This week, Ethiopians went to the polls in a general election. But for Redie Bereketeab, the election raises a deeper question — not simply who wins power, but whether Ethiopia has built a state that all its peoples can recognise as their own.

A missing social contract

Bereketeab argues that many external actors, including the European Union, the United States, the United Nations and the African Union, are missing the central issue. Ethiopia’s crisis, he says, cannot be understood only through elections or individual conflicts. It is about state-building and nation-building.

Ethiopia has more than 80 ethnic groups. For Bereketeab, a durable state can only emerge if those groups are included in a domestic negotiation over how they want to live together. That process, he argues, is what creates a social contract. Without it, elections may produce governments, but not necessarily legitimacy.

That problem was visible in this vote. While long queues were reported in some areas, many Ethiopians could not participate because of conflict. Voting was suspended in parts of Oromia and Amhara, while the entire northern region of Tigray was excluded.

This matters because Ethiopia’s federal system is built around ethnicity and territory. If major regions are unable to take part properly, Bereketeab argues, the federal government cannot credibly claim to represent them.

A long historical struggle

The current crisis is often discussed through recent events: the war in Tigray, violence in Amhara, insurgency in Oromia, tensions with Eritrea, and the latest election. But Bereketeab sees these as part of a longer struggle over Ethiopian statehood.

He argues that Ethiopia has repeatedly tried and failed to build an inclusive national order. The imperial model before 1974 failed. The military socialist model that followed also failed. The ethno-federal system introduced after 1991, he says, has also failed to resolve the deeper question of shared belonging.

The result is a state that has often represented some groups while marginalising others. Those excluded from power, he argues, then turn to armed struggle or other extra-legal means to defend their interests.

Beyond the vote

Supporters of holding elections may argue that constitutional processes must continue, even in difficult conditions. But the harder question remains: how can democracy function when major regions are excluded from the political process?

For Bereketeab, the danger is that the vote may deepen rather than resolve Ethiopia’s crisis. If large sections of society feel unrepresented, conflict is likely to continue.

Ethiopia’s challenge, then, is not only electoral. It is existential. How does one of the world’s oldest and most diverse nations build a shared future?

This election may decide who governs. But it is unlikely to settle the deeper question of whether Ethiopia’s state can hold all its peoples together.

World Reframed Episode 42. More episodes of World Reframed .

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

This concludes our live coverage of Ethiopia's 2026 general election. Stay with Global South World for more updates and information on the results and other interesting developments.

20:20 GMT: Private candidate Abraham Tilahun expresses "irregularities" on the digitally registered voting options.

17:00 GMT: misunderstandings erupt over voting delays

16:30 GMT: 'Ballot stronger than bullet': Ethiopian president votes

Speaking after casting his vote, Taye addressed concerns and criticism surrounding the election, emphasising that the occasion held a significance that extended beyond the political contest itself. “I’m very much excited. I know there are so many detractors out there. There's nothing new about it. It has been the case all over the world,” Taye said.

14:28 GMT: A contending party, the Gogot Party, alleges that its election observers have been beaten and forced to leave the election grounds in central Ethiopia's Welkite.

11:30 GMT: Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed casts his votes

8:50 GMT: Voters continue to queue to cast their ballots at the Beshale Katla polling station in Addis Ababa on June 1, 2026, during Ethiopia’s 2026 parliamentary elections.

8:30 GMT: AU election observer, Uhuru Kenyatta, notes slow election participation from Ethiopians.

8:15 GMT: Temesgen Tiruneh, Aspirant for the Office of Prime Minister, votes. He cast his vote alongside Amhara Regional Administration President Arega Kebede and Amhara Prosperity Party Office Head Yirga Sisay at the Hidase Election Station in Bahir Dar City this morning.

Millions remain unable to vote

Voting has begun across much of Ethiopia, but significant portions of the population have been excluded from the electoral process due to ongoing insecurity.

Most notably, the entire northern region of Tigray, home to an estimated six million people, has been left out of the election . The region is still recovering from a devastating two-year civil war that ended in 2022 and remains embroiled in political disputes with the federal government.

Authorities have also cancelled voting in some constituencies affected by violence in the Amhara and Oromia regions.

Abiy Ahmed seeks another mandate

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's Prosperity Party is widely expected to emerge victorious, continuing its hold on power after a landslide win in the previous election.

Although Ethiopians vote for members of parliament rather than directly electing a prime minister, the party that secures a parliamentary majority will form the next government.

Abiy rose to power in 2018 amid widespread anti-government protests and was initially celebrated for political reforms, the release of jailed journalists and opposition figures, and efforts to make peace with neighbouring Eritrea, achievements that earned him the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize.

Key opposition parties and coalitions

Apart from Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and his ruling Prosperity Party, Ethiopia's 2026 election features a fragmented opposition landscape with several parties and coalitions competing for parliamentary seats. Analysts widely expect the opposition to struggle against the ruling party due to organisational weaknesses, security challenges, and political restrictions

Coalition for Ethiopian Unity (CEU)

A newly formed opposition alliance launched in 2025, the coalition brings together several parties, including the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party (EPRP), Enat Party, All Ethiopian Unity Organisation, One Ethiopia Democratic Party, and Amhara Gionawi Movement Party. The coalition says it is contesting the election on a platform of national unity, democratic reforms, and improved governance.

Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC)

One of Ethiopia's best-known opposition parties, the OFC advocates greater federalism and regional autonomy, particularly for the Oromo people. Veteran opposition figure Merera Gudina has criticized the election environment, arguing that political conditions are not conducive to a genuinely competitive contest.

National Movement of Amhara (NaMA)

NaMA draws much of its support from the Amhara region and focuses on Amhara political interests, federalism, and security concerns. It emerged as one of the more prominent opposition parties following the 2021 election and remains one of the few opposition groups with parliamentary representation.

Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice (EZEMA)

Led by prominent politician Berhanu Nega, EZEMA presents itself as a national, non-ethnic political movement advocating democratic reforms, economic development, and institutional strengthening. The party has held seats in parliament and remains a recognisable opposition force.

Other registered national parties

Several additional parties are contesting the election, including the Oromo Liberation Front, Oromo Liberation Movement, Ethiopian People Revolutionary Party, Ethiopian Freedom Party, and All Ethiopian Unity Party, among dozens of others registered by the electoral board.

Ethiopia operates a parliamentary system , meaning citizens do not directly elect the prime minister. Instead, voters elect members of parliament, and the party or coalition that wins a majority forms the government.

Key facts

Ethiopians cast ballots for candidates seeking seats in the House of Peoples' Representatives, the country's lower house of parliament.

As more than 50 million Ethiopians are expected to vote in the 2026 election, Global South World will continue to provide updates as voting progresses and results begin to emerge.

EZEMA deputy leader Negatu Wolde urged voters to move away from ethnic-based politics .

“We call on the people of our country to use this opportunity as a golden opportunity to break free from the cycle of ethnic politics that has oppressed, isolated and divided our country for many years,” he told Viory.

The election campaign has been overshadowed by concerns over media freedom, political inclusiveness and security challenges. EZEMA member Eyouel Solomon accused the government of dominating the media landscape and limiting fair political competition.

“We have seen two things: commercial media that sometimes give some space for opposition parties, and government media that acts as the mouth of the government,” he said. “This is not fair.”

The process has also been disrupted by ongoing conflicts in the Amhara and Oromia regions. Ethiopia’s National Election Board suspended polling in 46 districts affected by insecurity.

Despite the tensions, supporters at the rally expressed confidence that EZEMA could make gains in the June 1 vote.

“If it wins, it is a worthy party that has shown its ability to lead the country,” supporter Dagem Assefa said. “But if it loses, it will prepare peacefully for the next election.”

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who has led Ethiopia for eight years, heads the ruling Prosperity Party, which was formed in 2019 from the former Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front coalition.

The economy is projected to grow above 7 percent this year, the third fastest in Africa. And yet all is not well in the Africa's second most-populous country.

Conflicts in Oromia, Amhara and Tigray have displaced millions of people , many of whom will be unable to cast ballots on June 1. In Tigray alone, the fracturing of a fragile peace deal with separatists means the election is unlikely to proceed, denying six million Ethiopians the right to vote.

And Ethiopian journalist Ermias Mulugeta told Global South World that a lack of information caused by media repression will mean many who do participate in the election don't understand the situation in their own country.

“Talking about politics for the media is a very tough situation right now,” Ermias said. “The government is the biggest factor in this media landscape.”

Speaking from Canada, Ermias said journalists were no longer able to report freely on corruption, politics or conditions on the ground in conflict-affected regions. He claimed Ethiopia’s media regulator had recently instructed journalists to stop publishing stories about corruption, creating what he described as “a very precarious condition” for reporters.

Journalists can face terror charges for reporting on conflict, with the prospect of a death sentence. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists , Ethiopia is the second-highest jailer of journalists in sub-Saharan Africa, after neighbouring Eritrea.

And despite the rapid economic growth, Ermias said ordinary people were not experiencing the benefits.

“People are not actually feeling it,” he said. “Daily food prices are rocketing.”

He argued that tighter media controls reflected government concerns about growing public frustration. According to Ermias, if journalists were allowed to report freely from regions affected by conflict, they would reveal realities that contradicted official narratives about stability ahead of the election.

Social media fills the news vacuum

Ermias said the weakening of traditional media had pushed more Ethiopians towards social media for news and political discussion. While this had allowed more people to express their views, he warned it had also fuelled misinformation and public confusion.

“People are so confused,” he said, describing a flood of contradictory narratives online from both government supporters and critics.

He argued that journalists and press freedom advocates should work with the Ethiopian government to restore at least some of the media freedoms that previously existed.

“Now we’re in a very tough situation,” Ermias said. “Those who are fighting for press freedom should work with the Ethiopian government to at least get it back to where we were.”

Large crowds gathered along the marathon route, waving flags and holding signs as runners moved through the city.

“Africa deserves appreciation because all the best athletes in the world are from Africa. So we need to be here every year. Africa is the continent of the marathon,” one participant said.

The race also carried added significance as Cape Town seeks recognition as the first African marathon to join the Abbott World Marathon Majors series.

Cape Town Mayor Geordin Hill-Lewis and race officials attended the event, which organisers described as a final assessment process for inclusion in the elite marathon circuit.

Although much attention focused on Kipchoge’s participation, Ethiopia’s Mohamed Esa won the men’s race with a time of 2 hours, 4 minutes and 55 seconds.

The performance broke the previous course record and became the fastest marathon time recorded on African soil.

Ethiopian runner Yihunilign Adane finished second in 2:04:59, while Kenya’s Kalipus Lomwai came third in 2:05:06.

Kipchoge finished 16th with a time of 2:13:29 after running at a conservative pace.

The Cape Town event marked the opening stage of Kipchoge’s “Eliud’s World Tour,” which will continue in Porto Alegre, Brazil , on July 12 before heading to the Melbourne Marathon in Australia on October 11.

A sub-two-hour marathon means sustaining a speed of just over 21 kilometres per hour for the full 42.195 kilometres. Put another way, it is roughly the equivalent of running 100 metres in about 17 seconds more than 420 times, without stopping.

For anyone who has tried to run at that pace on a treadmill, even briefly, the scale of the feat is difficult to comprehend. It is not simply fast - it is relentless. There should also be recognition for Ethiopia’s Yomif Kejelcha, who was running his first marathon and also finished inside two hours, crossing the line in 1:59:41. In almost any other race, that would have been the headline. Instead, his historic performance was overshadowed by Sawe’s victory.

This was not the first time a human being had covered the marathon distance in under two hours. Eliud Kipchoge achieved the feat in 2019. But that run took place in carefully controlled conditions, with rotating pacemakers, precision pacing and measures to reduce wind resistance. It was astonishing, but it was not considered eligible for official record purposes because it did not happen in normal race conditions.

Sawe’s achievement was different. It came in a competitive marathon, on the streets of London, against other elite athletes. That is why it matters so much.

The women’s race also deserved greater attention. Ethiopia’s Tigst Assefa won and set a world record of her own, a performance that would usually dominate the coverage. She was followed by Kenya’s Hellen Obiri in second place and Joyciline Jepkosgei, also of Kenya, in third.

An accelerating trend

Together, the men’s and women’s races underlined a pattern that has become almost predictable in modern distance running: the dominance of Kenyan and Ethiopian athletes.

Over the past quarter of a century, marathon records have been lowered by a succession of runners from the two countries, including Haile Gebrselassie, Wilson Kipsang, Eliud Kipchoge and Kelvin Kiptum.

Two things stand out. First, the rate of improvement has been remarkable. The fastest marathon time 25 years ago was around five per cent slower than Sawe’s performance. Second, the national consistency is striking. From London to Berlin, Boston to New York , East African runners continue to lead the pack. The question is why.

Part of the answer lies in history. Ethiopian runners first caught the world’s attention in the 1960s, when Abebe Bikila won Olympic marathon gold in 1960 and 1964, famously running barefoot in Rome. Kenya followed with its own rise in middle-distance and long-distance running, particularly from the late 1960s through the 1970s and 1980s. By the 1990s and 2000s, both countries had become central forces in the marathon. Another commonly cited factor is altitude. Many elite Kenyan and Ethiopian runners grow up and train in high-altitude regions, often above 2,000 metres. Training in thinner air can help improve oxygen efficiency, which becomes a major advantage when racing at sea level. But altitude alone does not explain the dominance. Body composition also plays a role.

