Mexico, however, reaffirmed its position of supporting national sovereignty and peaceful conflict resolution, stressing the importance of continued humanitarian cooperation with Cuba.

The remarks come amid growing pressure on the island, including US sanctions impacting fuel supplies and ongoing economic difficulties affecting daily life.

“Europe has fundamental interests in how the Arctic develops,” Sikela said.

He said the EU’s updated Arctic strategy would focus on investment in energy, education , connectivity and the “responsible development of resources.”

“It will not be written in Brussels and delivered here,” Sikela said. “Greenlandic input at this formative stage is one of the central reasons for my visit.”

Sikela described Greenland as central to Europe’s Arctic strategy, saying the EU wanted to “build with Greenland” rather than simply benefit from its resources.

Prime Minister Nielsen said Greenland was interested in developing a “stronger and better” partnership with the European Union.

Responding to questions about tensions with Washington, Nielsen denied that the meeting was intended as a political message to U.S. President Donald Trump .

“In Greenland, in terms of the United States, we have a working group. We have a dialogue to try to sort things out,” he said.

He added that the strengthening of EU-Greenland ties had been under discussion long before the recent geopolitical tensions surrounding the Arctic island.

The commissioner’s visit coincided with the first official trip to Greenland by Jeff Landry, Trump’s special envoy to the territory.

Trump has repeatedly pushed for the United States to acquire Greenland, arguing that control of the island is important for countering growing Chinese and Russian influence in the Arctic.

The European Union’s expansion over the past six decades has not only reshaped the bloc politically and economically, but has also made it one of the world’s most multilingual political institutions.

What began in 1958 with just four official languages, Dutch, French, German and Italian, has evolved into a system recognising 24 official languages.

According to the European Union , every citizen has the right to communicate with EU institutions in any official EU language and receive a reply in the same language.

The first major language expansion came in 1973 when Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom joined the European Economic Community, adding Danish and English.

Greek followed in 1981 after Greece entered the bloc, while Portuguese and Spanish were introduced in 1986 following the accession of Portugal and Spain.

The EU’s linguistic diversity expanded significantly after the 2004 enlargement, when 10 countries from Central and Eastern Europe joined the union in its largest single expansion. Languages including Polish, Czech, Hungarian, Slovak and Lithuanian became official EU languages almost overnight.

Bulgarian, Romanian and Irish gained official EU status in 2007, although full Irish-language implementation was phased in over time, while Croatian became the EU’s 24th official language after Croatia joined the bloc in 2013.

Despite Brexit, English remains one of the EU’s dominant working languages because of its widespread use in diplomacy, business and international communication across member states.

The European Parliament and European Commission rely heavily on translators and interpreters to manage the multilingual system. The European Parliament describes itself as one of the world’s largest employers of language professionals, with thousands of interpreters and translators working across institutions.

EU officials argue that multilingualism is essential for democratic participation, ensuring citizens can access laws, debates and public documents in their native languages.

However, maintaining the system is expensive and logistically complex. The EU spends roughly €1 billion annually on translation and interpretation services across its institutions.

The EU also recognises dozens of regional and minority languages, although these do not hold official EU status.

Experts say the growth in official languages mirrors the EU’s broader political evolution from a small Western Europe an economic community into a continental union spanning much of Europe.

“Our official stance is: let’s diversify the supply options for all fuels, but also keep open the possibility when it comes to Russian oil and gas,” Fico said.

He also criticised what he described as growing U.S. interest in European energy transit infrastructure .

“The Russians will supply the Americans with gas and oil at standard prices, and the Americans will sell it to us with an American high-margin surcharge,” he said. “Are we such idiots already?”

The remarks come as the EU continues to pursue its REPowerEU strategy, aimed at ending reliance on Russian fossil fuels following the escalation of the war in Ukraine in 2022.

Under the plan, Russian liquefied natural gas imports would be phased out by the end of 2026, while pipeline gas imports would end by September 30, 2027, with a possible short extension.

EU member states are also required to outline how they will replace Russian energy supplies.

Fico has repeatedly argued that a rapid break from Russian energy could increase costs for Central European countries that remain heavily dependent on imports.

