Whether you are a geography geek or a US president, maps are a good place to start.

From the Middle East, Central Asia, South Asia, and the Caucasus, Iran borders seven countries on land and six more across water.

It is also one of the world ’s oldest continuous civilisations, with a history that spans more than 4,000 years.

Today, with nearly 90 million people and a landmass exceeding 1.6 million square kilometres, Iran stands as one of the Middle East’s largest and most consequential states.

Iran’s terrain is defined by mountains and arid expanses, with little continuous flat land. The Zagros and Alborz mountain ranges dominate much of the landscape, while the Iranian Plateau forms its core.

To the east, vast deserts such as the Dasht-e Kavir and Dasht-e Lut stretch across large swathes of the country. These physical features are not just geographic, but they also shape settlement patterns, climate conditions and the development of infrastructure.

Historically, Iran was the centre of powerful empires that influenced language, trade, science and culture far beyond its borders. That legacy still runs through modern Iran, visible in its identity and regional reach. Despite invasions by Greeks, Ottomans, Russians and the British, the country has maintained a strong sense of sovereignty and identity.

Iran is far more complex, both from the inside and the outside. Farsi remains the dominant language, but the country is home to a diverse mix of ethnic groups, including Azeris, Kurds, Baloch and Arabs, all of whom contribute to its cultural and political fabric.

As an energy giant, Iran sits on some of the world’s largest oil and gas reserves , holding roughly 10% of global oil and 15% of natural gas resources.

That alone makes it a major player in global energy markets. Despite heavy international sanctions, Iran continues to export large volumes of oil, primarily to China, demonstrating its resilience and continued relevance in global supply chains.

Its economy, valued at over $400 billion, blends state control with private enterprise, anchored by energy, manufacturing and a growing technology sector.

Modern Iran, however, cannot be understood without the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

It overthrew a Western-backed monarchy and replaced it with a theocratic system that still defines the country today.

And since the Revolution, Iran has pursued an independent and often confrontational foreign policy , positioning itself as a regional power and a counterweight to Western influence.

Its network of regional alliances, often referred to as the “Axis of Resistance”, extends its influence beyond its borders, reaching into Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Yemen. Many of these connections relate to Iran's position as the dominant power of the Shia sect of Islam. In other cases, allies were drawn to Tehran by a mutual hatred of Israel.

The country is also enduring one of its worst environmental crises in decades, after more than five consecutive years of drought have pushed it toward what experts describe as “water bankruptcy.” Reservoirs are drying up, major cities are nearing “day zero” water shortages, and as many as 28 million people now face unreliable access to water. 

Even geography beyond its borders carries political weight.

The body of water to its south has been known in Iran and elsewhere for over 2,500 years as the “Persian Gulf.” Still, some Arab states refer to it as the “Arabian Gulf,” creating an ongoing geopolitical dispute.

For Iran, the name is not just symbolic; it is tied to history, identity and sovereignty.

At the edge of Iran’s southern coastline lies its most powerful strategic asset: the Strait of Hormuz.

This narrow waterway connects the Persian Gulf to the open ocean and carries more than 20% of the world’s oil supply.

It is one of the most critical chokepoints in global trade. Iran controls the northern side as well as a series of islands, and that gives it enormous leverage.

Over the decades, Tehran has repeatedly threatened to disrupt traffic through the strait during times of conflict.

And in 2026, those threats became reality, sending shocks through global energy markets.

At the same time, geopolitical tensions have sharply intensified. Following Israeli strikes on Iranian military and nuclear sites in February 2026, the United States joined the conflict with direct attacks, triggering a broader regional confrontation that continued for days.

The situation has since escalated into a wider crisis affecting global energy routes. Iran has launched retaliatory missile and drone attacks, while disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz, a vital oil transit chokepoint, have sent shocks through global markets.

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This divide, has of course been exploited by politicians. From the 1970s onwards, the left sought to build support among racial minorities, gradually altering its own identity. Once fundamentally class-based, the “left” in the early 21st century took the fight not only to imperialist and colonial legacies but also to all those perceived to embody that heritage.

As a result, the integration that once defined the region has partly given way to racial fragmentation. Electoral maps from the last 20 years closely mirror the ethnic makeup of communities.

In Bolivia, the Aymara leader Evo Morales won office not only because voters endorsed the programme of his Movement for Socialism, but because of affinity to his indigenous background. Large constituencies backed him as he used anti-colonial rhetoric to seize and redistribute land from elite farmers, often of Spanish heritage.

In Bolivia’s 2025 election, the right-wing candidate Rodrigo Paz won with the backing of vice-presidential candidate Edman Lara - someone Indigenous voters consider one of their own. Tensions emerged immediately: Lara has mobilised supporters demanding expanded powers from the president.