Many elite East African distance runners have lean physiques, efficient biomechanics and long, light limbs that are well suited to endurance running. Then there is the daily-life factor. In many communities, running is not just a sport. It is part of childhood, transport and routine. Some athletes grow up covering long distances to school or while helping with family responsibilities. That early conditioning builds an endurance base long before formal training begins. Culture matters too. Success stories have created a powerful cycle of motivation. In Kenya and Ethiopia, distance running can be a route out of poverty, a source of national pride and a deeply personal ambition. The visibility of champions gives younger athletes a model to follow. The possibility of changing a family’s future gives the sport enormous emotional and economic force. The training structures are also distinctive.

Camps in Kenya and Ethiopia are often intense but simple: high mileage, group discipline, strict routines and few distractions. The environment is competitive from the start. To reach international level, runners must first survive an extraordinary depth of talent at home. Sawe’s own preparation reportedly involved weeks of extremely high mileage, including training loads of around 240 kilometres per week. That level of commitment reflects the wider system around elite East African running: discipline, endurance, competition and opportunity all reinforcing one another. The rest of the world is not standing still. Countries across Europe, Asia and the Americas have invested heavily in sports science, nutrition, coaching, athlete development and recovery programmes. Yet the consistency of Kenya and Ethiopia remains unmatched.

The achievement is not simply producing one champion. It is producing dozens of world-class athletes, year after year. The explanation is therefore not genetics alone, nor altitude alone, nor training alone. It is the alignment of many factors: environment, culture, discipline, opportunity, history and ambition.

The shoes

There is also another major factor behind the startling speeds of recent years: running technology. The contrast with Abebe Bikila’s barefoot Olympic victory could hardly be sharper. Today’s elite racing shoes are extraordinarily light, with some pairs weighing little more than a pack of playing cards. They also contain advanced foams and carbon-plate systems designed to improve running economy. The plate acts almost like a spring, storing and returning energy as the foot strikes and pushes off. Adidas has become a major force in this technological race, particularly in long-distance running. Its leading marathon shoes have helped shape the current era of record-breaking performances. Nike, once dominant through its own breakthrough shoe technology, now faces fierce competition as brands chase every possible gain in efficiency.

But none of this should diminish the athletes themselves. Shoes do not run marathons. Technology may help at the margins, but it does not explain the suffering, discipline and endurance required to hold that pace for almost two hours. Sawe gets the headline, and rightly so. Yet the broader picture is just as remarkable. In London, the standard was so high that every man in the top ten would have been good enough to win the race just 20 years earlier. That is the real measure of where marathon running now stands. The impossible has become possible, and East African runners remain at the centre of the story.

World Reframed episode 38.  More episodes of World Reframed .

World Reframed is produced in London by  Global South  World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

Ethiopia is expected to top the list with real GDP growth of about 9.2%, reinforcing its position as one of Africa’s most dynamic economies. The IMF has pointed to sustained public investment, expansion in services and gradual recovery from recent macroeconomic pressures as key drivers of growth.

Close behind, Guinea is projected to grow by 8.7%, supported largely by its booming mining sector. The country is one of the world ’s largest producers of bauxite, a key raw material for aluminium, and rising global demand has continued to attract foreign investment, according to IMF assessments.

Uganda is forecast to expand by 7.5%, with growth underpinned by infrastructure development and the anticipated ramp-up of its oil sector. The IMF has highlighted that energy projects, alongside agriculture and services, are expected to play a central role in sustaining momentum.

Rwanda, long regarded as a reform-oriented economy, is projected to grow by 7.2%. The IMF credits its consistent policy framework, investment in technology and efforts to position itself as a regional services hub for its steady performance.

Benin and Niger are also expected to post strong growth of 7.0% and 6.7%, respectively. In both countries, infrastructure spending and regional trade integration have been key contributors, with the IMF noting improved fiscal management and investment flows.

Côte d’Ivoire, one of West Africa’s economic anchors, is projected to grow by 6.2%, driven by agriculture, construction and services. The IMF has repeatedly cited the country’s diversified economy and stable policy environment as factors supporting its resilience.

Further down the list, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Tanzania are both expected to grow by 5.9%. In the DRC, mining, particularly copper and cobalt, continues to dominate, while Tanzania’s expansion is supported by tourism, infrastructure and energy investments.

Mali rounds up the top 10 with a projected growth of 5.5%, reflecting a rebound in key sectors despite ongoing security challenges.

IMF notes that fast-growing economies across Africa are increasingly driven by a mix of natural resources, urbanisation and policy reforms, offering pockets of opportunity for investors despite lingering risks.

In the women’s race, Ethiopia’s Tigst Assefa broke her own world record with a time of 2:15:41, finishing ahead of Kenya’s Hellen Obiri and Joyciline Jepkosgei, another clean sweep for African athletes.

When it comes to marathon running at the highest level, Africa, particularly East African runners, has dominated the London Marathon for more than two decades.

Athletes like Kenya's Eliud Kipchoge, a four-time London winner widely regarded as the greatest marathon runner in history, helped cement that legacy. Year after year, the winners’ lists have been overwhelmingly African

First held in 1981, the London Marathon has grown into one of the world’s most prestigious long-distance races, alongside events in Boston, New York, Berlin, Chicago, and Tokyo.

Founded by former Olympic champion Chris Brasher and athlete John Disley, the race was inspired by the inclusive spirit of the New York Marathon, combining elite competition with mass participation and charity fundraising.

Today, it attracts more than 50,000 runners annually and raises hundreds of millions of pounds for charitable causes, making it as much a social event as a sporting spectacle.

At the same time, some reports cited by the outlet Borkinna have claimed that more than 100 young people were allegedly arrested in connection with listening to the new music. Additional allegations suggest that state media may have avoided airing the songs and that a planned press event was cancelled shortly before release. These developments have led some diaspora groups and activists to raise concerns online about freedom of expression, while others frame the moment as part of a broader conversation about the role of art in public discourse.

His dominance is backed by the ruling party, the People’s Rally for Progress (RPP), which leads the broader governing coalition, the Union for the Presidential Majority (UMP).

A 2010 constitutional amendment removed presidential term limits, allowing Guelleh to run indefinitely. More recently, in 2025, Djibouti’s parliament eliminated the 75-year age cap for presidential candidates, a move widely interpreted as designed to ensure Guelleh, now 78, could stand again.

The electoral field itself underscores the imbalance. In previous elections, Guelleh has secured overwhelming victories, including 87% of the vote in 2016 and over 97% in 2021, figures that international observers and opposition groups have questioned.

Who is contesting IOG?

Mohamed Farah Samatar stands as the sole challenger to President Guelleh, though his candidacy carries its own complexities. A former insider of the ruling establishment, he is now contesting the presidency under the banner of the Unified Democratic Centre (CDU).

During the lead-up to the votes, Samatar took his campaign to the Tadjourah and Obock regions, where he addressed supporters and attempted to project an alternative vision for the country, insisting that “another Djibouti is possible”.

Even so, analysts remain sceptical about the broader significance of the race. Sonia Le Gouriellec, a specialist on the Horn of Africa at Lille Catholic University, told AFP: “There’s not much at stake. It’s just a token competition.”

Criticism has been sharper from civil society. Omar Ali Ewado, who leads the Djibouti League of Human Rights (LDDH), dismissed the process outright, describing the vote as a “masquerade” and a “foregone conclusion”.

This context shapes the core issue about how the election is unlikely to produce political change, but it may intensify uncertainty about what comes next.

Who can vote?

Roughly 243,000 voters are registered for Djibouti’s 2026 presidential election , according to data from the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, out of a national population estimated at just over one million.

That marks a modest increase from the around 215,000 registered voters in 2021, pointing to a gradual expansion in the electoral roll, though still representing only about a quarter of the population.

Historically, turnout has been relatively strong on paper, averaging close to 67%, though critics argue these figures should be viewed in the context of limited political competition.

Polling stations are expected to open in the morning and close later in the day, after which counting is expected to begin.

Despite being labelled an “electoral autocracy” by international monitors, Djibouti is hosting a regional observer mission from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), with 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda deployed nationwide.

The bloc is expected to release its initial assessment after the vote, followed by a formal statement on 12 April.

What is at stake?

Djibouti’s location along the Bab el-Mandeb Strait places it at the crossroads of global commerce. Estimates suggest that around 12–15% of global trade and a significant share of oil shipments pass through this narrow waterway connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden. The country has leveraged this position to build an economy centred on logistics, ports, and foreign military partnerships.

The Port of Doraleh, one of the most important infrastructure assets in the region, serves as a critical hub for shipping and for landlocked Ethiopia, which relies on Djibouti for roughly 90–95% of its imports and exports. Revenues from port operations, logistics services, and foreign base leases form a substantial part of Djibouti’s national income.

This strategic value has attracted a concentration of global military presence rarely seen in such a small state.

Djibouti hosts:

Additionally, although Djibouti has invested heavily in infrastructure, including rail links and port expansion projects often financed through external borrowing, concerns persist about public debt levels, which have at times exceeded 70% of GDP, much of it linked to Chinese-funded projects.

Youth unemployment remains high, and the benefits of growth have not been evenly distributed, contributing to underlying social discontent.

The region witnessed mass displacement of people during and after the armed conflict, resulting from a power struggle between the Eritrea-backed Ethiopian Federal Government under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

The war claimed more than 600,000 lives and displaced over three million, exposing vulnerable groups such as women, children and the elderly to the risk of deprivation and rights abuse. Cases of alleged weaponised food insecurity and ethnic cleansing have been reported.

“Measured by the number of deaths, the Tigray War in Ethiopia is the deadliest armed conflict of the 21 st century and one of the bloodiest since the end of the Cold War, claiming the lives of over 400,000 soldiers and up to 300,000 civilians,” observes a 2024 report that classifies the conflict as a genocide, citing fundamental breaches of international law.

The blazing guns were silenced through the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement, signed in November 2022 in Pretoria, South Africa. However, the conflict’s underlying causes were not addressed, like the territorial dispute over Western and Southern Tigray and the alleged historical marginalisation of Tigrayans, which has sown mistrust that undermines the endurance of the Pretoria agreement.

The displaced live in about 90 overcrowded IDP camps, like Hitsats, located near the Eritrean border, hosting over 800,000 people. These communities face numerous challenges , including mental distress and hunger. The scarcity of natural resources, particularly clean water, has been exacerbated by the recent drought, making it difficult for IDPs to cope.

Aid cuts have further hampered humanitarian efforts. “As aid actors scale back or suspend activities in the region due to funding constraints, the most vulnerable are experiencing reduced access to medical care, water and sanitation services … while overall humanitarian needs continue to exceed collective capacity,” notes Joshua Eckley, Doctors Without Borders’ head of mission for Ethiopia.

In recent months, the tensions between warring parties have re-emerged, forcing people to flee their homes again. This has sparked fears of renewed fighting, amidst uncertainty and the increasing possibility of Ethiopia’s neighbour, Eritrea, backing Tigrayan rebels against federal forces. 

The re-escalation highlights the need to address the foundational factors, especially the “persistent ethnic rivalries and clashes and the incessant disputes between regionally-based elites (particularly from the Tigray, Amhara and Oromo regions) for control over the federal government, institutions and finances”, analysts suggest.

Thus, the sustainable solution to this instability requires a multi-faceted approach prioritising justice concerns and the war-ravaged region’s recovery; otherwise, it risks being a cosmetic remedy that won’t stand the test of time. Civil society organisations could play a crucial role in rehabilitation and recovery, just like in Northern Uganda after the 20-year Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) war. CSOs could also advocate for the displaced persons’ protection, flagging human rights violations, and complementing the federal government’s efforts towards poverty eradication and social justice.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

But for now, the station is not entirely “unmanned”. Uniformed officers are standing by to demonstrate how the system works, giving the space the feel of a tech showroom rather than a typical police post.

Recently opened, staff “are here to help people get used to it,” the head of the police’s technology expansion department, Cdr Demissie Yilma, told the BBC . Inside one booth, he tapped through the steps of making a report, selecting whether it is a crime, a traffic matter, or a general concern, entering details, and submitting the complaint.

After the report is filed, an officer appears on the screen, a real person based at a remote location, not a chatbot and begins asking follow-up questions and taking down information. “If there is a problem, officers respond immediately and patrol the area mentioned by the reporter,” Demissie said.

In its first week of operation last month, the station received three reports, a lost passport, a financial fraud case and a routine complaint. Demissie said he expects usage to increase as more people become aware of the service. “The future police service should be near the citizens,” he said.

Officials argue the model could expand access to policing in areas where there may not be enough personnel to run a full station, even if it reduces face-to-face contact. At the launch, Abiy was quoted in state media as saying the project aims to make law enforcement institutions “competent and competitive,” framing it as part of a wider digital reform drive.

That push is anchored by Digital Ethiopia 2030, a national strategy to digitise public services from identity systems and payments to courts and public administration. However, internet access remains relatively low in Ethiopia, and recent years of conflict and political upheaval have also led to internet blackouts, slowing the pace of digital transformation.

Even so, Ethiopia has been moving ahead with reforms such as opening up the telecoms sector, expanding mobile phone payments in birr, rolling out a national digital ID, and putting more government services online.

The visit comes weeks after Israel’s controversial recognition of Somaliland as an independent state. Herzog’s trip is viewed as part of Israel’s diplomatic engagement in the Horn of Africa.

There is speculation that Herzog may seek to convince Ethiopia to also recognise Somaliland. In 2024, landlocked Ethiopia signed an agreement with breakaway Somaliland to obtain access to the Bab El-Mandeb Strait in the Gulf of Aden by leasing a corridor from Somaliland for 50 years. However,  Somalia asserted that Somaliland is part of its territory and rejected the agreement.

Other regional actors have expressed concerns about the recognition of the breakaway region. During a recent visit to Ethiopia, Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said: “I would like to emphasise that Israel’s recognition of Somaliland does not benefit Somaliland or the Horn of Africa.”