“I just had a good conversation with the Prime Minister of Slovakia. Officially, we appreciate that Slovakia has taken steps to unblock the European support package for Ukraine and the sanctions package against Russia ,” Zelensky said.

The Ukrainian leader said both sides agreed on the need to maintain strong bilateral relations despite recent differences. According to Ukraine’s presidential office, Zelensky and Fico also discussed a possible in-person meeting, with their teams expected to work on scheduling details.

Zelensky said Slovakia had reaffirmed its support for Ukraine’s bid to join the European Union. Ukraine’s presidential office said Fico told Zelensky that Slovakia supports Ukraine’s EU membership and is ready to share its own experience of accession.

The comments follow weeks of tensions over EU support for Ukraine, including a €90 billion package and additional sanctions against Moscow. The funding had been held up amid objections from Hungary and Slovakia linked to disputes over Russian oil flows through the Druzhba pipeline, Viory reports.

Ukraine said the pipeline had been damaged by a Russian strike and later repaired it after requests from the European Union. Zelensky said on April 21 that Kyiv had completed “all necessary steps” on its side and expected the EU to deliver on its commitments.

Hungary, under outgoing Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, had repeatedly blocked or delayed EU measures in support of Ukraine. Orbán’s Fidesz party lost Hungary’s April 12 election to Péter Magyar’s Tisza party, raising expectations in Kyiv and Brussels that Budapest’s stance on Ukraine could shift.

Orbán had accused Ukraine and the EU of interfering in Hungary’s election campaign, allegations that his opponents denied. The dispute over Ukraine aid, sanctions and energy transit had become a central issue in Hungary’s election campaign and in EU negotiations on support for Kyiv.

“The EU asked Ukraine to repair the Druzhba oil pipeline, which Russia had destroyed. We have repaired it. We hope the EU will also deliver on the agreed commitments,” he said.

Zelensky also expressed concern over what he described as a lack of progress on additional EU sanctions against Russia, warning that delays risk weakening international pressure on Moscow.

With 98.89% of the vote counted, TISZA won 138 seats, Fidesz-KDNP secured 55 seats, and Mi Hazánk obtained 6 seats.

The outcome marks a major political shift in Hungary, where Orbán had been one of Europe’s most controversial leaders. He was widely seen as the European Union’s most autocratic leader and maintained close ties with U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin. His removal is expected to ease tensions within the EU, where officials have long accused him of undermining democratic systems and taking advantage of institutional weaknesses.

Orbán also faced criticism over his stance on Ukraine. He was accused of supporting actions that helped block €90 billion in European support to Ukraine, raising concerns among European leaders about Hungary’s role in the bloc.

Despite endorsements from Trump and campaign support that included visits from U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Vice President JD Vance, the vote appeared to be driven mainly by domestic issues.

Voters were reported to be concerned about Hungary’s economic challenges, as well as allegations of corruption and cronyism linked to Orbán’s administration. The scale of the defeat indicated widespread dissatisfaction, as TISZA was projected to dominate both the national party-list vote and many individual constituencies.

In his speech to supporters, Magyar promised to return Hungary to the main fold of European politics , pledging a pro-European Union and pro-NATO direction for the country.

“My fellow citizens, Hungary will once again be a strong ally in the European Union and NATO. Hungary will once again be a strong ally representing Hungarian interests, because our country's place for a thousand years in Europe was, is, and will be. We will rebuild and strengthen, we will place it on new foundations and expand the cooperation of the Visegrad Four wherever possible,” he said.

The result sparked celebrations in Budapest, where tens of thousands of people took to the streets.

With a projected majority above the threshold required to govern alone, Magyar is expected to form the next government , ending Orbán’s long hold on power and signalling a shift in Hungary’s position within Europe.

That challenger is Péter Magyar, a former Fidesz insider who now leads the Tisza (Respect and Freedom) Party. What looks like a domestic political contest is also being watched closely far beyond Hungary, with implications for the EU, the US, Russia, and Ukraine.

Orbán’s campaign has focused heavily on the idea of “war or peace.” He has positioned himself as Hungary’s protector, warning that “progressive forces” in the West and Ukraine are trying to pull the country into conflict.