In Peru, Communist Party leader Isaac Humala Núñez founded the Ethnocacerist Movement in 1987 with a straightforward agenda: power to the Indigenous population. His sons later built the Peruvian Nationalist Party on this foundation. One of them, Ollanta Humala became president in 2011. The party collapsed a few years later, but was replaced by a left-wing movement likewise oriented toward Indigenous voters, albeit without explicitly racial slogans. In 2021, its candidate Pedro Castillo - himself indigenous - won the presidency. Electoral maps show that Castillo prevailed in regions dominated by indigenous populations.

Ecuador’s elections have also taken on a racial character. Daniel Noboa won office with support from the Europeanised electorate and now faces protests from indigenous groups, escalating in some cases into armed confrontation.

In Brazil, the Workers’ Party—the main force of the left—does not explicitly foreground racial issues. However, after coming to power in 2003, it expanded affirmative-action policies explicitly aimed at increasing access for Black, Indigenous, and low-income Brazilians. 

The victory of right-wing candidate Jair Bolsonaro in 2019 was, to some extent, a revolt against these policies. Overlaid electoral and demographic maps tell the story: the “Black” Northeast voted for the left, while the “white” South and Southeast backed the right. The 2022 results show a similar pattern, though the left won that time - political preferences still matter, and Brazi’s divisions are less ethnically-based than, for example, Bolivia.

Colombia’s recent elections reveal a comparable trend. Around 60% of the population belongs to various ethnic groups distinguishing themselves from the “descendants of colonisers”. Left-wing candidate Gustavo Petro made race a visible part of his platform, promising to defend the rights of Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. Turnout in regions where those groups predominate surged, while the traditionally “white” centre of the country once again saw low participation.

Indigenous communities are beginning to step outside the framework of the left and articulate their own demands. Brazilian Indigenous groups staged unrest at a climate summit, opposing the construction of railways, power facilities and oil extraction in the Amazon - projects seen as vital for most Brazilians, but not for Indigenous groups. Similar dynamics are unfolding in Peru, Colombia, Ecuador, Chile and even Argentina, where Indigenous populations are small minorities, yet still mobilising against development initiatives, sometimes violently, as seen in Chile and Ecuador.

The intensification of racial tensions destabilises Latin American states and obstructs their development. Crucially, these mobilisations rarely benefit indigenous communities themselves, but their leaders- often pursuing personal or group political and financial interests. They use left-wing movements as a façade, stoking conflict and provoking confrontation between “indigenous” and “non-indigenous” Latin Americans.

This opinion piece solely represents the views of the author, who has chosen not to disclose his name to avoid repercussions to his work. Global South World knows and can verify his identity.

According to Punch Nigeria, over 1,043 people have died from violence between May 2023 and May 2025.

Global South World sought to understand the gravity of the impact and what steps have been taken so far to address these dastardly acts through an interaction with Nigerian journalist, Segun Adewole.

Just like many locals in the country, Segun believes that at least 200 people were killed from this treachery which received global attention.

According to the journalist, several measures like doubling the weapons of security personnel as well as dialogue on security are in place to tackle the insecurity menace in the country.

However, efforts at dialogue seem to be producing nothing as security forces appear overwhelmed by the consistent loss of lives in the line of duty.

“How can they go to Benue State and kill people? Killed 200 people and no police could come and do something about it. They went to Benue, killed 200 people. For 2 days, they operated, and the police could not go there. Yet we have the military, we have the army, the navy, the police, the NSCDC, and different security agencies. That shows that there's something wrong somewhere,” Segun said. 

This, Segun also attributes to a problem in the governing structure of the country.

“No matter who becomes president, if Trump should come into Nigeria, with the kind of structure we have right now, he won't be able to succeed because the structure is not created for success,” he added.

Away from the boiling insecurity, the ordinary Nigerian seems to be getting some respite from the new tax measures President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has signed into law.

In a statement , the president said “The tax reforms will protect low-income households and support workers by expanding their disposable income.”

During the discussion, Segun explained that workers or individuals earning less than a million naira ($653.41) are exempt from paying taxes.

“The tax reforms signed into law, they affect the ordinary citizen, the ordinary man on the streets, because right about now, I think there's a portion that says if you are earning less than a million naira you won't, you'll be exempted from tax. That is one good thing because how can I be earning something little and I'm, I'll still be required to pay tax? So, the payment of tax would be for those earning above 1 million naira and the majority of the populace are earning below 1 million naira, so they are exempted from tax,” he explained.

The new tax laws are: the Nigeria Tax Act , which simplifies taxation by merging rules and scrapping 50+ overlapping taxes; the Tax Administration Act , which standardises tax collection nationwide; the Nigeria Revenue Service Act , replacing FIRS with the independent NRS; and the Joint Revenue Board Act , which boosts coordination and creates a Tax Ombudsman and Appeal Tribunal.

Watch the discussion attached to this story.