the 1994 genocide in neighbouring Rwanda.

However, witnesses said women and children were led away.

One woman recounted:

“Around 10 a.m., we were forced to walk toward the place where our lives were going to end. We walked in silence. If a child started crying, they threatened to kill them. They killed with knives.” She said they were a group of about 70 people, including women and girls: “We walked all day until we reached the confluence of the Kitchuru and Rive Rivers in the evening…. They told us to sit on the edge of the riverbank, and then they started shooting at us.”

She said she escaped by falling into the river. Almost 50 people were killed, she said.

The killings continued for several weeks.

HRW reported that witnesses identified the fighters as members of the M23 group, and also saw soldiers in Rwandan military uniforms. However, Rwanda has denied any involvement, blaming the killings on another group hostile to M23.

The massacres happened after the signing of a peace treaty between Rwanda and the Congolese government, mediated by Donald Trump , which was supposed to end the violence.

Uruguay has moved closer to passing a bill legalising euthanasia , scheduling the final vote on August 12 and potentially becoming the third Latin American country to institutionalise the controversial policy. The legislation, debated for eight years, would set strict medical and legal criteria for adults with terminal or incurable illnesses seeking the procedure. Patients would require medical and psychological assessments, plus two independent medical opinions. If passed, Uruguay would join Colombia and Ecuador in permitting euthanasia, a move that has garnered criticism, especially from pro-life advocates and religious figures. 

Inflation falls to one-year low in July

Uruguay’s inflation slowed to 4.5% in July, down from 4.6% in June and the lowest since May 2024. It marked the fourth straight monthly decline, keeping inflation within the Central Bank’s 3.0-6.0% target range. The drop was driven by weaker price growth in housing, utilities, and transport, though food costs accelerated. Annual average inflation slid to 5.1% from 5.2% in June. On a monthly basis, consumer prices rose 0.05%, reversing the 0.09% decline recorded in June.

Uruguay, DR Congo ink cultural cooperation pact

Uruguay and the Democratic Republic of the Congo signed a cultural cooperation agreement on  August 8, focusing on promoting Afro-descendant heritage, including rumba and candombe. The deal was concluded during a visit by Congolese Culture Minister Yolande Elebe, who also met President Yamandú Orsi and held talks on copyright, intellectual property, and joint cultural projects. The partnership marks the DRC’s return to South America after 40 years and forms part of a broader government mission to strengthen South-South cooperation. 

Gov’t unveils five-year strategy vs money laundering, organised crime

President Yamandú Orsi’s government has unveiled a national strategy to combat money laundering, terrorism financing, and arms proliferation, cracking down on drug trafficking and organised crime. The 2025-2030 plan follows a risk assessment identifying drug trade, corruption, and football transfer rights as high-risk areas. The move comes after a record 2.2-tonne cocaine seizure this month. The strategy will work alongside the SILCON system, coordinating intelligence and strengthening financial investigations to dismantle criminal networks.

Uruguay to hold first solar power auction since 2013

Uruguay will launch a 200 MW solar power auction in 2025, its first in over a decade, as part of efforts to boost renewable energy and cut reliance on fossil fuels. The initiative forms part of the country’s strategy to increase the share of renewables in its electricity mix and strengthen energy security. Officials say the project will help diversify energy sources and support the transition to a low-carbon economy.

What they said

Tourism Minister Didier M'Pambia said the sponsorships are part of a government strategy to present the DRC as “an undisputed leader on the African continent.” However, the deal has drawn criticism from some of the clubs’ fan groups, who question Congo’s human rights record, Semafor Africa reports. Football analysts suggest that Barcelona’s own financial pressures, amid rising player wages and transfer fees, may have motivated the agreement. DRC officials and Barcelona have so far declined to provide further comment. Meanwhile, earlier this year, Congo’s foreign minister had publicly urged European clubs like Arsenal, Bayern Munich, and Paris Saint-Germain to end their “blood-stained” partnerships with Rwanda, accusing Kigali of backing rebel violence in eastern Congo.

"In accordance with national and international commitments to inclusive education and gender equality, it is imperative to ensure that all girls, including those who are pregnant, have access to and remain within the education system,” the ministry’s circular explicitly states.

It stresses that early pregnancies should not serve as a valid reason for exclusion, noting such actions would worsen societal inequalities.

The circular also outlines that no administrative, academic requirement, or punishment should be imposed due to a student’s pregnancy. This directive comes as a response to alarming dropout rates among schoolgirls caused by pregnancy, with a 2023 UNICEF report indicating that approximately 30% of girls in certain provinces left school early, often due to unforeseen pregnancies.