Across Budapest, that message is hard to miss. Posters show Volodymyr Zelensky and Ursula von der Leyen as threatening figures, often described as part of a “pro-war lobby.” Orbán has also claimed—without evidence—that Ukraine could attack Hungary. His allies have gone further, branding Magyar as an “agent of Brussels.”

Magyar, 45, is not a typical opposition figure . He comes from Orbán’s inner circle and broke away after a corruption and pardon scandal. Since then, his Tisza Party has gained momentum.

His focus is different. He talks about the economy, corruption, and the rule of law, what he calls everyday issues. He has also promised to unlock between €18 billion and €22.5 billion in frozen EU funds by restoring Hungary’s alignment with European standards.

Unlike past challengers, Magyar connects with voters in rural areas through retail politics, and his right-leaning background makes him harder to dismiss.

The outcome matters on several levels. At home, Hungary is ranked as the most corrupt country in the EU, with most of its media and judiciary under state control. A Magyar win would aim to reverse that and dismantle what critics call a “soft autocracy.”

In Europe, Orbán has built a reputation as the EU’s “disruptor-in-chief,” often blocking aid to Ukraine and sanctions on Russia. Some EU leaders are now even considering suspending Hungary’s voting rights.

There are also wider geopolitical stakes. Hungary has been accused of acting as Moscow’s “mole” inside the EU, with leaked calls suggesting coordination with Russian diplomats. If Orbán loses, Russia could lose a key ally, and Ukraine could find stronger support.

In the US, Orbán has backing from Donald Trump and has hosted Vice President JD Vance, but some US Senators are pushing sanctions over Hungary’s ties to Russian energy.

Even with polls putting Tisza ahead by 10 to 12 points, victory is not certain. Orbán has reshaped the system, rewriting the constitution and gerrymandering districts to favour Fidesz.

Experts say Magyar may need at least a six-point lead just to win a majority. The campaign has also been hit by claims of Russian-backed disinformation, known as “Gamechanger,” aimed at damaging the opposition and even suggesting staged assassination plots.

More than 110,000 Syrians acquired EU citizenship last year, making them the largest group by country of origin. Moroccans followed with just over 97,000 new citizens, reinforcing their long-standing position among the top nationalities obtaining EU passports.

The data highlights how geopolitical instability and economic migration continue to shape citizenship trends across the bloc. Syrians, many of whom arrived during the peak of the refugee crisis beginning in 2015, are now transitioning from asylum status to full citizenship in host countries such as Germany, Sweden, and the Netherlands.

Moroccan nationals, by contrast, reflect more established migration corridors, particularly into France, Spain, Belgium, and Italy, driven by historical ties and labour demand.

Albania ranked third, with around 48,000 new EU citizens, followed by Türkiye (41,300) and Romania (39,900). While Romania is itself an EU member state, the figures reflect intra-EU mobility and naturalisation processes across member countries.

Citizenship grants were not limited to Europe’s immediate neighbourhood. Venezuela (37,500), Ukraine (34,400), India (33,800), Russia (31,000), and Brazil (30,100) also featured among the top ten origin countries.

The presence of Venezuelans reflects ongoing economic and political instability in Latin America, while Ukrainians continue to move across the EU amid the ongoing war with Russia. Indian and Brazilian nationals highlight skilled migration flows, particularly into countries with labour shortages in technology, healthcare, and engineering sectors.

Eurostat data shows that 88% of new EU citizenship recipients in 2024 came from non-EU countries , underscoring the bloc’s role as a destination for global migration. Only 11% were previously citizens of other EU member states, reflecting comparatively lower rates of intra-EU naturalisation.

This distribution signals that citizenship acquisition remains closely tied to long-term settlement of third-country nationals rather than mobility within the union.

The resolution urges Member States to consider formal apologies and to contribute to a reparations fund, although it does not specify a monetary value. It also calls for the return of cultural artefacts taken during the colonial period to their countries of origin.

Speaking on behalf of the African Group, Ghana’s President John Dramani Mahama said, “Today, we come together in solemn solidarity to affirm truth and pursue a route to healing and reparative justice.” He described the resolution as a “safeguard against forgetting” and a response to what he called the “erasure of Black history ” by some modern political administrations.