On the Middle East, Selassie told Herzog that Ethiopia supports a two-state solution to resolving the Israel-Palestine conflict "where Israelis and Palestinians live side by side in peace".

Herzog also referred to the Ethiopian Jewish community in Israel, stating that it creates a bridge between the two nations. In a statement upon his arrival, he said: “The relationship between our peoples is woven deep into the pages of history and human tradition. At the heart of the story of both our nations lies a clear common thread – the ability to join hands, unite resources of spirit and substance to innovate, develop, and grow for the benefit of all.”

Herzog’s visit is the first presidential trip to Ethiopia since 2018. He met with Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. Abiy said the two leaders discussed “ways to improve collaboration in areas of mutual interest", without providing further details.

The visit follows remarks by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu proposing a network of allied nations in the Middle East and Africa to stand against what he described as “radical” adversaries. He said the proposed “ hexagon of alliances” would include Israel, India, Greece, Cyprus, and others.

Iran and affiliated groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen are widely seen as the primary focus of this proposal.

Naiker described the project as aligning with a “pan-African” vision in support of the country’s leadership, emphasising its role in fostering innovation and local expertise. While most African space-related infrastructure to date has focused on satellite reception or data ground stations, this plan would take a further step into actual manufacturing on the continent.

The facility could ultimately provide African engineers and researchers with a platform to develop satellites tailored to the region’s specific needs, such as environmental monitoring, disaster response and digital connectivity — sectors where space technology is increasingly seen as essential.

Observers of Africa’s growing tech ecosystem say the agreement reflects a broader trend of expanding scientific capacity across the continent, which already includes satellite launches and ground station developments in countries such as Senegal and Namibia. A successful implementation could mark a significant milestone for African participation in the global space industry.

According to IMF projections cited and analysed by The African Exponent , Africa’s ten largest economies in 2026 reflect a mix of resource strength, population size, industrial capacity, and policy direction.

South Africa is projected to remain Africa’s largest economy in 2026, with a nominal GDP of about $401.6 billion. Despite slow growth in recent years, the country continues to benefit from its diversified economy, strong financial sector, and advanced industrial base.

Close behind is Egypt, with an estimated $399.5 billion GDP. Egypt’s rise has been driven by large-scale infrastructure investment, expansion in energy production, and aggressive economic reforms.

As The African Exponent has noted in previous coverage, Egypt’s strategic positioning as a trade and logistics hub linking Africa, the Middle East , and Europe continues to strengthen its economic weight.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, is projected to rank third with a GDP of roughly $334.3 billion. Oil and gas still play a central role, but growth in telecommunications, fintech, agriculture, and entertainment has diversified parts of the economy.

However, the African Exponent has consistently pointed out that currency instability, inflation, and policy uncertainty remain key constraints on Nigeria’s full economic potential.

Algeria is expected to rank fourth at $285.0 billion, buoyed largely by hydrocarbons and higher global energy demand. While diversification remains a challenge, state spending and energy exports continue to anchor the economy.

Morocco, at $196.1 billion, rounds out the top five. Its strength lies in manufacturing, agriculture, tourism, and the growing automotive and aerospace industries. The African Exponent frequently highlights Morocco as one of Africa’s most strategically diversified economies.

Kenya and Ethiopia signal East Africa’s growing economic relevance. Kenya has approximately $140.9 billion, driven by services, finance, ICT, and regional trade. Ethiopia is also around $125.7 billion, supported by manufacturing, agriculture, and state-led industrialisation.

Despite debt pressures and foreign exchange shortages, Ethiopia’s long-term growth fundamentals continue to attract attention across African economic commentary.

Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire, and Angola finalise the list as Ghana sits at $113.5 billion, supported by gold, cocoa, and oil, though fiscal pressures persist. Côte d’Ivoire comes in with $111.5 billion, as one of West Africa’s fastest-growing economies, driven by agriculture and infrastructure. Angola, with $109.9 billion, is heavily dependent on oil but showing gradual signs of reform.

The African Exponent has noted that Côte d’Ivoire’s steady growth contrasts sharply with more volatile commodity-dependent economies, making it one of the continent’s most closely watched performers.

These rankings are based on nominal GDP, not purchasing power or living standards. What this really tells us is where capital, infrastructure, and policy focus are currently concentrated. It also highlights Africa’s continued reliance on a handful of large economies to drive continental growth.

Together, these two projects are set to reshape how Africa connects within itself — and with the rest of the world.

Ethiopia’s Bishoftu is a mega hub in the making

Construction has officially begun on Bishoftu International Airport, a project aimed at addressing a significant issue: Addis Ababa Bole International Airport is expected to reach its capacity limit within two to three years.

Instead of trying to squeeze more out of an airport nearing its operational ceiling, Ethiopia is building a whole new one.

Bishoftu is being developed about 40–45 km southeast of Addis Ababa, and it’s not just an airport — it’s a full-blown $12.5 billion) “Airport City” project and everything about it is huge.

A scale Africa hasn’t seen before

The biggest headline is capacity. Bishoftu is designed to handle 110 million passengers annually, which is far beyond what any airport on the continent currently manages.

To put that in perspective, Africa’s busiest airport right now is O.R. Tambo International Airport in South Africa , and it handles over 20 million passengers. Bishoftu’s planned capacity completely changes the scale of what “Africa’s biggest airport” even means.

Built like a global transit powerhouse

The infrastructure is equally ambitious. The plan includes:

That aircraft parking capacity is more than quadruple what the existing Bole hub can handle.

The development includes a 38 km high-speed railway that will connect Bishoftu to Addis Ababa in just 25 minutes — a big deal for an airport located outside the capital.

Rwanda’s Bugesera is smaller, but very strategic

While Ethiopia is going for a continent-changing mega hub, Rwanda’s approach is different: high-standard growth with a clear strategic focus.

Rwanda is developing Bugesera International Airport , valued at about $2 billion, through a partnership between the Government of Rwanda and Qatar Airways, which holds a 60% stake.

That partnership signals just how seriously Rwanda is treating this project — not only as national infrastructure, but as a major aviation investment.

Built to grow in phases

Bugesera is being developed with a step-by-step plan:

It’s not trying to be the biggest in the world — but it’s clearly being built to scale up over time.

Designed to strengthen Rwanda’s regional role

Bugesera is also tied directly to Rwanda’s aviation ambitions.

The airport is expected to boost RwandAir, Rwanda’s state carrier, supporting its expansion into new markets — including the USA and various African nations.

In other words, the airport isn’t just a new building. It’s meant to help Rwanda compete harder in international aviation.

Africa’s aviation hierarchy

Currently, the largest airports in Africa are led by O.R. Tambo (South Africa), Cairo International (Egypt), with roughly 17 million passengers, and Addis Ababa Bole (Ethiopia) with approximately 12 to 25 million passengers.

The new projects in Ethiopia and Rwanda will stand out by significantly raising the ceiling for African aviation. 

This interest came sharply into focus just after Christmas, when a short statement appeared on the Israeli government’s website. In it, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu praised Somaliland for fighting terrorism and advancing regional peace and said he accepted its independent statehood. The announcement marked the latest and most controversial chapter in a long-running geopolitical contest over the Horn of Africa.

Two to one

To understand why so many powers are invested in Somaliland’s future, it is necessary to look back to the early twentieth century. What is now Somalia was once divided between two European colonial powers. The northwestern region, shaped like the head of a horse angled toward North Africa, was British Somaliland. The rest, stretching along the Indian Ocean coastline, was an Italian colony. The two territories were administered very differently. Britain was primarily concerned with supplying its naval base in Aden and took a limited interest in the development of British Somaliland. Italy, by contrast, pursued a more ambitious imperial project, establishing plantations and centralising governance in an effort to generate wealth.

In 1960, both territories gained independence and agreed to unite as the Somali Republic. But the new state faltered. A military coup in 1969 brought Siad Barre to power, ushering in a long dictatorship. When Barre was overthrown in 1991, the Somali state collapsed entirely. Amid the chaos, the former British Somaliland unilaterally declared independence. The move attracted little international attention at the time, as global efforts focused on preventing humanitarian catastrophes elsewhere in Somalia. Over the following decades, multinational interventions failed to stabilise the country, while piracy and militant groups, most notably al-Shabaab, flourished.

Since around 2012, however, conditions have improved somewhat. Somalia has re-emerged as a federal state, with Somaliland largely left to govern itself, and the neighbouring region of Puntland also enjoying significant autonomy from Mogadishu. Supporters of Somaliland argue that it has demonstrated political maturity through peaceful transfers of power and the development of its own legal and governmental institutions.

Israel's interest

Israel’s interest in Somaliland is not new. Contacts between the two date back several decades, perhaps driven by a shared sense of isolation. More significantly, Somaliland occupies a strategic position near the Bab el Mandeb strait, the narrow passage guarding the entrance to the Red Sea. This is one of the world’s most important shipping routes and one that could be disrupted with relative ease.

That geography has taken on heightened importance for Israel due to Iran’s presence across the strait in Yemen, where Tehran backs the Houthi movement. From Israel’s perspective, access to bases or partners in Somaliland would provide an opportunity to pressure the Houthis from the south as well as from Israeli territory itself.

The diplomatic push and pull extends far beyond Israel and Iran. The European Union, the African Union, and 21 Arab and African countries have condemned Israel’s move. Among them is Turkey, which has cultivated close security and commercial ties with the Somali government in Mogadishu and harbours its own regional ambitions. China has also voiced opposition, viewing the Horn of Africa as a critical node in its Belt and Road trade network. Beijing is deeply wary of secessionist movements, in part because of concerns about its own territorial integrity, and is sending its foreign minister to Somalia to signal support for the federal government.

But the United Arab Emirates stands out for its absence from the Arab condemnation. The UAE has recently been embroiled in a bitter split with Saudi Arabia over influence in the Gulf of Aden in Yemen. As it seeks to protect its investments and trade routes, tacit support for Somaliland could offer strategic advantages, particularly if the United States were to follow Israel’s lead in recognising the region. Saudi Arabia, by contrast, did sign the declaration opposing recognition.

The possibility of US involvement cannot be dismissed. Donald Trump has repeatedly expressed hostility toward Somalia, going out of his way to insult the country and its people. In that context, it is not difficult to imagine him backing a breakup of the Somali state.

Ethiopia also has a strong stake in the outcome. It is Africa’s second most populous country, yet it is landlocked. Any arrangement that recognised Somaliland in exchange for access to the coast would be highly attractive to Addis Ababa.

United States of the Horn of Africa

With so many countries involved, the implications of recognising Somaliland reach far beyond the Horn of Africa. Such a move would inevitably raise questions about other unrecognised or partially recognised territories, including Western Sahara, Kosovo, and perhaps most sensitively, Palestine.

Some scholars argue that the crisis could also be an opportunity. Writing for Global South World , Ethiopian academic Seifudein Adem has suggested a compromise in the form of a federation of Horn of Africa states, including Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia and Djibouti. He notes that tribal and clan relationships in the region often matter more than national affiliations, yet do not align neatly with existing borders. Whether the recognition of Somaliland would bring the United States of the Horn of Africa closer or push it further from reality remains an open question.

Click here to watch our previous episodes

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

According to the agency, chronic underfunding has already led to the scaling back or suspension of key programmes. Many women are being left without safe childbirth services , emergency obstetric care, contraception or protection support. In 2025, UNFPA received only about $4 million of the $38.1 million it requested for Ethiopia.

UNFPA’s Executive Director, Diene Keita, warned that funding cuts are translating into closed clinics and survivors of sexual violence being turned away without help, calling these services “non-negotiable and life-saving.”

The situation is being worsened by overlapping crises, including conflict, climate-driven droughts and floods, and large-scale displacement. Ethiopia is also under additional strain from the war in neighbouring Sudan, as it hosts refugees fleeing violence and collapsing health systems.

UNICEF, on the other hand, says its humanitarian appeal for Ethiopian children remains heavily underfunded, putting essential services such as nutrition, health care and clean water at risk.

According to data from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, Africa’s total GDP in 2024 stands at just under $3 trillion, with these five economies accounting for close to 50% of that figure. Nigeria remains Africa’s largest economy, driven by population size, services and energy exports, while South Africa continues to dominate in financial services, manufacturing and capital markets.

Egypt has strengthened its position through infrastructure spending, energy production and strategic control of the Suez Canal, a key artery for global trade that has taken on renewed importance amid ongoing Red Sea shipping disruptions linked to Middle East tensions.

Algeria’s economy is anchored in hydrocarbons, with natural gas exports becoming increasingly significant for Europe as countries seek alternatives to Russian energy supplies following the war in Ukraine.

Meanwhile, Ethiopia stands out as a non-oil-dependent giant, with growth fueled by agriculture, manufacturing and public investment, despite recent political and security challenges that continue to affect investor confidence.

While Africa is home to more than 1.4 billion people and some of the world’s fastest-growing populations, many countries remain heavily reliant on commodities , vulnerable to climate shocks, debt pressures and limited industrial capacity.

This imbalance is particularly relevant in 2025 as African leaders push for greater intra-African trade under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

Ethiopia’s renewed push for access to the Red Sea is sharply escalating tensions with neighbouring Eritrea, with both governments exchanging accusations of military provocations along the border. The briefing warns that “whatever the outcome, war will devastate,” underscoring fears that any miscalculation could trigger conflict reminiscent of past hostilities. The standoff now threatens regional stability, raising concerns among analysts, diplomats, and humanitarian agencies who note that both countries remain deeply sensitive to territorial and security disputes. The dispute is unfolding at a delicate moment for the Horn of Africa, where shifting alliances and competing port access negotiations are increasing geopolitical pressure.