Effective immediately, the policy applies to both public and private schools throughout the country, urging educational authorities to ensure that it is disseminated widely. This action aligns with international standards and is part of ongoing advocacy aimed at supporting adolescent mothers in their educational pursuits, countering pressure from stigma.

The Ministry has also made it clear that unless a pregnant student chooses to leave school of her own accord, there is no acceptable reason for her exclusion. The directive has been shared with senior education officials and school inspectors across the nation to ensure compliance and the protection of these students' rights.

“It is both irresponsible and shameful for a political party to exploit the reality experienced by our soldiers for political gain,” the statement read.

The controversy follows mounting frustration among troops over inconsistent pay. Actualite reports that the South African National Defence Union (Sandu), which represents more than 19,000 personnel, confirmed it had received “several complaints” from soldiers deployed in the DRC about their allowances. The union said the military had acknowledged “disparities in payments” and promised to investigate the issue.

DA MP Nicholas Gotsell, citing figures reportedly shared by SADC, claims the regional bloc allocates $6,000 per soldier per month, while troops receive roughly $1,890. In a letter to Minister Motshekga, Gotsell demanded a detailed breakdown of how the funds are distributed.

During a parliamentary hearing in May, Brigadier General Abotsi told lawmakers that “most of the funds are paid into [soldiers’] accounts at home” and that the SANDF “acts as their welfare agent,” though he did not disclose precise figures.

The Ministry of Defence urged “all political actors to stop spreading untruths that only misinform the public and cause unnecessary confusion among defense personnel and their families.”

In Kinshasa, Romeo Limaka, a university professor, stressed that ordinary citizens primarily want the fighting to stop. “The people were going to be involved to learn the timelines and outcomes of this agreement with a view to peace, which is much more sought after because that is what is most important to the people: peace, the end of the war,” he said.

However, others fear the exclusion of key stakeholders could sow future unrest. Ngena Ewaenwa, president of EPPAF, voiced concern about armed groups and patriotic factions being left out of negotiations. “But what makes us regret is seeing how the Patriots, the Wazalendo group, the MF23, who fight day and night, were not involved in this agreement. The same goes for us, who are Patriots and carry patriotism in Africa,” he warned. “This is what worries us. So perhaps tomorrow, there could also be bad reactions to unforeseen issues.”

Opposition figures also called for greater transparency and participation. Pacifique Epenge, spokesperson for the Lamuka coalition, said the accord requires substantial revisions. “If there are agreements with the United States , economic agreements, we agree. But now, on this deal, there are many things to improve. There are many things to change. But not everything is bad, just as not everything is good,” he said. Epenge urged religious leaders to convene an inclusive national dialogue. “We want CENCO and ECC to quickly bring us together, including the revivalist churches, so that we can have a national and inclusive dialogue quickly,” he added

From the government’s side, officials emphasised the economic potential of the accord, particularly in the mining sector. Phillipe Undji, secretary of the ruling Sacred Union, said the agreement could finally bring development dividends to Congolese citizens if resources are properly managed. “We must now establish an economic framework that works on traceability: knowing where the minerals come from, where they are sold, at what price, with what interest, and what the DRC gains as the state that owns the minerals,” he explained.

The peace deal , signed by the foreign ministers of both countries, outlines key steps including military disengagement, the lifting of Rwandan defensive measures, and the neutralisation of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a rebel group that Rwanda sees as a threat.

The agreement also affirms respect for the territorial integrity of the DRC and allows either party to withdraw from the deal with 60 days' notice.

Despite this, many in Kinshasa and Kivu remain uncertain about the agreement’s effectiveness due to a history of failed peace efforts.

Romeo Limaka, a university professor in Kinshasa, emphasised the public’s desire for transparency and long-term peace. “The people were going to be involved to learn the timelines and outcomes of this agreement with a view to peace, which is much more sought after because that is what is most important to the people: peace, the end of the war,” he told CGTN.

Others have raised concerns about the exclusion of key local groups from the agreement. Ngenga Ewaenwa, President of the School of Patriot and His Patriotism in Africa (EPPAF) noted the absence of domestic armed groups and patriotic forces from the discussions. “But what makes us regret is seeing how the Patriots, the Wazalendo group, the M23, who fight day and night, were not involved in this agreement. The same goes for us, who are Patriots and carry patriotism in Africa. This is what worries us. So perhaps tomorrow, there could also be bad reactions to unforeseen issues.”