The resolution states that for more than 400 years, millions of Africans were “stolen, shackled, and shipped” under harsh conditions. It describes the trade as a “definitive break in world history” with long-term effects on global labour and economic systems. Estimates indicate that between 12 and 15 million people were captured between 1500 and 1800, with over two million dying during the transatlantic journey.

President of the General Assembly Annalena Baerbock said the trade was a form of “mass resource extraction” that weakened African societies. She added, “The slave trade and slavery stand among the gravest violations of human rights in human history – an affront to the very principles enshrined in the Charter of our United Nations.”

The resolution faced opposition from the United States. Ambassador Dan Negrea described the text as “highly problematic in countless respects” and said the UN should focus on international security rather than “niche” issues. He stated that the U.S. “does not recognise a legal right to reparations for historical wrongs that were not illegal under international law at the time they occurred”.

Several countries, including the United Kingdom and some European Union members, abstained from the vote. The UK has maintained that present-day institutions should not be held responsible for actions taken in the past.

Ghana’s Foreign Minister Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa said reparations efforts are not limited to financial payments. He explained that African leaders are seeking support for education and skills development, stating, “Many generations continue to suffer the exclusion, the racism because of the transatlantic slave trade, which has left millions separated from the continent and impoverished.”

Esther Philips, First Poet Laureate of Barbados, addressed delegates during the session. She said, “There are spirits of the victims of slavery present in this room at this moment, and they are listening for one word only: justice .” She added, “For them and for the world, there can be no peace without justice – reparatory justice – and that call is answered only when words are turned into action”.

UN Secretary-General António Guterres called on countries to take stronger steps to address the long-term effects of slavery. He urged “far bolder actions”, including recognising African ownership of natural resources and ensuring equal representation in global financial and security institutions.

He explained that the initiative will be formally presented by Ghana’s president, John Dramani Mahama, before international bodies on March 25. The proposal seeks to classify slavery as "the gravest crime against humanity", aiming to establish a legal and moral precedent within the international system.

Ablakwa also said the international community has not fully acknowledged the gravity of these crimes or held those responsible accountable.

"For more than 300 years, Africans were treated as property, many of them in the most dehumanising and despicable circumstances. Perpetrators are yet to apologise and have not compensated the victims," Ablakwa said.

“It is unfortunate that our friends in the EU and the US have served notice that they will not be voting for this resolution, but the good news is that we are far more than them, and we want to be on the side of justice, on the right side of history ,” he added.

A common list of 'safe countries of origin'

The EU has introduced its first common list of “safe countries of origin.” The list includes Bangladesh, Colombia, Egypt, India, Kosovo, Morocco, and Tunisia. EU candidate countries, including those in the Western Balkans, are also generally presumed safe.

Under the new rules, asylum applications from individuals coming from these countries will be processed through an accelerated procedure. This is intended to enable faster decisions and quicker rejections of claims considered unfounded.

The burden of proof has also shifted. Instead of the EU demonstrating that a country is unsafe, the individual applicant must now prove they have a “well-founded fear of persecution” or face a risk of serious harm in their specific case.

A country may be removed from the list if it experiences armed conflict, if its citizens have an asylum recognition rate above 20%, or if it faces sanctions for human rights violations.

Changes to the 'safe third country' rule

The reforms expand the “safe third country” concept, which allows the EU to transfer asylum seekers to countries outside the bloc.

Previously, an applicant was generally required to have a connection to a third country, such as family ties or prior residence, before being transferred there. Under the new rules, this “connection” requirement has been removed. Individuals may now be sent to countries they have never entered, provided there is an agreement between the EU and that country.

This change allows for the possibility of processing asylum claims outside EU borders through arrangements sometimes described as “offshore processing” or “return hubs.” Similar models have been attempted by the United Kingdom and are currently used by Italy in Albania.

Transfers can only take place if the third country agrees to assess the asylum application on its merits and complies with international standards, including the principle of non-refoulement, which prohibits returning a person to a country where they may face danger.

Scope and exemptions

The new framework is designed to reduce what authorities describe as “manifestly unfounded” applications and to ease pressure on member states’ asylum systems.