Ethiopia steps up fundamental institutional and legal reforms

The government is advancing far-reaching institutional and legal reforms aimed at strengthening the justice sector and improving governance . According to the briefing, Ethiopia is “implementing reforms to strengthen justice institutions,” changes that could significantly shape internal political dynamics as well as its relationships with regional neighbours, including Eritrea. These reforms, which appear in both the Eritrea and Ethiopia political briefing sections, are described as essential for Ethiopia’s long-term economic development and its aspirations for deeper regional integration. The restructuring of judicial and legal frameworks is also being closely watched as Ethiopia navigates internal fragmentation and post-conflict reconstruction.

National Dialogue Commission intensifies calls for civic and religious involvement

Amid ongoing political fragmentation, the Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission is urging civic, community, and religious organisations to expand their involvement in helping resolve the country’s mounting challenges . The briefing links this appeal to broader concerns about Ethiopia’s political and economic future, noting that “Ethiopia’s political fragmentation is seen as a major economic bottleneck,” and emphasising that the National Dialogue is a “critical step toward reconciliation.” The Commission warns that sustainable peace will require inclusive participation beyond federal and regional elites, particularly from groups that hold significant moral authority among the population. The success of the national dialogue is increasingly seen as pivotal to preventing renewed conflict and unlocking stalled economic recovery efforts.

Ethiopia’s continental influence highlighted as GERD is hailed as a symbol of unity

Ethiopia’s strategic role within Africa is being elevated on multiple fronts. The CEO of the East Africa Law Society has underscored that Ethiopia remains “central to Africa’s transformation,” pointing to the completion of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) as a powerful symbol of national self-reliance and unity. The commentary emphasises that Ethiopia’s internal stability and institutional strength will directly shape regional progress, particularly in areas of infrastructure, energy, and economic integration. This recognition comes as Ethiopia also assumes a leadership role within the UN-ECA Committee on Social Policy, Poverty, and Gender, alongside Eswatini and other African states—a sign of its enduring diplomatic influence despite domestic challenges.

What they said

Alemu Sime, PhD, Minister of Transport and Logistics, stated that "The Railway Academy will provide efficient transportation services by establishing a modern railway infrastructure to connect the country’s major development centres and all neighbouring countries." Ethiopian Railways Corporation (ERC) The Corporation’s Chief Executive Officer, Hlina Belachew (eng.), also added that "This is a crucial day in the journey of every great institution, when key moments and visions are transformed into reality; this groundbreaking ceremony is a foundation for knowledge, innovation, and the growth of Ethiopian and East African railways."

Authorities said there were no reports of deaths or injuries, but residents described a dramatic and frightening event, with the ground shaking and a column of smoke rising far above the desert basin.

The Toulouse Volcanic Ash Advisory Centre reported ash clouds reaching an altitude of about 14 kilometres and drifting across the Red Sea. Plumes were later detected moving towards Yemen and Oman, and further towards India and northern Pakistan.

Locals on the ground spoke of panic as the eruption began without warning. 

Ahmed Abdela, who lives in Afdera, said the explosion “felt like a sudden bomb had been thrown," leaving families running from their homes.

The region attracts visitors heading to the Danakil desert, known for its salt flats and volcanic landscapes. Travel was brought to a standstill, with stranded tourists unable to move through ash-covered roads.

Officials warned that, although human lives were spared, the consequences for pastoral communities could be severe. Local administrator Mohammed Seid said ashfall had smothered grazing land vital for livestock.

“Our animals now have little to eat,” he said, noting fears that herds may perish if conditions do not improve quickly. Most residents rely almost entirely on livestock for income and food.

The volcano stands roughly 500 metres above sea level within the East African Rift Valley, an area shaped by the slow separation of tectonic plates and frequent seismic activity.

According to the Smithsonian Institution’s Global Volcanism Program, Hayli Gubbi has no recorded eruptions during the Holocene – the geological epoch that began around 12,000 years ago – making Sunday’s event the first known in human history .

This list was developed using data from HypeAuditor , an AI-driven platform that measures influencer performance through its Audience Quality Score (AQS). The AQS evaluates engagement, audience authenticity, and growth dynamics, helping us identify journalists who combine credibility with a genuine connection to their audiences.

If you haven’t read parts three and two of this series yet, be sure to catch up.

Now, let’s move on to the final round, positions 25 to 1.

25. "Monte Oz" (Ghana)

"Monte Oz" is an international journalist and travel storyteller who has journeyed across 91 countries, documenting cultures, people, and places with depth and curiosity.

Through his digital platforms, he shares immersive narratives that highlight the connections between global experiences and local stories.

Check out his TikTok profile.

24. Frank Mavura (Tanzania)

Frank Mavura is a Tanzanian multimedia journalist, content creator, and mental health advocate. He serves as a journalist at BBC News Swahili, where he produces and presents content that resonates with audiences across East Africa.

Beyond his work at the BBC , Mavura is a prominent figure on social media platforms and is a voice-over artist, lending his vocal talents to various projects.

Check out his TikTok profile.

23. Christian Chez Vous (Republic of the Congo)

Christian Chez Vous is a Congolese journalist and digital news producer whose work explores political affairs and conflict across the Republic of the Congo.

Over time, Christian has built his platform as a forum for civic discourse, spotlighting underreported stories and holding power to account. Through his content, he bridges grassroots reporting and broader democratic debate across media channels.

Check out his TikTok profile.

22. Oratile Kekana (South Africa)

Oratile Kekana is a dedicated South African journalist and newsreader working at Capricorn FM , where she anchors weekend news segments and contributes reportage across diverse beats.

She began her broadcasting journey at Zebediela FM as a news reader and later volunteered at TUT FM, sharpening her craft in live radio environments. Over time, she has written for outlets such as City Press and The Citizen , covering issues ranging from health to governance, and has developed a reputation for clear, community-centred journalism.

Check out her TikTok profile.

21. Kwame Dela da Fishbone (Ghana)

Kwame Dela, also known by his moniker “da Fishbone”, is a prominent Ghanaian sports journalist whose commentary and analysis have become staples in Ghanaian radio and digital media.

He previously worked with Angel FM in Kumasi, before moving in 2022 to Wontumi Radio/TV to bolster their sports coverage.  Known for his sharp insights into football, especially Ghana Premier League narratives.

Check out his TikTok profile.

20. "Nsoatreman Tv" (Ghana)

Nsoatreman TV is a Ghanaian media figure who blends journalistic work with philanthropy and music promotion, often using broadcast and digital platforms to spotlight local stories and support community causes.

Check out his TikTok profile.

19. Fifame Salome Attadedji (Benin)

Fifame Salome Attadedji is a bilingual television journalist and live MC who seamlessly combines broadcasting, performance and fashion with journalism.

Her work demonstrates versatility, whether moderating discussions, reporting, or MCing live, she blends entertainment and information, with a distinctive style that emphasises mindset and cultural trends.

Check out her TikTok profile.

18. Kojo Kinn (Ghana)

Kojo Kinn is a Ghanaian entertainment journalist and musician who bridges reporting and creative expression.

He writes for outlets such as Modern Ghana and contributes features on music, culture and the arts, while simultaneously pursuing his own musical projects.

Check out his TikTok profile.

17. Mohamed El Amine Diop (Senegal)

Mohamed El Amine Diop is a Senegalese sports journalist and manager, known for his analytical coverage of football and mixed martial arts through respected outlets like Wiwsport and iGFM.

He often provides commentary on major national events, such as the announcement of Senegal’s squad for the Africa Cup of Nations, and dissects controversies in sport, combining insider access and critical perspective.

Check out his TikTok profile.

16. Hausa Guy (Nigeria)

Hausa Guy is a Nigerian multimedia journalist and content creator who leverages digital platforms to tell stories in Hausa and English. Based in Abuja, he combines reporting, video storytelling and narrative design to spotlight underreported issues, ranging from social justice to cultural identity, within Northern Nigeria and beyond.

Check out his TikTok profile.

15. Millard Afrael Ayo (Tanzania)

Millard Afrael Ayo is a Tanzanian journalist, broadcaster and digital media entrepreneur. He began his career in youth radio before moving into mainstream media with Clouds FM and ITV/Radio One , where he hosted flagship programmes including Amplifaya.

Voted the “Most Influential Young Tanzanian” in 2018 by Avance Media , Ayo has also broken ground online, his YouTube-channel content draws on breaking news and cultural commentary across Tanzania.

Check out his TikTok profile.

14. Peace Diane Bagala (Uganda)

Peace Diane Bagala is a prominent Ugandan sports journalist and presenter. She is recognised for her insightful football commentary and analysis on CBS FM and BBS Terefayina , where she has been a key voice in sports journalism.

From a young age, she demonstrated a keen understanding of football, even recalling the Uganda Cranes' starting lineup during her primary school years. Her journey from humble beginnings to becoming a celebrated media personality is a testament to her dedication and passion for sports journalism.

Check out her TikTok profile.

13. Astou Konaté (Senegal)

Astou Konaté is a Senegalese journalist and presenter based in Dakar, affiliated with Seneweb . She holds a degree in Communication from the Institut Supérieur d'Entrepreneurship et de Gestion (ISEG).

Astou is known for her dynamic presence in sports journalism, particularly covering football events. Her work extends to digital communication, where she engages audiences through various platforms. In 2024, she was nominated for the "Best Journalist" award at the Only Woman Awards , highlighting her impact in the media industry.

Check out her TikTok profile.

12. Beker (Ethiopia)

Beker, is an Ethiopian journalist and content creator who shares a variety of content on his platforms. While specific details about his career are limited, his presence on social media indicates a growing influence in the digital space.

He engages with his audience through a mix of posts, showcasing his interests and perspectives.

Check out his TikTok profile.

11. "Devlin’s Report" (Ghana)

"Devlin’s Report" is a Ghanaian journalist and content creator known for his timely coverage of national news and political developments.

Through his digital platforms, Devlin’s Report has established a reputation for delivering breaking news and in-depth analyses, engaging a growing community of followers interested in Ghana's current affairs.

Check out his TikTok profile.

10. Alex Nawej Tshikomb (Democratic Republic of the Congo)

Alex Nawej Tshikomb is a Congolese journalist, presenter, and content creator based in Lubumbashi. Known for his eclectic style, he blends journalism with MCing and live event hosting, often incorporating dance and fashion into his performances.

His dynamic approach reflects the vibrant media landscape of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Check out his TikTok profile.

9. Gethou Bapile Gbi (Democratic Republic of the Congo)

Gethou Bapile Gbi is a journalist and content creator known for his dynamic presence on social media. She engages her audience through a variety of content, showcasing her interests and perspectives.

Check out her TikTok profile.

8. Shaffie Zele (Kenya)

Shaffie Zele is a Kenyan sports journalist and digital creator, known for his energetic coverage of football and his role as a brand ambassador for BETKUMI and Sofascore.

He blends sports commentary with entertainment, bringing a lively and relatable tone to his content.

Check out his TikTok profile.

7. Cheikh Kébé (Senegal)

Cheikh Kébé is a Senegalese journalist, presenter, and reporter at 2sTV , a leading private television channel. He is known for his clear, engaging reporting and insightful commentary on social and cultural issues.

Cheikh covers significant events, from local disputes to national news, and hosts programmes that foster public discussion.

Check out his TikTok profile.

6. Nana Kwame Adasah (Ghana)

Nana Kwame Adasah is a Ghanaian broadcast journalist, professional MC, and poet, affiliated with the EIB Network, which includes GHOne TV , Kasapa FM , and Star FM.

He is renowned for his compelling spoken word performances, often featured on platforms like Onua TV , where he captivates audiences with his rhythmic recitations. Beyond his journalistic and poetic endeavors, Adasah serves as a master of ceremonies for various events, blending eloquence and charisma to engage attendees.

Check out his TikTok profile.

5. Rose Jiya Nima (Nigeria)

Rose Jiya Nima is a Nigerian journalist, police officer, and on-air personality. She is known for her engaging presence on social media platforms, where she shares a mix of content related to her professional experiences and personal insights.

Her work bridges the gap between law enforcement and journalism, offering a unique perspective on both fields.

Check out her TikTok profile.

4. Hikma Temam (Ethiopia)

Hikma Temam is an Ethiopian journalist and digital storyteller who uses her platforms to share relevant and impactful stories from across Africa.

Through her YouTube-channel, HIKMA TEMAM , she explores the continent’s political, cultural and social realities, celebrating Africa’s progress while challenging global misconceptions. Her work offers authentic, locally grounded perspectives on the issues shaping Africa’s future.

Check out her TikTok profile.

3. "Miss Coumbae" (Senegal)

"Miss Coumbae" is a Senegalese sports journalist and presenter at RTS, known for her dynamic coverage of football events.

She is also a passionate supporter of Real Madrid. Her engaging presence on platforms like Instagram reflects her commitment to sports journalism and her vibrant personality.

Check out her TikTok profile.

2. Vito Gaye (Senegal)

Vito Gaye is a Senegalese journalist, radio host, and television presenter known for his dynamic presence in the media landscape. He serves as a TV presenter at 313 Digital and is recognized for his engaging commentary on current affairs.

In addition to his television work, Gaye is a radio host and voice-over artist, bringing a versatile skill set to his media engagements. His multifaceted career reflects a commitment to informing and entertaining audiences across various platforms.

Check out his TikTok profile.

1. Ogechi Emeh (Nigeria)

Emeh Lilian Ogechi is number one on this list. Known on TikTok as "Adaigbo Global", she is a Nigerian news reporter and digital storyteller who uses her platform to amplify Igbo culture, heritage and community voices.