Supporters of President Felix Tshisekedi have welcomed the agreement. Phillipe Undji, secretary of the ruling Sacred Union, highlighted potential economic benefits. “We must now establish an economic framework that works on traceability… if there can be small commission agents in the sales chains and all that, in the profit, that the DRC earns a large part of its resources, well, we say that it is a victory.”

Just recently, a confidential UN report said Rwanda controls M23 rebels advancing in eastern Congo, gaining power and mineral access. Experts added that Rwanda trained M23 fighters and supplied them with advanced military tech to outmatch Congo’s army.

Recent reports indicate that over 7 million individuals have been forcibly displaced due to the ongoing conflict in eastern DRC. Nearly 780,000 people were compelled to abandon their homes between November 2024 and January 2025.

Since January 1, over 100,000 refugees have entered neighbouring countries. Of these, 69,000 have sought refuge in Burundi, 29,000 in Uganda, and approximately 1,000 in Rwanda and Tanzania, the UN Refugee Agency reports.

What they said

“It is not acceptable that individual member states of ECCAS, including the DRC, be permitted to manipulate the regional organisation against a fellow member state,” Rwanda’s cabinet stated , condemning DRC’s actions during its 2023–2024 ECCAS chairmanship. The DRC, however, accused Rwanda of fueling the eastern conflict by supporting M23 rebels, a claim backed by UN reports and Western governments but denied by Kigali.

According to the minutes of the meeting , the loan and credit agreements signed with the IDA in May and June 2025 will cover:

These initiatives align with the DRC’s National Energy Compact and the Africa-wide Mission 300 , aiming to increase electricity access to 62% by 2030. The World Bank’s DRC portfolio now exceeds $7 billion, with $7.023 billion across 18 national and two regional projects as of March 31, 2025.

The $1.49 billion package, while vital for development, adds to the DRC’s debt burden, with a GDP of approximately $72 billion in 2024.

“The Grand Inga project is not ours; it’s a DRC project, given to the Spanish and Chinese. We have a right to buy equity in it, which would have to be approved by the DRC. We have not bought that equity, so we can’t really pretend to be managing the Inga project. It is not our project. We have committed ourselves to a quantity of electricity that will be taken up by South Africa, but the driving of the project is out of our jurisdiction,” he is quoted by Daily News .

South Africa signed a treaty with the DRC in 2013 to secure electricity from Inga, with a long-term vision of importing up to 5,000 MW. However, the project has seen repeated delays amid financing and political hurdles.

Crown Prince Adil Nchabaleng, a member of parliament on the ticket of the MK Party, challenged the minister’s optimism, questioning the viability of relying on Grand Inga for domestic power supply. Mantashe, however, maintained that talks with neighbouring countries are ongoing.

Meanwhile, Mantashe also addressed the recent launch of the South African National Petroleum Corporation (SANPC), created through the restructuring of his department. He said the move allows the country to better prioritize petroleum, which still accounts for 80% of global energy consumption, despite the growing focus on renewables.

The Grand Inga project, located on the Congo River, is one of the world ’s largest proposed hydropower schemes.

The Senate voted 88 to 5 in favour of removing Kabila’s protection from prosecution, following accusations by President Felix Tshisekedi that Kabila colluded with the Rwandan-backed M23 militia, which has seized large areas of eastern DRC in recent months. Kabila, who has been abroad since 2023, did not attend the vote, and his current whereabouts remain unknown, the AFP reports.

On the streets of Kinshasa, some residents expressed support for the Senate's decision. “If he is involved, he must be subject to the strictness of the law,” said Charles Salulwa, urging authorities to act only on the basis of solid evidence. Another resident, Celestin Mani, added, “If Kabila is really among those who kill people there, then he can go to hell. That’s it.”

However, members of Kabila’s political party, the People’s Party for Reconstruction and Democracy (PPRD), dismissed the move as politically motivated. “There is a will in Felix’s regime to hide the failure of governance ,” said Ferdinand Kambere, the party’s deputy general secretary. “They want to blame Kabila to deflect from their own problems with the M23.”

The IMF mission to Kinshasa, led by Calixte Ahokpossi, IMF Mission Chief for the DRC, conducted a review from April 30 to May 13, 2025, which focused on assessing the progress made under the ECF-supported program initiated following the conclusion of the previous arrangement in 2024.

According to Mr. Ahokpossi, the Congolese economy has demonstrated resilience in the face of persistent challenges. “Economic activity has remained resilient, with robust GDP growth of 6.5 percent in 2024. Growth is projected to remain above 5 percent in 2025, driven by continued dynamism in the extractive sector,” he said in a statement released on May 13.

