"We demand that the government of the Republic of Poland take all measures to oppose any development of Ukraine's integration process with the European Union . The European Union cannot be based on an ideology contrary to Christian values, European values," Czarnek said.

His remarks followed Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky's May 26 decree granting a Special Operations Forces unit the honorary title "Heroes of the UPA." While Ukraine says the title was chosen by the unit's soldiers and was not intended as an anti-Polish gesture, Poland holds the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) responsible for the wartime massacres of Polish civilians in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia, which it recognises as genocide.

"Ukraine is not doomed to glorify perpetrators of genocide. Ukraine has its own heroes. But Ukraine will not be free and will not be a member of the European Union," Czarnek said.

Ukraine applied for EU membership on February 28, 2022, four days after the conflict with Russia began. It was granted candidate status in June 2022, with EU leaders agreeing to open accession negotiations in December 2023. Formal talks began on June 25, 2024, followed by a screening process to assess Ukraine's alignment with EU legislation. Ukraine completed that process in September 2025, and on June 15, 2026, the EU and Kyiv opened the first negotiating cluster covering the rule of law, fundamental rights , democratic institutions, public administration reform and economic criteria, Viory reports.

Here, dining on roast duck is elevated into a ritual that blends tradition with culinary avant-garde. Alongside the standard sweet bean sauce and shredded scallions, the restaurant playfully offers raspberry jam. More impressively, it preserves the most traditional method: dipping the crispy duck skin in white sugar. The moment the skin melts on the tongue with the sugar, an explosion of rich, savory aroma ensues. After the duck meat is carved, diners can opt for salt-and-pepper duck bones or a rich, comforting tofu and duck bone soup.

Duncan adored this restaurant, viewing it almost as a tangible embodiment of Chinese culture. Of course, this culinary excellence does not come cheap—a single roast duck carries a price tag of £78. Beyond London, I have sampled similar authentic versions in Paris; while slightly less expensive at €65, it remains a premium dining experience. In the eyes of European financial elites and the middle class, this duck represents the refinement and prestige of Eastern gastronomy.

Yet, this delightful moment of personal memory was unknowingly intertwining, in a somewhat surreal fashion, with a major geopolitical headline.

From GI recognition to Anti-Dumping

Unlike, most items you will find on restaurant menus, "Peking Duck" can also be found on international trade documents.

As early as September 2020, when China and the EU formally signed the China-EU Agreement on Geographical Indications , Peking Duck stood out as a flagship representative of Chinese products. It was placed on the second list of 175 products scheduled to "complete mutual recognition and protection procedures within four years." Under the original timeline, with the agreement officially taking effect in March 2021, the EU’s legal procedures for this list were expected to be finalised around 2025.

Over the past few years, the verification process for this second list had been steadily advancing. Relevant right holders were actively applying for international trademark registration under the Madrid System, and trade officials from both sides were working diligently through the reviews. At the EU level, the approval of Peking Duck as a Protected Geographical Indication (GI) had reached its final stretch, awaiting little more than an official rubber stamp. Once approved, it would erect a strict legal fortress in the EU market: no non-Chinese duck meat could ever misappropriate the prestigious name of "Peking Duck."

However, the drama of history often unfolds at the final hurdle. A sudden geopolitical chill instantly froze this cross-continental culinary pact.

On July 9, 2026, the European Commission formally announced the launch of an anti-dumping investigation into imports of Peking duck - both whole ducks and skin-on/bone-in parts used for making Peking roast duck -originating in China. This trade defence measure was triggered by a joint complaint filed by five EU domestic poultry producers, who alleged that duck meat exported from China was underpriced, thereby constituting "unfair competition" against the European industry.

What was meant to be the finish line for legal protection abruptly morphed into the starting line for a trade war.

The EU’s vision of "Market Distortion"

In this newly initiated investigation, the EU has cast a remarkably wide net. The scope covers not only the whole "Peking Duck"—the core breed for meat production—but also extends to duck parts, whether fresh, chilled, frozen, salted, smoked, or deeply processed. Furthermore, the European Commission explicitly stated it would retroactively scrutinise trade data covering the period from January 1 to December 31, 2025.

On what grounds do European producers claim Chinese duck meat is "unfair"? In their complaint, the operative phrase is "severe market distortions."

The "Original Sin" of State Planning: The complainants cited China’s 14th Five-Year Plan for Agricultural Modernisation, arguing that its support measures for the livestock and poultry industries constitute state intervention. They further projected that such support would persist under China’s newly unveiled 15th Five-Year Plan.

The Feed Connection: European producers also pointed to Chinese government backing for the feed sector as a driver of market distortion, arguing it artificially lowers the cost of duck feed. 

To construct a so-called "normal value," the European Commission designated Brazil as an appropriate representative third country. After comparative calculations, the Commission concluded that the evidence presented was "sufficient to justify the initiation of an investigation."

An absurd logic

To anyone familiar with the realities of the global poultry supply chain, this investigation order evokes a sense of profound absurdity.

First, is this cost advantage driven by "dumping" or "efficiency"?

While the roast duck we enjoy in London and Paris is undoubtedly expensive, the competitiveness of exported Chinese duck meat is by no means artificially depressed by subsidies. China possesses the world ’s largest and most deeply rooted tradition of consuming duck, which has fostered the most sophisticated and complete waterfowl supply chain globally. According to The Financial Times (FT), data from 2025 shows that the EU duck meat market is valued at approximately €800 million, with imports from China accounting for about €199 million—capturing nearly a quarter of the market. Globally, the data from the UN Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) is even more staggering: of the roughly 5 million tons of duck meat produced globally each year, China alone accounts for approximately 4.8 million tons. This means that out of every 100 ducks in the world , 96 are raised in China.