She reports on social and economic issues affecting Nigerians both at home and abroad, often spotlighting stories of local development and entrepreneurship. Alongside her reporting, she also shares insights on real estate opportunities in Anambra and Abuja, linking them to broader narratives of economic empowerment.

Her work blends journalism and advocacy, driven by a deep commitment to cultural preservation and community progress.

Check out her TikTok profile.

This list was created with the help of  HypeAuditor  and is based on the  Audience Quality Score (AQS) . In cases of a tie, the engagement rate was used to determine the ranking. The keywords used in our search were 'journalist', 'journalism', 'host', 'reporter', and 'presenter' in all African countries.

Read more from this series exploring TikTok journalism across the Global South:

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 4.

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 3.

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 2.

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 1.

Top journalists in Southeast Asia. Part 3.

Top journalists in Southeast Asia. Part 2.

Top journalists in Southeast Asia. Part 1

Between 2013 and 2022, Bangladesh, India, Ethiopia, Indonesia, and Vietnam together received 25% of all international climate adaptation funding to the Global South , according to a new study published in World Development.

According to the study, "Thirty percent of the 182,834 projects climate and/or biodiversity projects explicitly sought to contribute to both climate adaptation and biodiversity objectives. Of these 55,907 projects, approximately 6,208 had both climate adaptation and biodiversity as their principal objective."

“Bangladesh, India, Ethiopia, Indonesia, and Vietnam were the top 5 recipients of climate adaptation funding. These 5 countries together make up for a quarter of the total funding during the study period,” the study found.

"Vietnam and India also appear in the top 5 of total biodiversity investments," the study also found.

Here is a breakdown of total climate adaptation investment, per capita adaptation investments, total biodiversity investments, per hectare biodiversity investments, and total mixed investments.

Bangladesh

The delta nation, crisscrossed by rivers and facing sea-level rise and cyclones, has long been the face of climate vulnerability. But it’s also been proactive.

Between 2013 and 2022, Bangladesh received a total of $2,882 million in climate adaptation funding; climate adaptation funding per capita of $17.63; total biodiversity funding of $654.5 million; biodiversity funding per hectare of $4,432, and total mixed funding of $471 million.

India

India ranks second with climate projects ranging from solar irrigation and urban cooling to water conservation and ecosystem restoration. India received climate adaptation funding of about $2,753 million; climate adaptation funding per capita of $1.996; total biodiversity funding of $2,929 million; biodiversity funding per hectare of $891.0; and total mixed funding $903.9 million.

The study indicated that "the differences between the top and bottom recipients of funding are large: average per capita investments of the top 10 countries over the period 2013–2022 are US$ 930, with Tuvalu receiving per capita funding as high as US$ 4257, compared to less than US$ 1 for the bottom 10 recipient countries."

Ethiopia

Ethiopia ranks third, and many of its projects focus on restoring degraded land and improving food security , areas that also generate biodiversity co-benefits.

The country received climate adaptation funding of about $2,600 million; climate adaptation funding per capita of $23.72; total biodiversity funding of $1,267 million; biodiversity funding per hectare of $1,115; and total mixed funding of $1,351 million.

But despite being one of Africa’s most climate-exposed nations, Ethiopia still receives far less per capita than smaller or more stable countries, showing that vulnerability alone doesn’t guarantee funding.

Indonesia :

With its vast tropical forests, peatlands, and coastlines, the country is both a carbon sink and a climate hotspot. Indonesia received climate adaptation funding of about $2,409 million; climate adaptation funding per capita of $9.029; total biodiversity funding of $1,320 million; biodiversity funding per hectare of $689.5; and total mixed funding of $781.1 million.

Further stating that "climate adaptation funding and biodiversity funding were strongly and positively correlated. This finding is supported by spatial analysis, which shows that countries receiving relatively high amounts of both climate adaptation funding per capita and biodiversity funding per hectare are roughly located around the equator."

Vietnam:

Home to one of the most polluted cities, Hanoi, Vietnam, receives the fifth-largest share of the global climate adaptation funding. Vietnam received $2.188 billion in total climate adaptation funding, equivalent to $23.33 per capita. It also received $1.526 billion in total biodiversity funding, or $4,606 per hectare in biodiversity funding. In total, it received $768.8 million.

To compile this ranking, we used  HypeAuditor , an AI-powered influencer marketing platform. Its  Audience Quality Score (AQS)  – which evaluates engagement, audience authenticity, growth patterns, and overall community quality – helped us spotlight digital creators who stand out not just for their reach, but for the real impact they’re making.

If you missed the first part of the series, make sure to check it out here , and if you want to see the top places, check here.

Now, here are spots 50-26.

50. Feleke Demissie (Ethiopia)

Feleke Demissie is a sports journalist who shares news, reviews, and analysis across social platforms. He covers sports events with clear and engaging storytelling. His content combines professional journalism with accessible digital media, connecting with audiences interested in sports.

Check out his TikTok profile.

49. Alex Charming (Ghana)

Alex Charming is a blogger, journalist, and lab tech who shares informative multimedia content across social platforms. His videos range from explanatory formats to demonstrative clips, always covering news and updates relevant to his region.

Check out his TikTok profile.

48. Dokteur Mouaz (Cameroon)

Dokteur Mouaz is a journalist and IT entrepreneur who shares informative content across social platforms. He produces news updates and digital media that combine professional journalism with insights into technology and entrepreneurship.

Check out his TikTok profile.

47. Mohamed Ally (Kenya)

Mohamed Ally, known as "Magical Moha", is a Kenyan investigative journalist who has built a strong following through his digital presence, particularly on TikTok. Known for his bold and direct style, he uses social media to highlight political, social and justice issues often overlooked by mainstream outlets.

Combining his identity as a devout Muslim with a commitment to accountability, Moha has become an emerging voice in Kenya’s digital journalism landscape.

Check out his TikTok profile.

46. Kissibo Hawali Baggett (Uganda)

Kissibo Hawali Baggett is an investigative journalist and multimedia content creator from the Busoga region who runs the"KHB UGANDA" YouTube channel and active social accounts.

He focuses on grassroots, street-level investigations, exposing alleged fraud, local governance failures and everyday injustices, using a mix of longer YouTube reports and short social videos to amplify community complaints and push for accountability.

Check out his TikTok profile.

45. Roger Elgon (Uganda)

Roger Elgon is a Ugandan journalist and radio station manager based in Kapchorwa who leads programming at Elgon Radio 95.4 FM, a station known for its local focus in the Eastern Region.

He plays a key role in shaping content that speaks to the concerns of the Sebei community, covering culture, entertainment, local governance, and events both on air and through community outreach.

Check out his TikTok profile.

44. Seydou Nourou (Senegal)

Seydou Nourou is a TV presenter and journalist with a strong digital presence, particularly on platforms like Instagram and TikTok, where he shares content related to media, culture and faith.

Check out his TikTok profile.

43. "Presenter Athman" (Kenya)

"Presenter Athman" is a journalist and digital content creator based in Mombasa, Kenya, who has built a wide following by blending radio presentation, sports commentary and lifestyle content with social media storytelling.

Check out his TikTok profile.

42. Mbaye Anta (Senegal)

Mbaye Anta, who goes by the name “Chronique de Mbaye”, is a Senegalese sports journalist and communicator who runs a YouTube channel specialising in football and general sports coverage, often highlighting local talent and sporting events while engaging audiences with dynamic storytelling.

Check out his TikTok profile.

41. Danladi Rock (Ghana)

Danladi Rock is a Ghanaian musician, songwriter, and journalist who also runs King Rock Music, his own label or studio.

While his primary public work is musical, releasing singles and albums like “Konjo” and “Mister Police” under the King Rock banner, he appears to use his journalistic background to inform his lyrical content, weaving social commentary and local cultural themes into his songs.

Check out his TikTok profile.

40. Munakabanga (Uganda)

Munakabanga the Analyst is a sports commentator, presenter and reporter who brings encyclopaedic knowledge of games and athletes to his audience, combining live analysis with in-depth commentary.

Check out his TikTok profile.

39. Elimane Cissé (Senegal)

Elimane Cissé is a Senegalese sports journalist, commentator and YouTuber known for streaming live football matches, wrestling events, and mixed martial arts on his verified YouTube channel.

He studied at ISEG Dakar and works independently, blending commentary and streaming into a digital media presence that engages fans across Francophone Africa.

Check out his TikTok profile.

38. Fagende Abdi (Somalia)

Fagende Abdi is a Somali journalist, reporter and multimedia storyteller who directs Sahal Cable in the Nugaal region, delivering news, feature reports and live broadcasts for communities in Puntland.

He works across formats, writing, photography, video and audio, to bring attention to regional developments, governance challenges and human stories often underreported in Somali media.

Check out his TikTok profile.

37. Germain Muloko (Democratic Republic of the Congo)

Germain Muloko is a journalist and media director. He appears to oversee or direct journalistic content, likely managing teams or a media outlet, and contributes to public discourse through reporting.

Check out his TikTok profile.

36. Jean-Baptiste Kabeya (Democratic Republic of the Congo)

Jean-Baptiste Kabeya is a political journalist and reporter based in Mbuji-Mayi, in the Kasaï-Oriental province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

He works for Radio Fondation Daniel Madimba (FDM Radio), a community station broadcasting locally, and contributes also to Dépêche.cd, an online news outlet.

Check out his TikTok profile.

35. Ahmed Hamouda (Egypt)

Ahmed Hamouda is a sports presenter and founder of the media outlet المهم (Al-Muhim). He works with 365Scores, delivering sports news and commentary, and also hosts content on his YouTube channel, where he engages fans with match analysis, interviews and sports insights.

Check out his TikTok profile.

34. Xaaji Mideeye (Somalia)

Xaaji Mideeye is an independent Somali journalist who publishes around the clock on social media platforms, focusing on breaking news and real-time reporting.

Known for his rapid updates and on-the-ground coverage, he leverages digital channels to bring timely information to audiences in Somalia and the Horn of Africa.

Check out his TikTok profile.

33. Habiba Amdala (Ethiopia)

Habiba Amdala is a TV anchor and host known as Hab News, with a strong digital following. She operates in broadcast and online media, presenting news and current affairs, and engages audiences through her personal portrayal of stories.

Check out her TikTok profile.

32. "El Solo TV" (Benin)

"El Solo TV" is a multifaceted media personality from Benin, known for his work as a comedian, writer, poet, journalist, columnist, and storyteller. He engages audiences through a blend of humour, literary expression, and insightful commentary, contributing to the cultural and media landscape of his community.

Check out his TikTok profile.

31. Donald Prince Kouassi (Benin)

Donald Prince Kouassi Kpanou is a journalist, reporter, and presenter at Lumen Christi TV, a Catholic television station in Benin. He is known for his work covering religious events and community stories, bringing a faith-based perspective to his reporting.

His role at Lumen Christi TV involves presenting news and features that resonate with the values and interests of the Catholic community in Benin.

Check out his TikTok profile.

30. "Sports Doctor" (Ghana)

"Sports Doctor" is a Ghanaian sports journalist and presenter known for his dynamic coverage of local and international sports. He co-hosts the sports segment "Floodlight Sports" on Angel 102.9 FM, where he provides in-depth analysis and commentary on various sporting events.

Check out his TikTok profile.

29. Hassannoor Ciyaarjaceyl (Kenya)

Hassannoor Ciyaarjaceyl is a journalist known for his real-time reporting and political commentary. He actively engages audiences through his social media platforms, providing insights into current issues and fostering discussions on political landscapes.

His work reflects a commitment to keeping the public informed and engaged with the evolving socio-political environment.

Check out his TikTok profile.

28. "All Star Blog" (Ghana)

"All Star Blog" is a Ghanaian sports journalist and content creator known for his dynamic coverage of local and international sports events. He is an accredited journalist with both FIFA and CAF and a proud member of the Sports Writers Association of Ghana.

Through his blog and YouTube channel, he provides insightful commentary, match analyses, and interviews, engaging a wide audience passionate about sports.

Check out his TikTok profile.

27. Bassant El Miniawy (Egypt)

Bassant El Miniawy is an Egyptian journalist and media professional known for her role as an anchor at Cairo 24 and as the presenter of the programme "جيب المواطن" ("Citizen's Pocket").

In addition to her broadcasting work, she serves as a marketing manager, blending her media expertise with strategic communication skills.

Check out her TikTok profile.

26. Yaya Muhammad (Nigeria)

Yaya Muhammad is a multimedia journalist, digital media specialist, and filmmaker from Kano, Northern Nigeria. He serves as the Station Manager at Iconic FM 104.5 Sokoto, where he leads programming and editorial direction.

With a background in SBCC (Social and Behavioural Change Communication), he integrates storytelling with strategic communication to influence public opinion and promote social change.

Check out his TikTok profile.

Discover the first part of the list (numbers 25-1) on November 13.

This list was created with the help of  HypeAuditor  and is based on the  Audience Quality Score (AQS) . In case of a tie between two or more personalities, we used the engagement rate to determine the order. The keywords used in our search were 'journalist', 'journalism', 'host', 'reporter', and 'presenter' in all African countries.

Read more from this series exploring TikTok journalism across the Global South:

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 4.

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 3.

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 2.

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 1.

Top journalists in Southeast Asia. Part 3.

Top journalists in Southeast Asia. Part 2.

Top journalists in Southeast Asia. Part 1

South Sudan is staging a comeback, with its oil sector fuelling recovery. Guinea is booming, powered by rich deposits of bauxite and iron ore and a surge in energy projects.

In Ethiopia, growth remains strong, driven by construction, agriculture, and energy expansion.