Unaccompanied minors are exempt from transfer to safe third countries unless they have a direct connection to that country or have transited through it.

Human rights organisations have raised concerns that the changes may disproportionately affect vulnerable groups, including LGBTQ+ individuals and survivors of violence, who may face challenges in proving their need for protection under accelerated procedures.

Political context

The reforms reflect what many observers describe as a “hardening” of EU migration policy . This shift follows years of rising anti-immigration sentiment and the growth of far-right political parties across several member states.

Supporters argue that the new rules will end “legal limbo” for migrants by delivering quicker decisions, address what they call “abuse” of the asylum system, and create a more “credible and functioning” framework based on shared responsibility among member states.

Concerns raised by critics

Humanitarian organisations, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have warned of potential risks.

They cite concerns about possible human rights violations, particularly in countries such as Egypt and Tunisia, whose records have been widely scrutinised. Some Members of the European Parliament have also warned that third countries could use migration agreements to “blackmail” the EU in exchange for financial support.

Another concern relates to the removal of the “automatic suspensive effect” on appeals. Critics argue that this change could result in individuals being deported before a court determines whether their transfer was lawful.

The measures will take effect after formal approval by the Council. Most elements are scheduled to be implemented by June 2026, with some provisions, including the safe country lists, potentially coming into force earlier.

Why it matters

What’s in it for India

What’s in it for the EU

What’s driving the push now

What they said

Geopolitics behind it

What happens next

Once concluded, the India–EU FTA would mark a rare moment of trade liberalisation in a protectionist era — binding two uneasy but increasingly aligned partners as global commerce splinters.

The reaction followed an EU announcement earlier this week outlining measures to gradually remove equipment supplied by countries it considers “high risk” to the security of critical infrastructure. The proposal would affect major Chinese technology groups, including Huawei and ZTE.

According to the figures shown on the above map, Portuguese respondents top the list at roughly 70% in favour of a common European army, while only Finland appears below the 50 % mark.

Countries across central and southern Europe also show solid majorities supporting an EU-wide defence force. What this really means is a growing appetite among citizens for greater strategic autonomy rather than outsourcing security entirely to external allies.

These trends reflect broader debates in European capitals about defence cooperation and self-reliance. A 2025 poll showed widespread support for deeper EU-level defence cooperation and increased defence spending, with some surveys reporting that more than three-quarters of EU citizens favour stronger joint defence initiatives.

The shift in opinion comes at a time of heightened geopolitical tension. Russia ’s war in Ukraine continues to shape attitudes toward security in Europe, and leaders from several EU states have publicly discussed the idea that the bloc should be able to defend itself independently if necessary.

That debate has taken on new urgency in light of recent friction between Europe and the United States over Greenland, the world’s largest island, controlled by Denmark but strategically located between North America and Europe.

U.S. President Donald Trump reignited discussion about acquiring Greenland, arguing the island’s location is vital to U.S. security interests in the Arctic and North Atlantic. Analysts note that Greenland sits astride key missile defence and early warning routes, making it a flashpoint in great-power competition.

Greenland’s government and Denmark have firmly rejected any takeover, and large “Hands off Greenland” protests erupted in Nuuk and Copenhagen in early 2026 in defence of the island’s sovereignty.

Donald Trump, on the other hand, has announced that eight European countries will face new import tariffs of 10% starting in February and to rise to 25% by June unless Denmark agrees to sell Greenland to the United States, a move he argues is critical for American national security.

The threatened tariffs target Denmark, Norway, Sweden, France, Germany, the UK, the Netherlands and Finland, and come amid Trump’s broader push to gain control or influence over the strategically important Arctic territory.

The EU is yet to convene to plan a countermeasure.

In practical terms, it is designed to lower barriers to trade and investment, set common rules for doing business, and create a more predictable framework for political and economic cooperation between the two regions.

Two structural details that explain both the ambition and the political pain:

What’s actually in it

At its core, the agreement targets tariff and non-tariff barriers across a large share of goods trade:

The Council’s own framing is that this would create the world’s biggest free trade zone, covering over 700 million consumers, and it points to substantial existing EU-Mercosur trade flows (over €111 billion in goods trade in 2024, plus significant services trade).