Behind these astronomical figures lies an unparalleled, fully integrated supply chain: from massive feed production and large-scale farming systems to high-efficiency processing that utilises everything from the meat and internal organs to the down feathers. The economies of scale and industrial efficiency generated by this hyper-density are the natural outcomes of market evolution, not the "malicious dumping" depicted in geopolitical narratives.

The Chinese government's initiatives under the 15th Five-Year Plan to promote agricultural and rural modernisation, such as "developing characteristic industrial clusters" and provisions in the Livestock Law to "support the protection of genetic resources and national breeding schemes", are designed to leverage local agricultural characteristics and boost farmers' incomes. How is this fundamentally different from France developing its wine regions in Bordeaux, or Italy fostering its prosciutto industry in Parma? Is this not the very ethos upon which Geographical Indications were founded? If a government’s formulation of basic industrial planning, promotion of regional production clusters, and provision of foundational public services are deemed structural distortions, the European Commission’s logic would effectively call into question the very necessity of a state's existence.

Globally, from the EU’s European Green Deal and Common Agricultural Policy to long-standing industrial strategies in the United States and Japan, policy guidance and industrial planning are standard features of any mature economy. The core issue is not whether a nation formulates a plan, but whether specific measures genuinely violate WTO and multilateral international trade disciplines.

Second, the EU is clearly operating on a double standard regarding agricultural subsidies. As the China Chamber of Commerce to the EU (CCCEU) pointed out, agricultural subsidies are by no means a policy tool exclusive to China. As one of the largest agricultural support frameworks in the world, the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) consistently consumes nearly one-third of the total EU budget. For decades, the CAP has played a decisive role in securing European farmers' incomes and stabilising agriculture through direct payments and massive market support. For the EU to maintain such an immense protective umbrella of its own, while turning around to investigate Chinese waterfowl on the grounds that "subsidies distort prices," represents a striking logical inconsistency.

Furthermore, the choice of a " representative third country " to calculate normal value is completely mismatched. In anti-dumping investigations, European authorities lean toward selecting Brazil as a surrogate country to calculate the so-called "normal value." However, a vast chasm separates the poultry industries of China and Brazil. Whether in breeding systems, feed supply, industrial clustering, slaughtering and processing models, or overall supply chain efficiency, the integrated advantages built by the Chinese duck industry over decades of iteration cannot be easily replicated or compared to the Brazilian model.

In truth, this is not the first time Beijing and Brussels have clashed over this bird. Back in 2015, China challenged the EU at the WTO over unfair tariff-rate quota allocations for poultry meat and ultimately won. In 2018, the two sides signed an implementation agreement establishing an annual country-specific tariff-rate quota of 6,600 tons of prepared duck meat for China. That victory was supposed to create a stable and predictable horizon for Chinese duck meat entering the EU. The current resurgence of hostility begs a troubling question: in the grand scheme of current China-EU trade relations, has this duck, with "Peking" stamped on its name, unfortunately been turned into a symbolic casualty of geopolitics?

The trade pendulum 

Senior European agricultural trade negotiators and media observers have candidly admitted the deep irony of the current situation. On one side of the aisle, the EU’s legal machinery was preparing to solemnly recognise and protect the GI status of "Peking Duck"; on the other side, its trade defence apparatus chose almost the exact same moment to aggressively swing its protectionist gavel.

With the initiation of the anti-dumping probe, the legal finalisation of Peking Duck’s GI mutual recognition in the EU has been politicised and complicated. Over the next year or two, whether this delicacy will ever receive the European legal protection it rightfully earned will depend entirely on the outcome of this anti-dumping chess game. For now, the process remains stranded in an awkward phase of "technical stagnation and substantive jockeying."

Perhaps the answer to this question does not require complex macroeconomic modeling. The trade representatives in Brussels might find it much faster to simply sit down at that fragrant roast duck restaurant in West London and taste the reality for themselves.

Yubin Du is a veteran journalist, producer, and managing editor at China Global Television Network (CGTN). He served as a foreign correspondent stationed in Washington, D.C., and London for six years each, focusing on U.S.-China and EU-China relations. He has worked in Chinese international communication and new media for over 16 years. The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author. Author email: duyubin@outlook.com

Former president Janos Ader criticised the proposed amendment, describing the Tisza Party's initiative as unprecedented.

"After this constitutional amendment, anything can happen to anyone at any time in Hungary. And this leads not to legal certainty but to anarchy," Ader said.

Protesters accused Prime Minister Peter Magyar's government of undermining the constitution and the rule of law. "This is a trampling of the Constitution, the trampling of the rule of law and the death of democracy . If this remains the case and they remove the president of the Republic, then we must stand by them," said influencer Istvan Szakacs, who was previously arrested after posting a Facebook video stating that "If Viktor Orban gets to jail, 500,000 people will march and set him free."

Another demonstrator, identified only as Eszter, criticised Magyar's treatment of the president.

"The way he spoke to the president of the Republic is simply outrageous, shocking, and you cannot do such a thing. They didn't do that to the previous president of the Republic either," she said.

The protest was held in response to the proposed 17th Amendment to Hungary's Fundamental Law, introduced by the Tisza Party. The amendment would make changes affecting several public offices, including that of President Tamas Sulyok, and would also impose a 12-year term limit on Members of Parliament.