Rwanda continues to attract attention through its vibrant tech start-up ecosystem and thriving tourism industry, while Uganda is positioning itself for an economic boost from new oil production and robust coffee exports.

The IMF attributes these successes to smart policy reforms and improved debt management, which are enabling these economies to stay steady even as global demand weakens.

On May 24, 1991, Eritrean forces captured their capital, Asmara, a victory which effectively marked the end of decades of war and ultimately secession from Ethiopia. This was the first such case in post-colonial Africa. Just six days earlier, the Somali Republic, which was created in 1960, split as Somaliland (a former British colony) declared independence from Somalia (a former Italian colony). 

Eritrea seceded from a union with Ethiopia, which had been imposed on it in 1962, but Somaliland seceded from a greater Somalia to which it had consented.

Ethiopia’s own government ultimately facilitated Eritrea’s recognition as a sovereign state by the international community.

Thirty-four years after its secession, Somaliland is still in search of international recognition in the face of fierce opposition from Somalia. And then, suddenly, Ethiopia suggested on January 1, 2024, that a quid pro quo may be possible after all: diplomatic recognition in return for access to the sea. If the deal were carried through as planned, it would be the most consequential international event in the Horn of Africa in decades. The hope was that Ethiopia’s recognition would pave the way for similar actions by other states, eventually leading to the birth of the world ’s newest state, the Republic of Somaliland.

So, to recap the two scenarios:

Inter-state and inter-ethnic conflicts continue to define the Horn of Africa.

Blinded by post-colonial logic

Even if Ethiopia and Somaliland had been able to execute as planned without any negative repercussions, their solution would have fallen short of addressing the seemingly intractable problem of the Horn of Africa. But why is the region so chronically unstable, and what can be done about it for the long term? All parties have an interest in the prosperity that a more stable region would generate.

The challenge, as so often, is about history. Ethiopia, alone among the states in the Horn of Africa, was never colonised.”. But its borders were nevertheless a product of struggles and arrangements made in capitals thousands of miles away. The ultimate consequence of the partition of the Horn of Africa was that cohesive nations of people who should have been governing themselves found borders separating them into different states. Conversely, those who should have been separated found themselves on the same side of the line as people with conflicting cultures, histories and traditions. 

This is the fundamental root of the political instability of the Horn of Africa.

What came into being in the region in the post-colonial period was Ethiopia, a state in search of a nation, and Somalia and Djibouti, nations in search of a state. Eritrea is neither a state nor a nation—it is an entity in search of both.

The political concept of state denotes administrative structure and control, and the sociological concept of nation denotes collective identity. 

Over the years, several proposals have been put forward for addressing the challenge of political instability in the Horn of Africa. One element that these proposals had in common was the need to maintain existing colonial borders, even if the countries in the region were to form some kind of union. The logic of avoiding the inevitable disputes and wrangling over a redrawing of boundaries is understandable. But is it compatible with a solution to the underlying problems?

What if our fixation with national borders with customs points, and fences is merely entrenching the errors of the past? What if we look instead at governance and decision-making and consider a framework that can support the needs of people without simply recreating existing problems in new locations? In fact, this formula is consistent with what is seemingly being practised in Ethiopia at the moment—ethnic federalism. But this approach also transcends it. The autonomy of different ethnic regions should be disproportional or asymmetric, reflecting the distinctive historical experiences of various regions. Some areas have greater cohesion and more unity, others need more independence.

It should be noted that such a concept is not new to Eritrea: Eritrea enjoyed a special status between 1952 and 1962. It was granted a federal status in an otherwise unitary Ethiopia. After a decade, however, Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia abrogated the federal treaty with the support of the US, which, because of the Cold War, had a significant geostrategic interest in the region.

Such a special status should be extended not only to Eritrea but also to other regions in the Horn of Africa, including particularly Somaliland. If this type of asymmetric constitutionalism is implemented, the result could be the United States of the Horn of Africa. In theory, this would also become a stepping stone toward the realisation of the long-dreamt United States of Africa.

Author’s note: In this essay, I have referred to the Horn of Africa as Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti, and Eritrea. The Greater Horn of Africa clearly also encompasses Sudan, South Sudan, Kenya, and Uganda.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Seifudein Adem is a visiting professor at the Institute of Advanced Research and Education at Doshisha University, Kyoto, Japan. He has taught in Ethiopia, the US, Japan and China and is the author of several books on international relations.

The letter, seen by AFP, warned that the alleged collusion “had become more evident over the past few months.”

The Ethiopian government accused both Eritrea and the TPLF of “funding, mobilising and directing armed groups” in the Amhara region, where Fano militiamen have been engaged in conflict with federal forces.

Eritrea has not yet commented on the contents of the letter. However, relations between the two neighbours have been increasingly strained in recent months, with the Red Sea emerging as a major flashpoint.

Eritrea gained control of the Red Sea coastline when it became independent from Ethiopia in 1993. The two countries later fought a brutal border war from 1998 to 2000, which killed tens of thousands of people .

Tensions between them had eased after Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018 and built an alliance with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki. But relations have since deteriorated, especially as Ethiopia pushes for renewed access to the Red Sea.

According to Addis Standard, the letter from the foreign minister accused Eritrea and TPLF hardliners of supporting Fano's attempted capture of Woldiya, a town in the Amhara region, in September. The paper reported that “TPLF commanders and fighters participated directly in the operation,” quoting the letter.

The letter also stated that the Eritrean government is attempting to destabilise Ethiopia as it felt threatened by Addis Ababa's bid to gain access to the Red Sea.

A faction of the TPLF led by Debretsion Gebremichael controls the government in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, which borders Eritrea. That faction accuses Abiy’s government of failing to fully implement the 2022 peace deal that ended the Tigray conflict. It also claims that another TPLF faction, led by Getachew Reda, is working with the federal government in Addis Ababa.

Eritrea, which supported Ethiopian forces during the Tigray conflict, was not a party to the 2022 peace deal. It is now being accused of aligning itself with the Debretsion-led TPLF faction against the federal government.

Meanwhile, conflict in Ethiopia’s Amhara region has intensified. The Fano militias, formerly allies of the government against the TPLF, have refused to disarm, accusing the government of targeting the Amhara ethnic group. The militias appear to be expanding their goals, with increasing efforts to topple the federal government and mounting deadly operations.

Speaking in Ethiopia’s parliament on Monday, President Taye Atske Selassie described the Red Sea and River Nile as “great water resources, which are essential to our country's existence.”

In response, Eritrea’s Information Minister Yemane Gebremeskel dismissed the comments, saying the rhetoric was “too crass and pathetic to sell.” He added that the Ethiopian ruling party's “obsession” with the Red Sea and River Nile was “bizarre and mind-boggling by all standards.”

Despite the strict accusations, Ethiopia's letter to the UN also indicated a desire for peaceful resolution, stating that the country “hoped to negotiate with the Eritrean government over this issue.”

The GERD has long been a flashpoint between the two countries. Egypt views it as a threat to its water security, while Ethiopia calls it a vital source of energy and national pride.

“There is no explanation other than a deliberate act of defiance by the Ethiopian side,” said Mokhtar Ghobashy, a lawyer and deputy head of the Arab Centre for Political and Strategic Studies. 

Ghobashy accused Ethiopia of acting unilaterally throughout the GERD’s construction and operation.

“It’s clear that they have a complete disregard for the historical rights of Egypt and Sudan,” he said.

Ethiopia, for its part, insists the dam reduced flood damage and supports regional development, rejecting Cairo’s claims as “malicious and baseless.”

For Egypt, the rising waters are more than a natural disaster. They are a reminder of a power struggle flowing through the Nile itself, where survival and sovereignty now intertwine.

He said Ethiopia’s economy expanded by 9.2% during the 2024/25 fiscal year, driven by strong growth in agriculture, industry, and other key sectors.

The president added that the East African nation completed the fiscal year without taking direct loans from the central bank, signalling fiscal discipline and economic stability, local outlet Fanamc reported.

According to BMI, a Fitch Solutions Company, Ethiopia’s economy is projected to grow by an average of 7.2% between 2025 and 2034. However, it warned that ongoing security challenges in the Horn of Africa—one of the world’s most unstable regions—could slow progress in Africa’s second most populous nation, home to over 130 million people.

In September, Ethiopia inaugurated the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), the continent’s largest hydroelectric project, with a capacity of 5,150 megawatts. 

The $5 billion project, located on the Blue Nile in the Benishangul-Gumuz region near the Sudanese border, is expected to provide electricity to millions of citizens.

Speaking to Global South World at the Crans Montana Forum, Henok described how Africa’s economic growth is already driving demand for air travel. “We’re seeing the highest GDP growth rates now in Africa,” he said. “Countries like Ethiopia, Rwanda, Morocco, Kenya and Côte d’Ivoire are registering growth of six to seven percent per year. More people have disposable incomes, which directly translates into air travel growth.”

Hundreds of planes

Yet that demand is colliding with limited capacity. According to Henok, Africa will need roughly 1,200 new planes over the next 20 years to meet the rising demand. That means massive investment not only in aircraft but also in airports, maintenance hubs, and supply chains. Ethiopia, for instance, is preparing to build one of the world’s largest airports - a $10 billion project designed for 100 million passengers annually.

Henock, a former Ethiopian ambassador to France and Spain, also highlighted the high cost of aviation fuel and restrictive regulations as barriers to progress. He called on African governments to fully implement the Single African Air Transport Market (SAATM), a continent-wide open skies agreement first adopted by African Union leaders in 2017. “Thirty-five countries have signed on, but we need everybody,” he said. “A liberalised African airspace will increase connectivity, lower prices and benefit both airlines and travellers.”

Despite hurdles, Henok sees a continent “visibly rising” with its youthful demographics and technological dynamism. He points to mobile money systems that outpace Europe ’s and to Morocco’s aviation manufacturing sector, which is integrated into Boeing’s global supply chain and generates more than $2 billion in annual exports. For him, these partnerships illustrate how Africa can leverage foreign technology on its own terms to build “win-win” industries.

At the forefront

Looking ahead, Henok envisions an Africa where more people can afford to travel, airports match global standards, and airlines operate the latest fuel-efficient aircraft. Ethiopian Airlines, for example, was among the first in the world to buy Boeing’s 787 Dreamliner and is now a launch customer for the new 777X.

“Africa is the continent of the present and the future,” he said. “When you see cities transformed and a young population full of energy, it gives me hope. If the future is bright for Africa, it will be bright for the world.”

Interview filmed by Said Echarif at the Crans Montana Forum in Rabat

[This article was amended to correct the name of Henok Teferra Shawl]

Ethiopia is moving closer to joining the World Trade Organisation (WTO) after the successful conclusion of the 6th Working Party meeting on its accession process, Trade and Regional Integration Minister Kassahun Gofe announced. The minister described the outcome as a historic milestone, noting that it marks a decisive step in Ethiopia’s 23-year effort to secure WTO membership. The meeting approved elements to be compiled into a draft working party report, a critical requirement for accession.

Ethiopia and Italy sign €4.1m deal to boost healthcare

Ethiopia and Italy have signed a €4.1 million agreement to strengthen healthcare services at Shire Hospital in Tigray and Gondar Hospital in Amhara. The deal was signed by Ethiopia’s Finance Minister Ahmed Shide and Italian Ambassador Agostino Palese. Ahmed said the project will help restore essential healthcare for over 15 million people, reaffirming the two countries’ longstanding partnership in resilience, recovery, and development.

Ethiopia hit by hailstorms and floods destroying farmland

Severe weather has devastated parts of Ethiopia, with hailstorms in Tigray and floods and landslides in Amhara destroying thousands of hectares of farmland and leaving tens of thousands of farming households in distress. In Degua Tembien Woreda, Southeast Tigray Zone, a hailstorm on 26 September damaged 143 hectares of cultivated land, completely wiping out crops and affecting 284 households. Local officials said the disaster poses serious risks to food security and livestock survival. Gebrekiristos Aregawi, Chief Administrator of Degua Tembien Woreda, pledged limited local support while appealing for broader government and NGO assistance.

Ethiopia’s army defends Red Sea and Assab claim

The Ethiopian National Defence Forces (ENDF) declared that Ethiopia’s claim over the Red Sea and the Port of Assab is non-negotiable, dismissing any opposition as “banditry.” In a statement issued on 27 September, the ENDF described the matter as a long-standing national grievance that has undermined Ethiopia’s sovereignty and geopolitical interests for more than three decades. The army said that the international elevation of the Red Sea question has been met with strong support among Ethiopian soldiers, who expressed readiness to make sacrifices to secure the country’s national interest.

Ethiopia imposes 30% tax on petroleum products

Ethiopia’s Ministry of Finance has announced the full implementation of a 30% tax on petroleum products for the 2025/26 fiscal year, comprising a 15% value-added tax and a 15% excise duty. The measure, included in the newly approved citizens’ budget, is part of the government’s Homegrown Economic Reform Agenda aimed at boosting domestic revenue. The tax follows the phased removal of fuel subsidies since mid-2022, which has already raised diesel and gasoline prices by more than 50%.

That was the prime minister of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed giving a speech about the opening of a massive new dam on the Nile.

But he didn't keep his promise. Because the GERD is part of history. Here's why: 

What's in a name?

The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, isn't like other dams. Mostly they are named for the places where they are located - China ’s Three Gorges Dam or the Itaipu Dam on the border of Paraguay and Brazil. Sometimes they do get a name to honour a historical figure - The Boulder Dam in the US was renamed the Hoover Dam.

But this one carries the name of the country. Sandwiched in between Grand and Renaissance. So you can tell straight away this is intended to be a BIG Deal.