Inflation fell to single-digit levels in April 2025, the first of its kind since July 2022.

Despite the positive economic trajectory, the DRC continues to grapple with the fallout from intensified conflict in its eastern regions. “Since the last quarter of 2024, the DRC has faced an escalation of armed conflict in its eastern part. The intensification of hostilities has cost the lives of thousands and caused severe humanitarian, social, and economic repercussions, particularly in the provinces of North and South Kivu,” Ahokpossi noted.

The new agreement follows the conclusion of the sixth and final review of the previous ECF-supported program launched in 2021, valued at USD 1.5 billion. That program helped significantly boost the DRC’s international reserves from $1.7 billion to $6 billion, which contributed to gradual macroeconomic stabilization despite challenging circumstances.

The DR Congo is resilient, and government finances remain robust despite large-scale rebel attacks in the east, Mukoko Samba said.

“We have lost the revenues because there are two provinces that we are not… controlling any more. We hope it's not going to take too much time. But so far, inflation is going down; growth is high; and public finances are doing well. So far so good. And we wish that this situation can come to an end so quickly so that we can recover.”

He put the lost revenue from the provinces of North and South Kivu at 5% of total government receipts. Rebels from the M23 group, which Kinshasa says is backed by neighbouring Rwanda, captured the areas earlier this year. With its eyes on mineral concessions in the region, Washington stepped in and last week brokered peace talks between the two nations.

Despite regular outbreaks of violence, the DRC economy has grown every year for more than two decades, recovering strongly after COVID. Much of that has been as a result of buoyant demand for commodities such as copper, cobalt and gold.

In February, the country halted cobalt exports following a price collapse, a decision that is still expected to be reviewed in June, according to the minister.

Dedollarisation

To help improve its control of the economy, the government is seeking to shift away from widespread use of the US dollar, which has been a popular shield against inflation and swings in the local currency, the Congolese franc. The central bank last year mandated that electronic payments should be made exclusively in francs but Mukoko Samba conceded that the switch is not happening as quickly as the government would like.

“ We still have 90% to 95% of bank deposits in the US dollars, in the entire banking system in the country. And it's almost the same figure for bank credits, 95%. So that's the best illustration, you could have that. We have a highly dollarized economy.”

Asked how the government planned to change the situation, Mukoko Samba, a trained economist, said completing the process would require 10 to 15 years of consistent growth with low inflation. He indicated that he was looking to the central bank to help out by lowering interest rates which would encourage borrowers to take out local currency loans.

“ Let's hope that the central banks will become, I would say, less worried about what could happen if it lowers the interest rate. They've kept it for now. One year and even more. So once that interest rate keeps going down or starts going down, then probably the interest rates on credits in Congolese francs will also be lower.”

Feeding the world

As the second biggest country in Africa and holding an astonishing 52% of the continent’s surface water, the DRC should be an agricultural powerhouse. And yet it is reliant on imports of some of its most important foodstuffs. Yet George Forrest, the businessman behind the country’s biggest food producers, believes that the country should be producing enough to feed the whole of Africa.Forrest’s vision is shared by Mukoko Samba, who puts a ten-year time frame on achieving self-sufficiency in staple crops such as maize and rice. Nevertheless, the country has a long way to travel with only around 1% of its cultivable land currently being farmed.

“ What needs to be done is first, we have to invest more in agriculture because the whole chain is not in place. We are not putting money into seeds production; we are not putting money into irrigation; systems; we are not investing enough in research, agronomic research. So public investment in the agriculture sector is the first step. ”

Videography: Glody Nzita Matondo

Among those voicing this hope was Jeremie Kamundele, a local resident, who emphasised the need for a pope capable of "embodying certain authentic values of the Roman Catholic Church."

Kamundele told the AFP, "We hope that the next pope, God willing, will be an African pope, to preserve and embody certain authentic values of the Roman Catholic Church." He also reflected warmly on Pope Francis, calling him "a pope of the poor" and praising his efforts to promote peace , particularly his calls during a visit two years ago for greater African autonomy.

Marie Salima, another faithful attending the funeral broadcast, shared that, "first of all, I'd like to offer my condolences to the whole Church and especially to our archdiocese of Kinshasa," she said.

Adding, "But with regard to the selection of the new pope, I'd like it to be an African pope this time, why not, because we'd also like to be represented at the Holy See." For Salima and many others, the dream of an African pope represents a broader desire for acknowledgement and leadership on the global religious stage.

However, some voices urged a more universal perspective. Noella Ntungi, another Kinshasa resident, stressed that the selection of a pope should transcend racial considerations. "I think that first of all, it's not a question of race," she said. "It will please us as Africans, but above all, it should be about who is best suited to lead the Church."