"They will fear that Ukraine will put a heavy burden on the EU budget," Fico said. "Yes, that is the other side of Ukraine's entry into the European Union . Therefore, everything has its time, and Ukraine must be patient. It must be very, very patient," he added.

Fico also questioned the European Union's proposed €90 billion ($103 billion) support package for Ukraine, claiming the bloc was funding Ukrainian weapons production that could later be sold back to EU member states.

"We are already in a mess. If we give someone 90 billion for the production of weapons, for support, for all sorts of things, they will manufacture weapons from it and then sell them back to the European Union," he said.

The Slovak prime minister said Slovakia's presidency of the Visegrad Group (V4) would focus on competitiveness, EU enlargement, people-to-people relations and practical cooperation, while making peace a fifth priority.

The European Union formally opened accession negotiations with Ukraine in June 2024. On Friday, EU member states reached a technical agreement to begin opening another accession negotiating cluster with Ukraine and Moldova, with formal approval expected on July 14.

This stark contrast is made all the more jarring by the prevailing political rhetoric in Europe. On 26 June, as record temperatures scorched the continent, France's Minister for Ecological Transition and Biodiversity, Monique Barbut, sparked fierce controversy when she expressed that she was "horrified" by calls to install air conditioning everywhere. Her words were unambiguous: "Do you think that will prevent a forest fire? Do you think it will prevent a crop from failing? Do you think it will prevent the death of animals? Nothing." Her remarks provoked a fierce public backlash. Critics pointed out that no serious advocate for air conditioning had argued it would extinguish wildfires or save harvests; they were arguing for protecting the sick, the elderly, and the vulnerable from dying in the heat. Netizens accused her of demolishing a position nobody actually held, while people were quite literally dying around her.

This political disconnect is compounded by a striking episode of institutional dissonance. The European Commission's Berlaymont headquarters in Brussels – a 13-storey building housing Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, her 26 commissioners, and around 3,000 staff – found its cooling infrastructure overwhelmed by the extreme heat. A midday text message informed staff that the air-cooling system on floors one through seven would be shut down for the rest of the day due to the exceptional conditions . The shutdown left junior staff on the lower floors without relief, while the upper floors – where von der Leyen occupies the 13th floor and most commissioners are based from the eighth upwards – retained their cooling systems. One Commission official on a lower floor told Politico the situation was "like feudalism"; a second called it "a disgrace."

Democracy in action

Faced with temperatures frequently breaching 40°C, European consumers have predictably stopped listening to political debate and started buying. Chinese air conditioners have become the summer's most sought-after cooling solution in Europe, precisely because they address a unique set of structural problems that the continent's existing market had long neglected. The vast array of historic buildings and old-town residences face strict preservation rules that prohibit drilling into exterior walls or mounting outdoor units. Even where installation is technically permitted, the cost of a certified technician to fit a traditional split system typically runs between €1,000 and €2,000 – frequently equalling or exceeding the price of the hardware itself. Add a high proportion of renters who are contractually barred from altering their properties, and conventional air conditioning becomes an unattainable option for much of the population .

Enter a new generation of product design. Brands have cracked this market not with brute force, but with a forensic understanding of European regulatory and lifestyle constraints. Products like the Midea PortaSplit – developed after years of research into European window types, rental cultures, and installation pain points – feature a modular, drill-free architecture. The outdoor unit hangs from a window frame bracket or rests on a sill, requiring no tools and no professional assistance. Under EU rules governing portable electrical appliances, this classifies the device as a portable indoor appliance rather than a fixed installation, neatly bypassing building protection regulations. Tenants can set it up in minutes and take it with them when they move. Midea's PortaSplit has shipped over 200,000 units in Europe in 2026 alone – double its previous year's total – and was named to TIME magazine's list of Best Inventions in 2025.

The market response has been dramatic. In the first five months of 2026, China's residential air conditioner exports to Western Europe grew by 9.7% year-on-year, whilst mobile and portable AC units surged by over 70%. Customs data confirms that exports to France, the Netherlands, and Belgium more than doubled compared to the same period a year earlier. The surge has not been confined to Chinese brands alone: Samsung and Mitsubishi Electric have also reported sharp increases in European orders, reflecting a continent-wide structural shortage in cooling capacity that extends well beyond any single manufacturer's success story.

As negotiators from Brussels and Beijing sit across the table to hash out trade policies, the runaway success of these cooling appliances offers a sobering reality check. European politicians may meticulously construct trade barriers, float tariffs on Chinese green technology, and champion "de-risking" strategies wrapped in the lofty rhetoric of strategic autonomy. Yet, when temperatures soar and daily survival is on the line, ideology melts away. The consumers driving this surge are not making geopolitical statements; they are trying to sleep through the night.

Chinese manufacturers have succeeded in the European market not through unfair practices, but through unparalleled technological adaptability, supply chain resilience, and a pragmatic understanding of user needs. True economic strength lies in mutually beneficial cooperation and market-driven innovation, not in protectionist vanity. If Europe’s leaders continue to favour ideological posturing over practical solutions, they may find themselves increasingly out of touch with a public that simply wants to breathe a little easier.

Du Yubin is a journalist and producer for CGTN. He was posted in Washington, DC and London for six years each, focusing on China–US and China–EU relations. He has over 16 years of experience in international communication and new media. The views expressed in this article are the author’s own.

Prime Minister Yuliia Svyrydenko confirmed that Kiev will receive the first €3.2 billion from a new €90 billion EU support package.