In numbers

It’s the biggest hydroelectric project in Africa, expected to be able to produce more than 5,000 megawatts, that’s around the same level as five nuclear reactors. And about double what Ethiopia produced previously. The reservoir behind it can hold around 74 billion cubic meters of water. That’s almost as big as Lake Geneva in Switzerland. Put another way, it’s enough water to supply the needs of New York City for around half a century. And all that for the modest sum of $5 billion dollars.

What's not to like?

Not everyone is happy. Egypt’s reaction to the dam has ranged from furious to very angry to absolutely apoplectic. The Nile accounts for around 90% of the water supply and is relied upon by almost 120 million Egyptians. When the dam project was first announced, some in Egypt even threatened military action and there was talk of sabotaging the construction.

Relations thawed in 2014 and the various parties - Sudan is also heavily involved, although not quite as angry as Egypt - came to an deal, agreeing to cooperate on water use. Egypt still wasn’t exactly happy though.

So Cairo went on to seek mediation from the US and the World Bank and even the UN Security Council. Ultimately, Ethiopia stood its ground and said basically: "Our country, our water!" and continued building the dam and filling the reservoir. Egypt issued more warnings, tried to get Sudan on board and is still talking about the dam as a threat to its national security. And while both sides say they want a solution, there doesn’t seem any immediate prospect of that happening because Ethiopia would have to agree to giving up at least some control over how it could use the dam.

A regional asset

Which brings us back to the fact that it’s called an Ethiopian Dam, which certainly implies sovereignty. It is seen as a genuine part of the Renaissance of the country. And the government is so confident in the transformation that it will deliver that it has even banned import of petrol vehicles so it can switch to electric cars powered by green Ethiopian energy.

Other neighbouring countries are also pretty excited, because electricity is a precious commodity in Africa, which is home to the bulk of the 660 million people in the world without access to electric power. And, of course, hundreds of millions more have unstable and unreliable supplies. So Kenya and other countries are eager to up their imports from Ethiopia now the dam is up and running.

Kenya’s president William Ruto was among the high profile leaders at the dam’s inauguration this week, praising it as an African initiative. A less expected presence was the prime minister of Barbados - but the message there was that this is not only an African success but something developing nations around the world can aspire to. If you’re not Egypt, the dam looks like a win-win:  improving the lives of citizens in a climate friendly and economy-boosting manner.

Independent power

And this dam is really symbolic also of an anti-colonial message. Ethiopia prides itself on being one of the only African nations never to have been colonised. And Prime Minister Ahmed didn’t miss the opportunity to press the point in his inauguration speech, telling attendees:

“Ethiopia's prosperity is sure to be real. Ethiopia will once more show its strength to the black people like that of the Adwa battle. This is our second Adwa victory. Let us therefore stand strong together in unity and prosperity."

The battle of Adwa is perhaps the most famous moment in Ethiopian history, indeed one of the most celebrated in the whole of modern African history. It saw local forces led by Emperor Menelik II and  Empress Taytu Betul defeat an invading Italian army in 1896, preserving their country’s independence. It inspired people with African heritage across the world, including leaders of America’s civil rights movement. By putting it into his speech, Ahmed setting up the dam up as something far beyond a power plant.

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

For Ethiopia, the continent’s second-most populous nation with more than 120 million people, the GERD is a symbol of national pride and economic transformation. The government says the dam will power homes, factories, and infrastructure projects, creating new opportunities for development and export of electricity to neighboring states.

But the project has also heightened tensions with Egypt and Sudan, who depend heavily on Nile waters for drinking, farming, and industry. Cairo has long feared that the dam will reduce its share of the river, which supplies more than 90% of Egypt’s freshwater. Sudan, too, has expressed concern about how water flows and dam operations might affect its irrigation systems and existing dams.

Ethiopia has dismissed these fears, arguing that the project will benefit the region by regulating floods and expanding power supply. Officials insist that GERD will not significantly harm downstream countries, pointing instead to its role in stabilizing water flows during drought years.

The dispute also touches on history. By moving forward with GERD, Ethiopia is sidestepping the 1929 Anglo-Egyptian Treaty, a colonial-era pact that gave Egypt veto power over Nile projects and granted it the lion’s share of water rights. Addis Ababa has long rejected the treaty as outdated and unjust.

Talks between Ethiopia, Egypt, and Sudan have repeatedly stalled, and analysts warn that the absence of a binding agreement could fuel further tensions in an already fragile region.

The Ethiopian Media Professionals Association (EMPA) has called for accountability following the abduction of two journalists earlier this month. Abdulsemed Mohammed, host of Saturday Market on Ahadu FM 94.3, was held for 12 days, while Reporter senior editor Yonas Amare was detained for 10 days. EMPA described their disappearance as “an illegal act” and urged authorities to ensure justice. The group also stressed that abducting and harassing journalists undermines media freedom and the public’s right to information. Reports indicate that Amare was taken from his home in Sheger City on August 13 by masked individuals, while Mohammed was abducted in Addis Ababa on August 11.

Registration drive for 7.4 million students

The Amhara Regional State Education Bureau in northern Ethiopia has opened registration for the 2025/2026 academic year, aiming to enrol over 7.4 million students despite ongoing security challenges. Mulunesh Dessie (PhD), Coordinator of the Social Sector and Bureau Head, said registration will run from August 25 to September 5, with classes beginning September 16. She noted a steep decline in enrollment, with 4.4 million children missing school last year—the highest in Ethiopia, according to UNICEF. Persistent conflict, drought, floods, and instability have severely disrupted education in the region.

Colombia’s Vice President arrives in Addis Ababa

Colombian Vice President Francia Elena Márquez Mina has begun an official working visit to Ethiopia. She was welcomed at the Addis Ababa Bole International Airport by Health Minister Dr. Mekdes Daba and State Minister of Foreign Affairs Ambassador Berhanu Tsegaye. Márquez is expected to hold discussions with senior Ethiopian officials during her stay.

Capital Market Authority proposes new investment directive

The Ethiopian Capital Market Authority (ECMA) has issued a draft directive on collective investment schemes (CIS) for public review, one month after the launch of the Ethiopian Securities Exchange. The framework, based on the Capital Market Proclamation No. 1248/2021, outlines registration, operation, and supervision of pooled investment funds. ECMA said the directive aims to mobilise capital, promote financial innovation, and protect investors while ensuring market integrity and efficiency.

Ethiopia steps up campaign to reclaim looted heritage

Ethiopia has accelerated efforts to repatriate cultural artefacts looted during the colonial era, submitting a comprehensive inventory to UNESCO to block illegal auctions and strengthen international cooperation. Recent recoveries include “Tsehay,” Ethiopia’s first home-built aircraft, as well as relics such as the mantle of Ras Desta Damtew, the Ethiopian Order of the Star, and the armour of Emperor Tewodros II. The government is also preparing new UNESCO nominations, including Al-Nejashi Mosque, Ethiopian coffee traditions, and staple crop onset, highlighting cultural sustainability as a core national development pillar.

In 2025 alone, over 15 African countries are actively involved in space programmes, with Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt, and Kenya leading the charge. According to the African Space Industry Annual Report, the continent’s space economy was valued at $19.49 billion in 2023 and is projected to hit $23 billion by 2026.

Country-by-Country Dispatches

The NewSpace Africa Conference 2025, held in Egypt, also officially launched AfSA and unveiled the EU-Africa Space Programme, a €100 million collaboration supported by NASA, ESA, Airbus, and more.

While China leads the charge in infrastructure development, it has 23 bilateral space partnerships across Africa, spreading from satellite assembly labs to monitoring telescopes with strategic advantages like data access and long-term presence. Egypt, South Africa, and Senegal are also engaged in a proposed moon base program.

While resource constraints and external dependencies remain, the launch of AfSA, growth in local expertise, and growing international partnerships give hope that space might now be an instrument for inclusive development.

Before the lab’s establishment, all fossils discovered in Ethiopia were routinely sent abroad for examination, leaving Ethiopians with little opportunity to study their own heritage. “Because everything discovered in Ethiopia was exported, there was no chance for Ethiopians to study the items and develop expertise,” Berhane said.

With support from American colleagues, Berhane secured funding to equip the facility with tools to clean fossils encased in sediment, a process that can take years, and to produce precise replicas for international researchers. “Once we had the lab organised, there was no need to export fossils. We could do everything in-house,” he said.

Today, the lab houses approximately 1,600 fossils representing 13 of the more than 20 confirmed species of early humans, all stored securely in bullet-proof safes. The collection includes specimens dating back 6 million years, such as Ardipithecus kadabba, through to 160,000-year-old Homo sapiens fossils, confirming Ethiopia’s status as the “cradle of mankind.”

Berhane emphasised the unique continuity of Ethiopia’s fossil record. “Ethiopia is the only place on Earth where you can find fossils stretching that far back to the present, without any gaps in the record,” he noted.

Among the prized finds is “Lucy,” the 3.2 million-year-old Australopithecus afarensis skeleton discovered in 1974, which remains a symbol of Ethiopia’s archaeological legacy.

Officials say the shift is meant to make trade easier, protect Ethiopia’s interests, and reduce risks linked to relying on a single currency.

State Minister of Finance Eyob Tekalign said Ethiopia has already made arrangements with some countries, including the United Arab Emirates, to carry out trade using their own currencies.

Ethiopia, like many developing nations, faces challenges related to foreign currency shortages. By using a wider range of currencies, the government hopes to improve its trade balance, lower costs, and attract more investment.

The move comes at a time when some other countries, especially in the Global South, are also exploring alternatives to the US dollar in response to economic pressure and shifting global alliances.

The image used for this article was AI-generated.

Under the new directive, student(F-1.J-1), tourist(B-1), and business visas(B-2) from these countries have been downgraded to single-entry visas with a validity of three months , a significant reduction from the previously granted terms.

But is reciprocity really the reason?

Nigeria was quick to respond. The presidential spokesperson dismissed online claims that the country gives U.S. citizens only short-term visas, calling it “misinformation and fake news ” . He clarified that Nigeria still issues five-year, multiple-entry visas to U.S. passport holders. However, Bashir Ahmad, a former presidential aide, suggested that the U.S. policy might have more to do with Nigeria’s growing BRICS alignment than any visa imbalance.

In Ghana, Foreign Minister Okudzeto Ablakwa expressed concern and highlighted that Ghana offers multiple-entry visas to Americans, ranging from 3 months to 5 years .

Ethiopia and Cameroon have yet to comment on the issue. However, like Ghana and Nigeria, both countries reportedly offer multiple-entry visas to U.S. nationals, raising further doubts about whether reciprocity is indeed the true motivation behind these restrictions.

What could truly be behind these restrictions?

What they said

The Egyptian Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation said, “Egypt firmly rejects Ethiopia’s continued policy of imposing a fait accompli through unilateral actions concerning the Nile River.”

The study was conducted between April 2023 and February 2024 across Kenya, Ethiopia, Malawi, and Cameroon. Researchers collected 251 samples of commonly used cancer drugs, including cisplatin, methotrexate, doxorubicin, and cyclophosphamide, from 12 major hospitals and 25 pharmacies. Alarmingly, between 14% and 24% of all samples failed quality tests.

Active pharmaceutical ingredient (API) levels varied widely, from as low as 28% to as high as 120% of the labelled strength. This means some patients may have been receiving doses too weak to fight their cancer, while others were exposed to potentially fatal overdoses.

The study also revealed that nearly a quarter of the medications tested had already expired, some by almost a year. However, expired drugs did not consistently fail laboratory tests more than non-expired ones, suggesting that poor manufacturing and supply chain lapses are to blame for much of the problem.

“Nearly a quarter of the products (59 [24%] of 251) had expired before analysis, some by nearly a year, but the expired products did not fail HPLC assay at a higher rate than the non-expired products. Ten of the 59 post-expiry products failed assay (ie, a 17% failure rate), whereas 38 of the 189 pre-expiry samples failed assay (ie, a 20% failure rate); these rates were not different at the 95% CI. Failing products were found in all four countries and in both major hospitals and private pharmacies (with no difference in failure rates at the 95% CI),” the researchers noted.

Experts used high-performance liquid chromatography (HPLC) to analyse the samples and compare them against the US Pharmacopoeia standards. They found that visual inspections alone were almost useless in detecting defective drugs. The sensitivity of visual checks was just 9%, meaning most poor-quality drugs appeared normal to the eye. “Many quality defects, such as a shortage of an uncoloured active pharmaceutical ingredient, are not visually apparent,” the authors explained.

Disclaimer: The image used in this article is AI-generated

The Ministry of Justice has drafted sweeping amendments to Ethiopia’s Civil Society Organisations (CSO) Proclamation, sparking alarm among rights advocates. The proposal would grant the Ethiopian Authority for Civil Society Organisations (ACSO) new powers to suspend organisations on mere suspicion of “a serious legal violation” or when it “believes irreparable harm will occur if the organisation is not suspended,” Addis Standard reports. Belayihun Yirga, State Minister for Government Legal and Justice Service Sector, said Proclamation No. 1113/2011 was among the laws “significantly reformed,” and the changes are based on “extensive studies.” Addis Getnet, Director General of Legal Research, Drafting, Revision, and Codification, stated, “The draft amendment has been prepared in a way that reduces challenges encountered during implementation in recent years and incorporates new rights to further strengthen the sector.”  