Why was it contested?

The opposition has not been about a single clause. It has been a collision between three politically hard issues to reconcile: farm economics, environmental credibility, and trust in enforcement.

EU farmers fear being undercut, especially in “sensitive” sectors

European farming organisations and several member states argued that increased market access for Mercosur products could push down prices for EU producers, particularly in sectors like beef, poultry and sugar. This is why “farmers on tractors” became the recurring image around the agreement across multiple EU countries.

Even where quotas and safeguards exist, farmers and their political allies often focus on the direction of travel, and that is more competition from producers they believe face lower costs and different regulatory burdens.

Environmental groups and some governments worry about deforestation and climate enforcement

Critics argue the deal risks incentivising expansion of beef and soy production, with knock-on effects for deforestation and biodiversity, particularly in sensitive ecosystems such as the Amazon. This line of criticism has been especially influential in France and among environmental NGOs.

In response, the European Commission’s Q&A document stresses that the updated deal makes the Paris Agreement an “essential element” of the relationship, and that this can allow suspension if a party seriously breaches or withdraws from the Paris framework. It also references commitments linked to halting deforestation after 2030 in line with Paris-related national plans.

Standards and “fair competition” arguments: pesticides, food safety, production rules

A persistent theme has been the claim that EU farmers face stricter requirements ( animal welfare , pesticides, traceability, environmental compliance) and that imports should be held to equivalent standards to avoid creating a two-tier system.

The Commission’s Q&A is explicit that EU sanitary and phytosanitary standards are non-negotiable , and it outlines plans for strengthened audits, checks, and an SPS dialogue/committee with Mercosur counterparts. It also flags an intention to pursue stronger alignment on production standards for imports, including certain pesticides.

When it is being signed, and what happens next

Here’s the timeline in plain terms:

After the signature, the agreement still needs to clear the legal and political gates that actually make it real:

The proposed EU-Mercosur agreement is designed to create one of the world ’s largest free trade zones, encompassing a market of around 780 million people and a significant share of global gross domestic product. It aims to progressively eliminate tariffs on the majority of goods traded between the two regions, expanding access for agricultural and industrial exports on both sides.

However, European opposition, particularly from France and Italy, has complicated efforts to finalise the deal. Member states have sought stronger safeguards for sensitive sectors such as agriculture, and intense negotiations at recent summits have pushed the expected signing into January. European Commission officials have said the extra time is needed to secure the necessary political support among the EU’s 27 countries.

The delay has not dampened optimism among some Mercosur leaders. Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva said the negotiations would continue and stressed the importance of political will in achieving an agreement, with Paraguay set to assume the bloc’s pro-tempore presidency in 2026. He also suggested that the world is watching the process and that Mercosur would pursue alternative partnerships if progress stalls.

Observers see the discussions as part of a broader global context in which regional blocs seek deeper economic links amid shifting trade dynamics. Finalising the Mercosur-EU deal would send a signal about the strength of multilateral trade cooperation at a time when global supply chains and strategic partnerships are under pressure from geopolitical tensions and competing economic interests.

According to The Brussels Times , internal files suggest that Washington has engaged with Poland, Italy, Austria, and Hungary in efforts that critics describe as aimed at nudging them toward exiting the EU.

Last Friday’s publication of the 33-page National Security Strategy, which outlines a strategy aimed at resisting what the U.S. portrays as Europe’s civilisational degradation, prompted significant backlash for its language on Europe, and now, just a week later, an alleged leak has further intensified scrutiny of the country's intentions toward the EU.

The White House has, however, debunked these rumours by clearly stating that there are no other versions of the NSS document, hence any new angle or additional information is false.

"No alternative, private, or classified version exists. President Trump is transparent and put his signature on one National Security Strategy that clearly instructs the US government to execute on his defined principles and priorities," Anna Kelly, a spokeswoman for the White House, said.

Over recent years, Warsaw and Budapest have openly challenged Brussels in disputes over rule-of-law enforcement and budgetary mechanisms. Italy’s periodic swing toward nationalist platforms and Austria’s cautious approach to deeper EU integration have likewise spotlighted internal EU divisions across issues from migration to economic coordination.