Pope Francis died on Easter Monday at age 88.

“Every time it rains like this, the first thing we get is a power cut,” Pierre Tshimpaka, a local resident, told the AFP. “They cut the power because they think if they leave it on during the rain, the damage could be enormous. And then, we can’t sleep - we are scared the water will overflow, damage the walls, and flood the plot.”

Kinshasa, a sprawling megacity of roughly 17 million people, sits along the Congo River, Africa’s second-longest waterway. However, despite its strategic location, the city is ill-equipped to manage seasonal rains. Drainage systems are frequently blocked by trash, and many poorer neighborhoods are riddled with unpaved streets and makeshift housing, making them highly vulnerable.

In the Lingwala commune, located in the heart of Kinshasa, residents say flooding is disrupting daily life and posing serious risks.

“We need to find a solution because Lingwala is right in the centre of Kinshasa,” said Paty, another local resident. “But look at how we suffer from the water. If you go to remote areas like Dodoma, it’s catastrophic. From Libenge to Mweka, it’s just water everywhere. People are in danger, there are no more roads—they’re all blocked, and getting around is becoming an ordeal.”

The combination of urban overcrowding, poor waste management, and weak infrastructure has made Kinshasa particularly susceptible to flooding disasters , especially in low-lying areas.

Over 90 women from communities surrounding the MMG Kinsevere mine have successfully completed a literacy training program, learning to read, write, and manage their household finances. The initiative, supported by MMG Kinsevere and NGO Alpha Congo, has transformed lives in 20 surrounding villages, benefiting nearly 1,400 people over the past decade. MMG’s Director of Social Development, Michel Santos, highlighted the company’s $13,000 annual investment in the program and emphasised the growing role of educated women in community leadership. The initiative is part of the company’s broader efforts to support sustainable development and gender inclusion, Desk Eco reports. Many of the women shared powerful testimonies. One of the beneficiaries said, "I got married very young. I couldn't go far in my studies. Mastering neither reading nor writing, I frequently caused losses in the cash register, which created tensions in my marriage. Today, it's different. Since I was trained, I know how to save money. Currently, I have opened a food shop in the Kawama village, which helps me to send my children to school.”  

Coffee prices climb, cocoa dips on global market

The Ministry of Foreign Trade has published updated export prices for Congolese agricultural products for April 7–12. Robusta coffee rose slightly to $5.49 per kilogram, while Arabica coffee climbed to $7.55. Desk Eco reports that cocoa saw a minor decline, now trading at $7.88 per kilogram. Papain showed a modest increase to $22.44 per kilogram. Meanwhile, prices for tea, soy, palm oil, sesame, and rubber remained stable. These shifts reflect a mixed but largely stable outlook for the DRC’s agricultural exports, amid growing global demand and supply chain adjustments.

247 Polio cases since 2017

The province of Tanganyika has recorded 247 cases of polio-induced paralysis in children since 2017, according to Health Minister Dr. Benoit Malumbi. Speaking at the launch of a new vaccination campaign on April 10, Dr Malumbi revealed four new cases had already been confirmed in early 2024 in the health zones of Kalemie, Nyemba, Nkansimba, and Nyunzu. "Since 2017, to date, 247 children have been spread over the six territories of the province of Tanganyika. These children will never walk again because of polio, yet a vaccine-preventable disease," Radio Okapi quotes Dr. Malumbi. He stressed the urgency of vaccinating the province’s 873,717 at-risk children and called on parents and community leaders to fight misinformation and vaccine resistance, especially among certain religious groups.

Government overspending creates $874.9m cash deficit

The government of the Democratic Republic of Congo significantly overspent its March 2025 budget, executing expenditures worth $1.47 billion—38.6% higher than the planned $1.06 billion. This marks a 78.1% increase compared to March 2024, driven largely by civil servant salaries and government subsidies. Actualite reports further that capital expenditures also exceeded projections, rising from an expected $55 million to $74.5 million, possibly due to increased infrastructure investments. However, revenues of $2.86 billion failed to meet the government’s spending needs, resulting in a monthly cash deficit of $874.9 million. The figures signal mounting fiscal pressures on public finances.

Banana deep-water port to open in 2026

The deep-water port in Banana, Kongo Central, is expected to receive its first ships in 2026, according to Prime Minister Judith Suminwa. During her visit to DP World headquarters in Dubai, she reaffirmed the DRC’s commitment to completing the long-delayed infrastructure project. “The president and the government are fully behind this initiative,” Suminwa said, adding that progress was on track following discussions with DP World executives. Once operational, the Banana Port will enhance the DRC’s access to global trade routes and support the country’s integration into international supply chains, Desk Eco reports.