“We have great news . The first disbursement of 3.2 billion euros will be announced today,” she said.

“This disbursement will help us to strengthen our defence, maintain macroeconomic stability within the country and build our energy system ahead of the new heating season,” she added.

Svyrydenko did not address Zelensky's absence during her remarks.

His no-show came after a diplomatic dispute between Ukraine and Poland over Kiev's decision to name a military unit after the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, or UPA.

The UPA is accused of killing tens of thousands of Poles during World War II. In 2016, Poland's parliament passed a resolution condemning what it called 'genocide committed by Ukrainian nationalists'.

The row intensified last week after Polish President Karol Nawrocki said he would strip Zelensky of the Order of the White Eagle, Poland's highest civilian honour, awarded to him in 2023.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen used the conference to stress that Ukraine's reforms were moving the country closer to EU membership.

“Earlier this month, we opened the first cluster of negotiations with Ukraine. This was a historic moment,” von der Leyen said. “A strong signal that Ukraine’s future belongs in our European family.”

She also said Ukraine's defence industry had become an important part of the war effort with European support.

“Ukraine's defence industry, with Europe's support, is showing that it can out-innovate Russia's,” she said. “Ukraine now produces drones at a scale that matches and even exceeds Russian production capacity.”

Von der Leyen said Ukraine's accession process would remain based on merit.

“If Ukraine continues to reform with the determination it has shown in recent years, its place in the European family is becoming a reality,” she said.

The €90 billion loan is designed to support Ukraine through 2026 and 2027, with €30 billion allocated for macro-financial assistance and €60 billion for defence.

The first tranche comes after the EU reworked the package, replacing €5.9 billion originally planned for drone production and procurement with €3.2 billion in direct budget support.

The Ukraine Recovery Conference runs from June 25 to 26 in Gdansk, bringing together officials, international organisations and investors to discuss reconstruction, long-term economic development and Ukraine's path toward EU membership.

In the summer of 2026, the UK changed its Prime Minister once again. Keir Starmer stepped down in dismay, becoming the sixth Prime Minister to fall in the ten years since the Brexit referendum. At this very moment, the highly popular "King of the North," former Mayor of Manchester Andy Burnham, is confidently eyeing the Prime Minister's seat.

In Westminster, politicians and political commentators are accustomed to blaming the frequent turnover of Prime Ministers on PR disasters, party infighting, or terrible election strategies. I witnessed, experienced, and reported on what happened in this country for most of the decade following Brexit. As a foreigner who once lived in London, when I tried to understand why this country, once renowned for its political stability, had become seemingly "ungovernable," I found the answers not in parliamentary debates, but in a few everyday trivialities I personally experienced. Behind the endlessly spinning "revolving door" of 10 Downing Street, the structural decline of the macroeconomy and the throes of geopolitics have quietly rewritten the fates of ordinary people.

The tax bill problem

When I finished my term and was preparing to leave the UK, I logged onto the HM Revenue and Customs (HMRC) website to see exactly where the taxes I had paid over the years had gone. In the system-generated bar chart showing the allocation of my personal tax contributions, the fourth largest government expense—ranking right after welfare, healthcare, and pensions—was shockingly "National Debt Interest."

I always knew that the most important indicator of a nation's rise and fall is "money," but I never expected to touch the economic pulse of this country in such a manner.

When the interest a country has to pay annually on its national debt approaches the total amount spent on nationwide pensions, it inevitably surprises those of us from a culture that "loves saving and hates owing." That glaring number instantly made me realize the greatest illusion in British politics in recent years: whether it was Liz Truss's disastrous "mini-budget" or Keir Starmer's attempt to plug the fiscal black hole with tax hikes, every new government was merely dancing in heavy shackles. When massive portions of the budget are forced into paying debt interest, the funds available for the government to invest, stimulate growth, or repair public services are severely squeezed. Brexit itself has imposed a heavy structural headwind on this fragile economic foundation.

According to authoritative joint research conducted by the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research (SIEPR), the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER), and the Bank of England, the Brexit process has caused a long-term shrinkage of the UK's GDP by 6% to 8%. According to the latest figures from the Office for National Statistics, by May 2026, the UK's public sector net debt had reached 95.10% of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP), requiring £111 billion in interest payments alone each year. In 2025, the yield on 30-year UK government bonds briefly hit 5.5%, marking a 25-year high.

The fiscal policies tucked inside the Chancellor's Red Box must be meticulously calculated: how to bring in more money, how to achieve more while spending less, and how to borrow more money at lower interest rates. This explains why anyone—from Starmer to any future Prime Minister—cannot easily flex their muscles. The UK is no longer ruled solely by the House of Commons, but also by the cold, hard "bond market." Any stimulus plan lacking financial backing will be met with ruthless market sell-offs. The national debt interest on that HMRC bill is the fiscal noose tightening around the neck of every British Prime Minister.

The "Tomato Crisis"

What the British economy lost was not just fiscal space, but also its once-unimpeded supply chains. Another visceral pain of Brexit is hidden right inside the everyday salad bowl. In late February 2023, I personally witnessed an absurd "Tomato Crisis" in London.

During that time, you couldn't find a single decent tomato on the shelves of major UK supermarkets. Even canned tomatoes and ketchup were swept clean. The official explanation given to the public by the government and supermarkets was surprisingly uniform: "Due to climate issues, Spain has suffered a severe tomato harvest failure."