PM Abiy reaffirms peaceful pursuit of sea access with Eritrea

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed reiterated Ethiopia’s commitment to securing sea access “peacefully,” while rejecting the notion of imminent conflict with Eritrea. “Ethiopia does not have existence without its neighbours, and its neighbours do not have existence without Ethiopia,” he said, adding, “Our desire is to sow good seeds. We want access to the sea based on the principle of mutual benefit, not by force.” Addressing concerns over potential war, Abiy emphasised, “To those who raise the spectre of war with Eritrea, it should be known that we do not desire any conflict on our part; they should also do the same.” He stressed that “in the past seven years, we have not had a single conflict with neighbouring countries,” even as Eritrea accused Ethiopia of “provocative sabre-rattling,” Addis Standard reports.

Debt relief deal under G20 framework

Ethiopia has signed a Memorandum of Understanding with its Official Creditor Committee, unlocking over USD 3.5 billion in debt relief. Eyob Tekalign, State Minister of Finance, stated, “Ethiopia remains confident that the collaborative and pragmatic spirit that has prevailed so far will help expedite the process of finalising bilateral agreements.” He added, “We continue to engage in good faith with all other external creditors, including bondholders, to secure restructuring terms that align with our debt relief needs and the principle of comparability of treatment,” Capital Ethiopia quotes.

Ethiopia investing in nuclear science for peaceful purposes

Deputy Prime Minister Temesgen Tiruneh announced Ethiopia’s commitment to using nuclear science for peaceful purposes, especially in healthcare. “We are bringing life-saving technologies closer to our communities and strengthening regulatory systems to ensure the safe use of radiation,” he said at the Rays of Hope Forum 2025. “Through these efforts, we aim to save lives and promote public health,” he added. Temesgen also highlighted broader achievements: “Our Health Extension Program has trained tens of thousands of community health workers, extending healthcare access to every corner of the country.”

IMF approves Ethiopia review, unlocking $262m

The IMF executive board has approved the third review of Ethiopia’s $3.4 billion loan program, releasing $262 million to support economic reforms. “The authorities have made strong progress in implementing their economic reform agenda in the first year of their Fund-supported programme. Growth has been resilient, and inflation has fallen,” the IMF said . The review follows Ethiopia’s recent debt restructuring agreement, which aims to provide $2.5 billion in debt service relief during the program period through 2028.

The tower, designed by engineering firm Dar Al-Handasah, is expected to reach 1,074 feet, taller than Johannesburg’s Leonardo tower, which currently holds the regional record at 768 feet.

The skyscraper will be built in the Kirkos district, near the city’s growing business hub. It will include office spaces, a sky garden, and a rooftop restaurant.

The full site covers 2.8 hectares and is being promoted as a future centre for business and public life.

If completed as planned, it would take four years to build.

The government says it wants only contractors who have handled large-scale projects before, at least three contracts worth $370 million or more.

According to officials, the building reflects Ethiopia’s long-term vision for urban growth and economic transformation.

The energy sector is a central part of that strategy, and the new headquarters is meant to support efforts to improve electricity infrastructure across the country.

“This building will not just change our skyline, it will reflect who we are becoming,” said a spokesperson for Ethiopian Electric Power .

The plan also forms part of a wider push to modernise Addis Ababa’s cityscape and attract foreign investment.

With bidding now open and designs finalised, construction is expected to begin once a suitable contractor is selected.

The image for this article was AI-generated

Fisherman Fentie Wabi, who relied on the lake to feed his family, said the weed made it nearly impossible to work.

“As the weed expanded, we couldn’t ride our boats. It damaged our nets, and we couldn’t fish in the areas we used to,” he told SciDev .

Initial community efforts to remove the weed by hand failed, as it kept returning. But an experimental biogas project led by researchers introduced a new way to deal with the problem by using the plant as fuel.

The process involves collecting the weed and mixing it with animal dung to produce biogas through natural fermentation.

The gas is then used for cooking and lighting, while the leftover material becomes organic fertiliser.

Wabi, one of the first to join the project, said his family now uses the gas daily and sees better crop yields from the natural fertiliser.

The innovation was led by Yezbie Kassa, a fisheries researcher at the University of Gondar. She witnessed the environmental damage caused by the weed during her PhD studies and wanted to find a way to turn the problem into an opportunity.

“This invasive plant doesn’t just damage the lake ecosystem, it threatens the livelihoods of communities who depend on these water s for food, income, and clean water,” she said.

Although only a few homes have benefited from the pilot project so far, it has drawn national attention.

Local officials and researchers hope that with proper government support, the model can be scaled up across other affected regions in Ethiopia.

Experts say the idea has potential beyond energy.

The same plant could be used to make handicrafts or even animal feed, offering more economic opportunities.

But for now, the focus remains on biogas, especially in remote areas where energy is expensive and hard to access.

During a historic visit to Addis Ababa, Iranian police chief Brigadier General Ahmad Reza Radan signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Ethiopian counterpart Demelash Gebremichael to strengthen security and law enforcement cooperation, emphasising mutual commitment to addressing transnational challenges. 

Cholera outbreak impacts Amhara amid conflict

The Amhara region of Ethiopia faces a severe cholera outbreak, exacerbated by ongoing armed conflict. As reported by the Amhara Public Health Institute, 15 people have died and over 2,131 are infected, with healthcare facilities severely impacted. Health workers highlight the dire need for intervention as they struggle with contaminated water and dwindling resources amid persistent violence.

Holland Dairy launches premium cheese

Holland Dairy, Ethiopia’s leading dairy producer, has launched a high-quality cheese made from fresh, locally sourced milk, celebrating the event at Hyatt Regency with government and industry stakeholders. The initiative aims to enhance Ethiopia's dairy sector and supports over 4,000 local farmers, merging local ingredients with advanced Dutch technology. 

Ethiopian health workers demand wage increases

Ethiopian health workers are protesting for wage increases and better working conditions, highlighting a systemic crisis within the healthcare sector. With salaries insufficient to cover basic living costs, many healthcare professionals are considering migration for better opportunities, raising concerns over a potential brain drain that could further strain the healthcare system. 

Ethiopia central to African integration goals

Speaking at the COMESA Federation for Women in Business Trade Fair, Speaker Tagesse Chafo asserted Ethiopia's pivotal role in advocating for economic integration across Africa. The event promotes women's entrepreneurship and highlights Ethiopia's commitment to inclusive economic growth, coinciding with significant economic reforms aimed at fostering private sector development.

The plan was announced during a nine-month performance review held by the ministry.

Officials say the existing system has several problems, including gaps in how license plates are produced, distributed, and monitored.

It has also been criticised for enabling corruption and making it easier for criminals to avoid detection.

The current plate system reflects Ethiopia’s regional divisions, with each state having its own design.

This often reveals a driver’s ethnic identity, something critics say has created security concerns on the road.

The Ministry says the upcoming system will use the letters "ETH" alongside Geez script, one of Ethiopia’s ancient writing systems.

It will also follow international standards and include security features to prevent tampering and allow for easier inspection.

“The new system is designed to reduce the waste of government resources,” officials said, adding that raw materials used for license plates are costly to import.

The change is expected to help the government better manage these materials.

Different types of vehicles will receive different plates. For example, electric cars will have a separate design from those running on fuel, and the plates will also reflect a vehicle’s ownership and purpose.

It’s not yet clear when the new system will come into effect. But the government says the shift is part of a broader effort to modernise the transport sector.

Earlier this year, Ethiopia banned the import of fuel-powered cars in favour of electric vehicles.

The shift comes amid divergent monetary policies and economic circumstances in the two neighbouring countries.  Ethiopia’s decision to devalue its currency, the birr, by more than 55% against the U.S. dollar last year played a key role in altering the economic balance. The sharp devaluation, part of an exchange rate liberalisation strategy, enabled the country to unlock a $3.4 billion loan package from the IMF and an additional $16.6 billion in financial support from the World Bank .

Ethiopia also initiated negotiations to restructure at least half of its $28.9 billion in external debt, according to Bloomberg .

Meanwhile, Kenya has experienced a different trajectory. Its currency, the Kenyan shilling, appreciated by approximately 21% in 2024, making it the  world ’s best-performing currency.

While Kenya’s economy is expected to edge ahead, it still faces notable challenges. President William Ruto’s government has come under fire over controversial tax hikes and deficit-reduction measures. The fiscal tightening triggered mass protests in 2023, raising questions about the political sustainability of some of the government's economic reforms.

Nevertheless, Kenya’s diversified economy, stable financial sector, and relatively sound monetary policy have helped it maintain economic balance.

Ethiopian military chief Field Marshal Birhanu Jula is visiting Rwanda for four days starting April 13 to enhance military cooperation between the two nations. During his visit, he discussed collaboration with Rwanda Defence Force Chief Gen. Mubarakh Muganga and met with Defence Minister Juvenal Marizamunda. The visit aims to deepen bilateral ties and explore new defense collaboration areas, following the recent signing of a Memorandum of Understanding on defense cooperation during Gen. Muganga's visit to Ethiopia in mid-March. Birhanu is also scheduled to visit the Kigali Genocide Memorial to honour the victims of the 1994 genocide.

Genocide

Rwanda is accelerating the consolidation of Genocide memorial sites in line with a 2019 Presidential Order aimed at enhancing preservation, visitor experience, and resource allocation. The initiative focuses on merging sites that are vulnerable to natural hazards, have fewer than 1,000 bodies, or are poorly maintained. For instance, the Southern Province is reducing its memorial sites from 69 to 53. Nationwide, the goal is to decrease the number of district-managed memorials from 214 to 152. Consultations with families of victims are a prerequisite for relocation. The government emphasises the need to maintain historical symbols in areas of consolidation. Additionally, ongoing efforts include digitizing memorial sites to provide virtual tours.

Surge in tourism

Rwanda's tourism generated $647 million in 2024, a 4.3% increase from 2023, driven largely by gorilla tourism, which brought in $200 million. The total number of visitors exceeded 1.3 million, with significant growth in gorilla and educational tourism. The Rwanda Development Board (RDB) plans to exceed $700 million in tourism revenue in 2025, aiming to enhance Rwanda's global profile through major events, including the Kwita Izina celebration and the UCI Road World Championships. National parks saw a 10.7% increase in visitors, contributing to an $38.8 million revenue rise.

Exports to UAE

Rwanda's exports to the UAE soared by 63.9%, rising from over $951 million in 2023 to more than $1.55 billion in 2024, making the UAE Rwanda's largest export market, accounting for 63.9% of total exports. Overall, Rwanda's goods exports rose nearly 30% to over $3.2 billion . The DR Congo followed the UAE with $229.5 million in exports, while exports to Luxembourg surged by 243.8% to $55.4 million. Key factors for this growth included increased cargo capacity from RwandAir, enhanced business support by the Rwanda Development Board (RDB), and ongoing development of special economic zones. Rwanda's total export receipts reached $4.2 billion in 2024, reflecting a 22% increase from the previous year.

1994 Genocide against the Tutsi

Joseph Sagahutu, a Catholic priest suspected of involvement in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, is reportedly living freely in Belgium while allegedly promoting hate ideology. Rwandan Minister Jean Damascène Bizimana highlighted Sagahutu's role in the genocide during a commemoration event for Tutsi victims at Kibeho Catholic Parish, where many were killed. Sagahutu, along with local mayor Juvenal Muhitira, is accused of supervising the massacres at Muganza Parish. The minister condemned clergy members who facilitated the killings, stating that they continue to serve while bearing "innocent blood." Bizimana also named other priests involved in the genocide, emphasising the betrayal of their religious values by participating in such violence.

Ethiopia, located in the Horn of Africa, fiercely maintained its independence through military resistance, most famously by defeating the Italian army at the Battle of Adwa in 1896.

Despite a brief occupation by Fascist Italy from 1936 to 1941, Ethiopia was never formally colonised and retained its imperial structure under Emperor Haile Selassie.

Liberia, on the other hand, was founded in 1822 by freed African-American slaves under the auspices of the American Colonization Society . It declared independence in 1847 and remained free from European colonisation, although it was heavily influenced by American political and cultural norms.

Modern-day significance

The independence of Ethiopia and Liberia is more than a historical footnote—it continues to shape their national identities and regional roles today:

Cultural and psychological impact

The historical independence of Ethiopia and Liberia has had a profound cultural impact, serving as beacons of African resistance and resilience . Ethiopia, in particular, became a symbol of hope for Pan-African movements and Black liberation struggles across the globe, from Harlem to Johannesburg.

In Liberia, the preservation of indigenous identities alongside Americo-Liberian traditions has created a complex but uniquely self-governed African society that avoided the deep scars of European-imposed boundaries and rule.

Dodai’s electric bikes have gained a loyal following for their performance, with each vehicle capable of covering up to 150 kilometers (93 miles) on a single charge. While priced at around $1,800—roughly $500 more than offerings from competitors like China’s Yadea and San Polo—the bikes’ reliability and longer battery life have made them a favorite among small businesses, logistics firms, and government agencies.

One of Dodai’s key early backers was the Ethiopian Postal Service, which became an exclusive partner in 2023—before the company even opened sales to the public. The state agency remains Dodai’s largest customer to date.

“Our growth has come from staying focused on reliability and efficiency,” said Sasaki in an interaction with Rest of the World , adding that, “In Africa, regulation change, political stability, and supply chain infrastructure are ongoing challenges. Unless you are a long-term investor, you won’t be happy.”

Dodai’s edge lies in its use of lithium-ion batteries, which outperform the lead-acid batteries used by most local competitors. This choice has resonated with customers seeking longer battery life, faster charging, and overall better performance.

“We anticipate a natural market segmentation,” Sasaki explained. “Delivery riders may lean toward battery swapping, while commuters will prefer fixed batteries. Our approach will remain flexible, continuously adjusting to serve both segments effectively.”

The Ethiopian EV market has seen fresh competition this year, including Chinese e-bike giant Yadea and Transsion, the smartphone powerhouse making its move into electric mobility. But Sasaki remains unfazed.