Local media Desk Eco reports that the bulk of the DRC’s tin exports came from industrial operations, which accounted for 63% of the total export volume. Industrial producers shipped 27,100 tons of cassiterite (tin ore), valued at approximately $350 million.

The artisanal or small-scale mining sector contributed 15,852 tons worth $162.8 million.

Market dominance remains firmly with Alphamin Bisie, a major mining firm responsible for 99% of all industrial tin exports from the DRC in 2024. The company alone exported 26,932 tons, generating $348.6 million.

Tin, which is primarily used for soldering in electronics and as a corrosion-resistant coating in food packaging (tinplate), has seen a sharp increase in global market prices. Disruptions in supply, including temporary export halts, helped drive the metal’s price from $25,175 per ton at the end of 2023 to $32,640 per ton by December 2024. As of now, tin is trading at approximately $35,000 per ton.

In 2023, DRC was rated as one of the top five biggest suppliers of tin on international markets, along with Australia, Nigeria, and Rwanda. 

The gap is particularly concerning in light of the suspension of humanitarian aid from the United States, previously the country’s largest donor via USAID, local news portal Actualite reports.

The U.S. funding freeze has raised fears of a resurgence in infectious diseases , particularly in eastern DRC, where armed conflict and population displacement continue to hinder health interventions.

In response, President Félix Tshisekedi has directed his government to explore alternative solutions to cushion the impact of the suspended aid.

The DRC officially declared a Mpox epidemic in early 2022. Since then, the disease has spread to all 26 provinces, fueled by a mutated strain of the virus that facilitates rapid human-to-human and sexual transmission.

From January 2024 to mid-March 2025, the country reported 89,903 suspected Mpox cases, including 16,782 confirmed infections and 1,684 deaths — figures that highlight the urgency of the situation.

Lawrence Kanyuka, the spokesperson for M23, confirmed the agreement, emphasizing the need for an immediate withdrawal of the SADC Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (SAMIDRC) troops from Goma.

“We had a meeting with the SADC concerning the immediate withdrawal of SAMIDRC troops from Goma. We also discussed the reopening of Goma airport, which, as you are well aware, is badly damaged by bombs and mines left behind by the Kinshasa regime,” Kanyuka told the AFP.

Kanyuka further stated that SADC has committed to assisting with repairs at Goma airport to facilitate the withdrawal of its troops as soon as possible.

“The SADC has decided to help us repair Goma airport so that it can open as quickly as possible and allow for the withdrawal of SAMIDRC troops,” he added.

The DRC government has long accused neighboring Rwanda of backing M23 to gain control over the region’s rich mineral resources and fertile lands. While Rwanda denies providing direct military support to M23, a United Nations experts’ report has indicated that Rwanda maintains an estimated 4,000 troops in eastern DRC assisting the armed group.

SAMIDRC, comprising troops from Malawi, Tanzania, and South Africa, was deployed in December 2023 to support the DRC government in its efforts to restore peace and security.

The company, backed by a venture affiliated with billionaires Bill Gates and Jeff Bezos, wrote to Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi’s office earlier this year, stating it “would welcome the opportunity to develop the asset.”

In the letter to the DRC government, KoBold Metals' Chief Legal Officer, Sandy Alexander, outlined a proposal to resolve ongoing disputes and accelerate the development of the Manono lithium deposit.

KoBold Metals operates across 70 projects spanning five continents. In 2023, the company invested $150 million in Zambia to explore the Copperbelt region, where it has already drilled 50,000 meters at the Mingomba mine, which is expected to become the country's largest copper mine upon completion.

The move comes as the global demand for lithium surges, driven by its crucial role in electric vehicle (EV) batteries and renewable energy technologies.

KoBold Metals recently raised $537 million in a funding round, bringing its valuation to nearly $3 billion.

Eventually pushed back to Goma, Congolese forces found themselves trapped—surrounded by the enemy on one side and Lake Kivu on the other, the AFP reports.

The explosions took place after a rally of the M23, which was attended by one of its leaders, Corneille Nangaa, AFP reporters saw.

"As the president of the movement was leaving the podium, people were killed. I saw seven bodies. We didn't know there were people with bad intentions among us," says Antoine Aganze.

John Baraka, a 33-year-old unemployed resident, expressed his hopes for a better future: "You know, we have no choice. The people of Bukavu expect, above all, to see improvements in our lives - jobs and economic growth. We want young people to have opportunities and for everyone's living conditions to improve."