Hearing this "force majeure" excuse, my colleagues and I were skeptical. We immediately made a WeChat call to our colleague stationed in Spain. The answer from the other end of the line felt like a resounding slap in the face: "That's complete nonsense. The Spanish markets are piled high with tomatoes; the supply is perfectly normal!"

Peeling back the disguise of "bad weather," the truth was nothing more than the non-tariff barriers brought about by Brexit. I have reported on many similar stories: British white asparagus used to rely heavily on seasonal agricultural workers from Eastern European countries like Romania and Bulgaria. After Brexit, the visa processes for Eastern European workers coming to the UK became overly convoluted, leading to severe labor shortages in UK agriculture and leaving many farmers worried their crops would rot in the ground. Furthermore, the customs clearance time for truck drivers crossing between Dover, UK, and Calais, France, has been drastically prolonged, with border delays frequently exceeding 36 hours during peak times. During extreme weather or system failures, queues of trucks stretching over 20 miles have trapped drivers for more than a dozen hours.

After leaving the EU single market and the customs union, tedious customs procedures and phytosanitary certificates turned EU exports to the UK into a logistical nightmare. Faced with endless red tape, European agricultural suppliers made the most economically rational choice: prioritize supplying the friction-free internal EU market and directly abandon or reduce exports to the UK. The UK's Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) once stated that its long-term forecast shows post-Brexit UK trade will drop by 15% compared to remaining in the EU. Caught in the dual crossfire of low growth and high inflation, voters are angry about the cost-of-living crisis, and the most direct outlet for this frustration is demanding a change of Prime Minister time and time again.

Splitting up

Brexit severed not only logistics but also human connections. When I lived in London, my neighbors were an extremely "European" couple: the woman worked at the London branch of an Italian bank, the man was an engineer for a Portuguese construction company, and together they had a lovely French bulldog. On weekend mornings, the rich aroma of Italian espresso always drifted from their terrace.

Before Brexit, having an operating license in the City of London was like holding an "EU Passport" for financial firms; foreign institutions could provide financial services smoothly across the entire European Economic Area. But after Brexit, London lost the advantage of the EU financial passport, and the Italian bank where the woman worked withdrew its operations and most of its jobs from London. After struggling for a while, she moved back to Italy; for the sake of love, the man also had to quit his job and return to Portugal. Initially, we still liked each other's social media updates, but a few years later, when I accidentally scrolled past the man's photo on Facebook, the girl in his arms was someone else. Their love survived the test of the COVID-19 pandemic, but post-Brexit life made them miss out on each other.

This macro-level political experiment not only forced the UK to endure a net GDP loss of 6% to 8%, but it also cruelly severed the intersecting destinies of countless individuals on a micro-level. Brexit took away not just capital, but also a piece of the cosmopolitan vitality that this city once took immense pride in.

Compared to the departure of this young couple, some of the Europeans who stayed behind plunged into a different kind of panic. A French friend of mine has spent most of his life in London and speaks with a fluent London accent. Recently, however, he has been frantically preparing for the "Life in the UK" citizenship test. Previously, despite having lived in London for decades, this proud Frenchman was always reluctant to apply for British citizenship. But now, he fears that if the populist wave continues to sweep across the country and the Reform Party comes to power, he could face visa complications or even the risk of deportation at any moment, even though he already considers London his primary home.

Instead of taking back control of the borders as politicians promised, Brexit saw immigration numbers hit a historic high of over 900,000, the vast majority of whom were non-EU migrants. This sense of disillusionment catalyzed the rise of far-right forces. Another long-time friend in the UK noted that, in the past, the confrontation between the UK's two major political parties unfolded roughly along a classic left-right economic axis: Labour championed redistribution, while the Conservatives advocated for low taxes. The middle class, the working class, and the City of London all had their respective places, coexisting peacefully. But Brexit acted like a wedge, forcefully prying this axis apart and replacing it with a new one: the identity/culture axis. From then on, British voters were reclassified—are you for an open society or a closed one? Are you a metropolitan elite or a small-town nostalgic?

The 2016 referendum was viewed by many pro-Brexit supporters as an opportunity to "take back control." But ten years later, whether it is UK-EU relations, economic development, or immigration debates, many Britons feel that although the UK has left the EU, the pervasive "loss of control" over their own lives remains as strong as ever.

The afterglow of empire

Finally, there is that staggering bill. In the autumn of 2022, I recorded a video in my London apartment specifically breaking down my monthly energy bill. I calculated my electricity, hot water , and heating costs at the time, and the monthly energy expense had already reached £160.50. At a rough exchange rate of 8, that was 1,284 RMB for a single month! By 2025, statistics showed that the annual household energy expenditure in the UK reached £1,720. Based on the median disposable income of a UK household in the 2024 fiscal year (£36,700), energy expenses accounted for roughly 4.7%. Beyond energy, there are supermarket bills, housing bills, and transport bills; the numbers representing the cost of living are only growing larger. Behind those alarming figures reflects the suffocating cost-of-living crisis facing ordinary Londoners, as well as the UK's extreme vulnerability in the global energy supply chain.

The Russia-Ukraine conflict and the turmoil in the Middle East have ruthlessly exposed the soft underbelly of the UK's energy structure. Yet, a perplexing paradox exists: in a low-growth economy where ordinary citizens must pinch pennies for heating, where the government's fiscal space is severely squeezed by national debt interest, and where not even the stable supply of tomatoes can be guaranteed, the politicians in Westminster are still immersed in the illusion of the bygone "British Empire." They stubbornly insist on increasing defense spending, attempting to maintain a "Great Power posture" on the stage of international aid and global geopolitics that has long been disproportionate to their actual national strength.

A deeper malaise

Ten years of the Brexit dream. When Andy Burnham attempts to return to the centre of power with his successful experiences from Manchester, he will be facing a nation far more shattered than Greater Manchester. Politicians always assume that swapping out a dry, rigid Starmer for a more grounded new leader will pacify angry voters. But as long as the UK refuses to drop the baggage of its imperial afterglow, refuses to confront the structural barriers caused by Brexit, and fails to resolve the massive interest ledger written on my tax bill alongside the cost-of-living crisis on ordinary citizens' bills, the black door of 10 Downing Street will forever remain a revolving door that only spins faster and faster.

Yubin Du is a journalist, producer, and chief editor for CGTN. He was stationed as a foreign correspondent in Washington, D.C., USA, and London, UK, for six years respectively, focusing on China-US and China-Europe relations. He has worked in China's international broadcasting and new media sectors for over 16 years. This article reflects only the author's personal views. Image: Deposit Photos

He also criticised the handling of Hungary's dispute with the European Union over asylum policy, arguing that the previous government had knowingly exposed the country to substantial financial penalties.

“This daily one million euros, about which the cabinet meeting minutes acknowledge, not that it is justified, but that the previous government did everything to ensure there would be a penalty of this severity,” Magyar said.

In June 2024, the European Court of Justice fined Hungary €200 million and imposed an additional €1 million daily penalty for failing to comply with EU asylum regulations.

Magyar said his government was exploring solutions used elsewhere in Europe to meet EU requirements while avoiding the establishment of migrant camps in Hungary.

“We are working to develop such a regulation so that, on the one hand, there indeed won't be migrant camps in Hungary, and we won't have to continue paying this daily fine of one million euros,” he said.

Asked about the EU Migration and Asylum Pact, which entered into force on Friday, Magyar said Hungary would favour providing technical assistance to other member states rather than accepting relocated asylum seekers.

“There is a third option, for example, which the Orban government also used previously, providing additional technical border protection assistance through Frontex to either Greece or Serbia,” he said.

Magyar argued that the pact includes broader provisions beyond migrant relocation and introduces stricter migration rules than previous EU frameworks.

Brazil received eight red cards in a chaotic 1-0 loss to the United States women's national team in Fortaleza. Coach Arthur Elias and three assistants were sent off during the second half, while players Bia Zaneratto and Tarciane were dismissed late in the match. Kerolin and Ludmila also saw red after the final whistle for dissent. Sophia Wilson scored the game's only goal in the 63rd minute, with Brazil failing to register a shot on target before a crowd of more than 55,000 fans.

Brazil intercepts 108 Cuban migrants as asylum requests surge

Brazilian authorities rescued 108 Cuban migrants from suspected smugglers in Roraima state, marking the largest humanitarian rescue operation ever recorded in the region. Five alleged traffickers were arrested. Officials say the operation reflects a growing wave of Cuban migration through Brazil's northern border with Guyana. Cubans became the leading nationality seeking refugee status in Brazil in 2025, with more than 40,000 applications, driven by Cuba's deepening economic crisis. Roraima and neighbouring Amapá have emerged as key entry points, with authorities warning that migration flows could continue to rise amid worsening conditions on the island.

EU deepens digital ties with Brazil to reduce reliance on US tech

The European Union and Brazil are set to sign a digital partnership covering data , cybersecurity, connectivity and online safety, as Brussels seeks to strengthen ties with trusted partners and reduce dependence on U.S. technology. EU tech chief Henna Virkkunen said Brazil will become the bloc's fifth digital partner, joining Canada, Japan, South Korea and Singapore. The move follows the EU-Mercosur trade agreement and comes as Europe works to boost its own tech sovereignty, particularly in cloud services and semiconductor production.

Brazil's Alisson unfazed by World Cup favourites tag

Brazil goalkeeper Alisson Becker says being labelled a World Cup favourite offers no advantage, insisting what matters is a team's form when the tournament begins. The Liverpool keeper, fully fit for his third World Cup, credited coach Carlo Ancelotti with improving morale after a difficult qualifying campaign. He said Brazil have become more organised defensively under the Italian and is ready for their opening match against Morocco in New Jersey.

Brazilian woman, 38, accused of posing as child in years-long fraud

A 38-year-old Brazilian woman has been arrested for allegedly posing as a 12-year-old girl and deceiving a couple who housed and supported her for more than a year. Amanda Maria Souza de Oliveira is accused of fraud and identity offences after reportedly creating a fake identity, convincing the family to cover her expenses and treating her as a child. Prosecutors described the case as an "elaborate fraud scheme" involving emotional manipulation. Authorities say Oliveira has faced similar allegations in other Brazilian states.

His response was as unvarnished as it was accurate: “Bullshit. Sorry, it’s bullshit.”(you can listen at 27 minutes 41 seconds in the documentary). He quickly outlined the reality that politicians in Brussels prefer to ignore: German manufacturers produce heavily in China, and European and Chinese automotive supply chains are inextricably linked through deep-rooted joint ventures.

Yet a growing disconnect has emerged between policymakers in Brussels and the industrial realities they aim to shield. Instead of heeding Reindl's reality check, the European Union has quietly erected a formidable wall of regulatory barriers. The battleground in the China-EU economic relationship has effectively shifted from macro-level diplomatic friction to a quiet, attritional struggle over compliance.