Similarly, Jean-Claude Mazombo, a father of six, emphasised the need for change: "We expect the new leaders to bring real transformation, unlike what we experienced in the past. We struggled with unemployment, but we hope the current authorities will listen to us and provide opportunities."

Another resident, Fiston, echoed these sentiments, stating, "We hope to see changes in all sectors. Young graduates need jobs. We want our education to count so that we can support our families."

UN Security Council Calls on Rwanda to Halt Support for M23

Meanwhile, as rebels continue their advance in eastern DR Congo, the United Nations Security Council has, for the first time, called on Rwanda to cease its backing of the M23 group and to put an end to the violence. UN experts estimate that the group has received support from approximately 4,000 Rwandan soldiers, the AFP reports.

The rapid territorial expansion of M23 has forced thousands of people to flee their homes. The rebel group now controls significant portions of eastern DR Congo, a region known for its wealth of natural resources. Fighters seized the South Kivu provincial capital, Bukavu, on Sunday, just weeks after taking control of Goma, the capital of North Kivu and the largest city in the country's eastern region.

The Congolese government has implemented new measures to combat mining smuggling in the eastern region. Minister of Mines, Kizito Pakabomba, announced on February 18 that a memorandum of understanding has been signed with the European Union to ensure the traceability of minerals, Radio Kapi reports. The DRC aims to curb illicit mineral trade by leveraging economic and diplomatic strategies, including ICGLR measures to track mineral origins and prevent the sale of minerals from conflict zones.

U.S. sanctions M23 spokesperson

The U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) sanctioned Lawrence Kanyuka, a key M23 figure, along with his two companies - Kingston Holding (France) and Kingston Fresh (UK) - on February 20. The sanctions follow M23’s violent occupation of Goma and Bukavu, resulting in civilian casualties. Acting Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence, Bradley T. Smith said , “OFAC is also sanctioning Lawrence Kanyuka Kingston (Kanyuka), a prominent member and spokesperson for M23 and the Congo River Alliance, and two of Kanyuka’s companies registered in the United Kingdom and France. In late January, M23 and the Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF) captured Goma, the provincial capital of North Kivu in the DRC, in a battle that killed thousands of civilians. M23 and the RDF continued their advance, capturing Kavumu Airport, a key transportation hub in eastern DRC, and occupying the city of Bukavu, the provincial capital of South Kivu." The Congolese government welcomed the sanctions and urged other institutions to take similar action.

DRC condemns African Security Council members

At a UN Security Council session on February 19, the DRC criticised Algeria, Somalia, and Sierra Leone for refusing to condemn Rwanda’s support for M23 rebels. Foreign Minister Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner accused the three nations of aligning with the African Union’s reluctance to denounce Rwanda, despite UN evidence of its involvement. "Mr President, three meetings in less than a month? Today, you all condemned Rwanda in your speeches. I apologize to all of you, except the A3, namely Algeria, Somalia and Sierra Leone," Wagner is quoted by Deskeco .

U.S. calls for urgent UN action on M23

The U.S. renewed calls for the UN Security Council to take immediate action against the M23 rebellion, accusing Rwanda of fueling the conflict. During a session on February 19, U.S. Deputy Representative Dorothy Camille Shea denounced M23’s repeated ceasefire violations and territorial expansion. The U.S. strongly condemned the capture of Kavumu Airport and Bukavu, calling for Kigali’s return to negotiations to prevent further violence. “How many times do we have to meet to discuss this predictable cycle of violence? For two months, we have consistently watched the M23 and Rwanda ignore the ceasefire, seize territory under false pretenses, and deny that they have no intention of going further, only to repeat this cycle, we have watched the M23 sow chaos, violence against civilians in the streets of Masisi, Goma, and now Bukavu. All under the guise of liberation and the restoration of order. The United States strongly condemns the capture of Kavumu airport and the city of Bukavu by the M23 and Rwandan forces,” Actualite CD quoted Shea.

World Bank pledges budgetary support

Facing economic strain from ongoing conflict, the DRC has received assurances of flexible financial support from the World Bank. Minister of State for Budget Aimé Boji met with World Bank Country Director Albert G. Zeufack, who expressed solidarity and commitment to aiding the DRC. La Prosperite Online reports that the institution acknowledged the war’s severe economic impact and pledged to assist in rationalising public spending while prioritising security and development efforts.

Dady Djamba, a member of the Congolese Community of Washington Metropolitan group, stated, "We came here to warn the embassy, to tell them that what they are doing is not right. This aggression must end," he told the AFP.