The EU's Foreign Subsidies Regulation (FSR) has become the instrument of choice. In early 2024, the mere initiation of a deeply invasive FSR probe forced the Chinese rolling stock manufacturer CRRC to withdraw from a €610m electric train tender in Bulgaria. Fast forward to April 2026, and the EU went a step further, conditioning the approval of Lisbon’s ‘Violet Line’ metro project on the explicit exclusion of its Chinese subcontractor.

This defensive scrutiny is now spilling rapidly from public infrastructure into private commerce. The EU has recently launched an FSR probe into JD.com’s proposed €2.2bn acquisition of Ceconomy, the German parent company of MediaMarkt and Saturn. Concurrently, Brussels slapped a record €200m fine on the cross-border e-commerce platform Temu under the Digital Services Act (DSA). The message is unambiguous: Europe is abandoning its long-held free-market principles in favour of administrative strangulation.

The Irony of Europe’s ‘Section 301’ Drift

There is a profound historical irony in this pivot. For decades, the EU was the primary victim of unilateral American trade bullying, most notably through Washington's notorious Section 301 investigations. From digital service tax disputes to the endless Boeing-Airbus subsidy saga, European leaders consistently championed the World Trade Organization’s multilateral dispute mechanisms over unilateral aggression.

Today, however, under the guise of "economic security," Brussels is forging its own Section 301 toolkit. By weaponising the FSR, the EU bypasses the WTO entirely, relying instead on domestic administrative powers to enforce a presumption of guilt upon foreign competitors. The former defender of globalised free trade is now actively dismantling it.

Overcapacity?

To justify this protectionist fortress, Western policymakers have coalesced around a singular, politically convenient buzzword: overcapacity. The narrative dictates that China’s competitive edge in green technology is purely the result of unfair state subsidies.

It is a narrative that fundamentally fails the logic test. Carl Bildt, Co-Chair of the European Council on Foreign Relations and former Prime Minister of Sweden , recently punctured this rhetoric with brutal clarity: "I find the concept of 'overcapacity' ridiculous. Does Germany have an overcapacity in cars? France one in wine? Sweden in heavy trucks? Italy in fashion? And don’t tell me that European food exports aren’t subsidised."

Bildt’s observation exposes a glaring double standard. Decades ago, when German and Japanese automotive titans leveraged their absolute dominance in internal combustion engine (ICE) technology to aggressively enter and dominate the nascent Chinese market, the West proudly called it "comparative advantage." Today, when China achieves the same via a 20-year strategic bet on battery technology and extreme vertical integration-honed in the most fiercely competitive domestic market on earth-that identical comparative advantage is suddenly branded a "national security threat." 

The reality of inflation

More concerning is that this defensive policy stance is generating negative spillover effects on broader macroeconomic objectives. Europe has long positioned itself as a model in advancing the global climate agenda. Particularly following the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the reshaping of Europe’s energy supply chains has become exceptionally urgent. Securing affordable and efficient green energy and related technologies is not merely a prerequisite for achieving its ambitious decarbonisation targets; it is also critical for curbing inflationary pressures and stabilising the broader economy.

The industrial advantages and economies of scale that China has amassed in the new energy sector - spanning photovoltaics, batteries, and electric vehicles (EVs) - could have offered robust support for Europe’s green transition. There exists immense potential for deep cooperation between the two sides in technological exchange and supply chain integration. However, the proliferation of trade barriers and compliance scrutiny is increasingly undermining this prospect. Sacrificing long-term climate cooperation for the sake of short-term industrial defence essentially inflates Europe’s own decarbonisation costs artificially, and risks delaying the region’s progress in reining in inflation.

200,000 tonnes of pork for a lithography machine

Beneath the rhetoric of "overcapacity" lies the EU's persistent complaint regarding its trade deficit with China. However, resolving a trade imbalance requires expanding the pie of high-value exports, not shutting the door to affordable imports.

The structural truth of the China-EU trade imbalance can be captured in a stark, brutal arithmetic: it takes the export of approximately 200,000 tonnes of European pork to equal the profit generated by the sale of a single high-end ASML lithography machine to China.

Europe cannot have it both ways. It cannot blindly follow Washington's export control regime - cutting off its most lucrative, high-tech exports to China under the expansive umbrella of "national security" - and then complain that its trade ledger is unbalanced because it is only selling luxury goods and agricultural products in return. You cannot refuse to sell your partner the technology they want to buy, and then cry foul when they sell you the green industrial goods you desperately need.

The China-EU economic relationship is fundamentally complementary and mutually beneficial. Retreating behind a regulatory wall of FSR probes and tariffs is not a strategy for economic resilience; as Stefan Reindl pointed out, it is simply "bullshit" that masks a deeper confession of industrial inertia. To truly secure its economic future, Europe must muster the courage to face market competition and confidently resume high-tech, free trade.

Du Yubin is a journalist and producer for CGTN. He was stationed in Washington, D.C. and London for six years each, focusing on China-US and China-EU relations. He has over 16 years of experience in international communication and new media . The views expressed in this opinion article are the author’s own.

Image via depositphotos.com

International travel remains out of reach for much of the world's population, with new data highlighting significant differences in overseas travel experience across major economies.

According to findings from the Pew Research Centre , India ranks among the countries with the highest share of people who have never left their home country, with 95% of respondents reporting they had never travelled abroad. Indonesia followed at 92%, while Nigeria stood at 90%.

The survey shows that large developing nations account for many of the highest percentages of citizens who have never crossed an international border.

After India, Indonesia and Nigeria, the ranking includes Brazil (87%), Mexico (79%), South Africa (77%), Kenya (72%) and Argentina (64%).

By contrast, wealthier countries reported substantially lower figures. In Japan, 34% of respondents said they had never travelled abroad, compared with 32% in Poland and 23% in the United States .

Researchers note that population size can play a major role. Countries such as India, Brazil and the United States offer vast domestic travel opportunities, reducing the necessity of international trips for many citizens.

Pew Research has consistently found that income levels strongly influence overseas travel patterns. International travel often requires significant spending on transportation , accommodation, visas and travel documents, making it less accessible for lower-income households.

Passport ownership also varies widely between countries. Government data show that only a minority of citizens in many developing nations hold valid passports, limiting opportunities for international travel even when interest exists.

In addition, visa restrictions continue to affect mobility. Citizens of some countries face more stringent entry requirements, higher application costs and longer approval processes than travellers from wealthier nations.

Experts say high percentages of citizens who have never travelled abroad do not necessarily indicate a lack of travel culture.

In countries with large territories and diverse landscapes, domestic tourism frequently serves as an alternative. India, for example, attracts hundreds of millions of domestic tourist visits annually, while Brazil, Mexico and the United States maintain extensive internal tourism markets.

Geography can also influence travel habits. Residents of smaller European countries often cross borders regularly for work, leisure or education, contributing to higher rates of international travel experience.

Despite the disparities, international tourism has grown significantly over recent decades. According to the UN World Tourism Organisation (UN Tourism), global travel has recovered strongly following the pandemic-era downturn, with international arrivals approaching or surpassing pre-2020 levels in many regions.

Latvia's capital, Riga, has emerged as the European city with the highest proportion of women relative to men, according to demographic data compiled by Insider Monkey using statistics from Eurostat and national statistical agencies across Europe.

The ranking, based on the female-to-male ratio among urban populations, places Riga at the top with 126 women for every 100 men, followed by Porto in Portugal at 122.7% and Salamanca in Spain at 120.6%.

The findings offer a snapshot of broader demographic trends shaping European cities, including ageing populations, migration patterns, educational mobility and differences in life expectancy between men and women.

The list is heavily concentrated in Southern and Eastern Europe, with Portugal accounting for four cities in the top 15: Porto, Lisbon, Funchal and Braga.

Spain also features prominently through Salamanca, Madrid and Donostia-San Sebastián, while Central and Eastern European capitals such as Warsaw, Budapest, Bucharest and Bratislava rank among the cities with the largest gender imbalances.

According to Eurostat, women outnumber men in most European Union countries, largely because women live longer on average . Across the EU, female life expectancy exceeds male life expectancy by several years, creating increasingly female-majority populations in many urban areas.

Migration also plays a role. University centres such as Salamanca, Coimbra and Warsaw attract large numbers of female students and young professionals. At the same time, some regions experience outward migration of working-age men seeking employment opportunities elsewhere.

In cities such as Riga and Bucharest, demographic changes following decades of economic transformation and labour mobility have contributed to persistent gender imbalances.

Portugal's representation in the ranking reflects both demographic and social trends. The country has one of Europe's oldest populations, while urban centres continue attracting women pursuing higher education, healthcare careers and service-sector employment.

Cities such as Porto and Lisbon have also benefited from economic growth, tourism and international investment, drawing new residents while retaining strong female participation in the workforce.

The winners of the 2026 FIFA World Cup will receive a record $50 million prize , highlighting the unprecedented financial scale of the first-ever 48-team tournament to be hosted jointly by the United States, Canada and Mexico.

The prize structure, illustrated in the latest FIFA financial breakdown , shows that even teams eliminated in the earliest knockout stage will earn millions of dollars. At the same time, every qualified nation is guaranteed a substantial financial reward simply for reaching the tournament.

Champions to receive $50 million

Under FIFA's official distribution model, the 2026 World Cup champions will take home $50 million, while the runners-up will receive $33 million. The third-placed team will earn $29 million, with fourth place worth $27 million.

Teams reaching the quarter-finals but failing to advance will each receive $19 million, while Round of 16 participants will earn $15 million. Nations eliminated in the new Round of 32 will receive $11 million, and teams exiting after the group phase will still collect $9 million.

The financial rewards represent a significant increase from previous World Cups, reflecting FIFA's ambition to make the 2026 edition the most commercially successful tournament in football history .

The 2026 FIFA World Cup will be the first to feature 48 teams and 104 matches, expanding from the traditional 32-team format used from 1998 through 2022. The tournament will be staged across host cities in Canada, Mexico and the United States, making it the largest World Cup ever organised.

FIFA projects the competition will generate record revenues through broadcasting rights, sponsorships, ticket sales and hospitality packages. Analysts estimate the governing body could generate around $13 billion in revenue during the current four-year cycle, nearly double the amount recorded in previous periods.

FIFA President Gianni Infantino has described the 2026 World Cup as a landmark event not only for football but also for the sport's global economic growth, with a significant portion of tournament revenues earmarked for development programs worldwide.

“There are still some technical and procedural steps to be completed on the Ukrainian side. And for us, what remains to be done is to verify if the conditions linked to the first disbursement under the macrofinancial assistance programme for Ukraine are met or not met,” Lammert admitted.

The loan agreement followed a diplomatic breakthrough in late April, when Slovakia and Hungary eased opposition to key EU measures supporting Ukraine. Hungary had previously blocked the package under former Prime Minister Viktor Orban amid disagreements linked to the Druzhba pipeline.