Maya Ford, a student from New York who lived in Congo for two years, emphasised the need for global attention. "Congo deserves better. It deserves a voice. This conflict has been ignored for too long, and we need to make sure Congo’s needs are heard," she said.

The protest comes as M23 fighters and Rwandan troops threaten another key town in eastern DRC, having already seized Goma and advanced into South Kivu province. The ongoing conflict has claimed thousands of lives and displaced many, with armed groups taking control of mineral-rich areas.

In response, the United Nations Human Rights Council has announced an investigation into alleged violations and abuses during the violence.

Congolese government spokesman Patrick Muyaya welcomed the decision, emphasising its urgency. "This shows that today the world wants the situation in the east of the DRC to be resolved quickly," he said in Geneva.

Muyaya highlighted the swift response to the DRC’s request for a special session, noting the unanimous vote in favour of the investigation.

"We are relieved to see that our request was not only responded to promptly but also passed quickly to the vote and unanimously," he told the AFP.

Adding that, "this is a sign that the world wants the perpetrators to be identified and punished."

The investigation aims to hold those responsible accountable and bring justice to the victims of the ongoing violence.

This comes amidst the ongoing eastern DR Congo conflict.

Malawian troops are in DR Congo as part of a military force sent by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to help the Congolese government fight armed groups.

In recent weeks, the situation has become more dangerous. The M23 rebel group, which is believed to have support from Rwanda, has captured several areas, including the key city of Goma.

During the fighting, at least 20 soldiers from the SADC mission, including three from Malawi, lost their lives.

President Chakwera said pulling out troops was a step toward encouraging peace talks, even though clashes are still happening.

Malawi’s information minister said the decision was made after a meeting of regional leaders, where they called for a ceasefire.

South Africa , which leads the peacekeeping mission, has also faced pressure to withdraw its troops but President Cyril Ramaphosa has insisted they will stay, saying the mission has a set timeline and objectives.

SADC had originally deployed about 5,000 troops from South Africa, Malawi, and Tanzania, though it is unclear how many remain on the ground.

Malawi also has some soldiers serving under the United Nations peacekeeping force in DR Congo, separate from the SADC mission.

Regional leaders will meet in Tanzania this weekend to discuss the crisis as the situation in eastern DR Congo worsens.

Both DR Congo’s president, Félix Tshisekedi, and Rwanda’s president, Paul Kagame, are expected to attend amidst accusations and counter-accusations from leaders of both countries. DR Congo accuses Rwanda of backing the M23 rebels, a charge Rwanda denies.

The M23 rebels have declared a ceasefire, but fighting has continued. They have also appointed leaders to govern North Kivu, the region they have taken over.

Meanwhile, the Congolese government is calling on civilians to help defend their cities.

Thousands of people have been killed, and there are growing fears of disease outbreaks, including cholera and Mpox.

The International Criminal Court says it is closely monitoring the violence.

Elias Magosi, Executive Secretary of SADC, emphasised the region's commitment to supporting the DRC. "Summit reaffirmed its solidarity and unwavering commitment to continue supporting the DRC in its pursuit of safeguarding its independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity, as well as sustainable peace, security, and development," Magosi stated.

Zimbabwe's President and SADC Chairperson, Emmerson Mnangagwa, highlighted the collective responsibility of member states to foster lasting peace in the region. "It is the individual and collective duty of all member states to do much more towards permanently silencing the guns if we are to succeed in achieving these aspirations," Mnangagwa said.

DRC President Felix Tshisekedi participated virtually in the summit, which was convened following the deaths of 13 South African and three Malawian soldiers in recent clashes near Goma. These troops were deployed as part of regional peacekeeping operations.

After capturing Goma, M23 rebels advanced southward on Friday, vowing to march all the way to the DRC capital, Kinshasa, raising concerns over further instability in the region.

The relative calm follows intense clashes between Congolese soldiers and the Rwanda-backed M23 armed group, which seized control of much of Goma on Sunday. Fighting has largely subsided, but uncertainty looms as M23 fighters gain ground in the mineral-rich region.

On Thursday, January 30, M23 vowed to push further west toward Kinshasa, the DR Congo capital, signalling potential escalation. The group's capture of Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, marks a significant development in a region plagued by decades of violence involving multiple armed groups.

Rwanda, which denies backing M23, claims its primary objective is to eliminate fighters linked to the 1994 genocide. However, critics argue the neighbouring country is motivated by a desire to exploit DR Congo's vast mineral reserves, crucial for the global electronics industry.