Speaking at a recent meeting convened by the Party of European Socialists (PES) ahead of the European Council, the party President Stefan Löfven, emphasised that strategic autonomy and unity in the EU remain central to continental security, particularly in light of ongoing Russian aggression and broader geopolitical competition.

“This European Council takes place at a decisive moment for Europe. In a context of geopolitical instability, war on our continent and growing pressure on our democracies, Europe must act with unity, clarity and responsibility,” she said .

“X deceives users,” Regnier said. “Anyone can pay to obtain verified status, and X does not meaningfully verify who is behind it.”

The investigation began nearly two years ago, shortly after the DSA took effect in 2023. The law obliges large online platforms to avoid misleading design features, clearly label advertising, and ensure researchers can access public data for safety and transparency monitoring.

According to the Commission, the fine is divided into three parts: approximately €45 million for misleading verification practices, €35 million for unclear advertising transparency, and €40 million for improper access to researcher data. The total is far below the maximum allowed penalty, up to six percent of a company’s global annual revenue.

Elon Musk, owner of X, reacted sharply on the platform, replying “Bullshit” under the EU’s announcement and sharing posts accusing the Commission of targeting free speech and American tech firms.

In 2017, the Portuguese Parliament passed Law No. 11/2017, mandating at least one vegan option in all public-sector canteens, including schools, universities, hospitals, and prisons.

The law was heavily supported by the animal rights party PAN (People–Animals–Nature) and framed as a step toward inclusivity and sustainability.

This decision marked a rare moment when ethics, public health, and environmental concern converged into law. According to the European Commission , food-related emissions account for nearly 31% of global greenhouse gases, pushing governments to rethink how food is supplied in public spaces.

Furthermore, the World Health Organisation (WHO) notes that plant-based diets can significantly reduce the risk of non-communicable diseases such as heart disease and obesity, aligning the law with long-term public health goals.

This year’s major UN climate reports have emphasised food-system reform as essential to meeting global climate targets. The UN Environment Programme stated that shifting toward plant-based diets could slash agricultural emissions and land use dramatically.

Meanwhile, the global conversation around veganism has expanded beyond animal ethics. In 2024–2025, rising food prices, supply chain shocks, and conflict-driven shortages have pushed public institutions to reevaluate their menu strategies .

However, while several countries are introducing plant-forward guidelines, none have legislated a mandatory vegan meal nationwide. The UK, Germany, and the Netherlands have debated similar policies but stopped short of legislation. Some cities, like New York City, have introduced plant-based hospital meals by default, but not through national law.

From the North Atlantic’s isolation to Central Europe’s dense multilingual corridors, the Germanic languages continue to evolve in ways that mirror Europe’s ongoing transformations.

The languages are traditionally divided into two major branches: North Germanic, which is spoken largely in Scandinavia , and West Germanic, which includes English, German, Dutch, Frisian, and Scots.

On the map above, Icelandic and Faroese dominate the North Atlantic fringes, Norwegian, Danish, and Swedish sweep across Scandinavia, and German, Dutch, Frisian, Scots, and English cover much of Western and Central Europe.

According to Encyclopaedia Britannica , the Germanic language family is descended from a common Proto-Germanic ancestor emerging around the mid–1st millennium BCE.

Additionally, the world’s most widely spoken Germanic language, English, owes its global dominance to centuries of colonisation and international trade. There are over 1.4 billion English learners and speakers globally, making it a defining linguistic force in diplomacy, science, and technology.

Meanwhile, German remains the most widely spoken native language within the European Union, a fact with cultural and political implications amid ongoing debates over EU unity and economic leadership.

The North Germanic languages, though spoken by smaller populations, have some of the highest literacy rates and strongest preservation efforts in the world . Icelandic, for instance, deliberately resists borrowing from other languages, implementing unique Icelandic terms for modern concepts.

He confirmed the measure would take immediate effect but stressed that single-entry visas would not be affected. 

"What I'm saying today is about a multiple-entry visa. That means a single-entry visa remains possible. There's stronger scrutiny, but I'm not going to speculate about any future actions," he added.

The move marks a tightening of EU travel restrictions on Russian citizens amid continuing tensions over the war in Ukraine . 

On Thursday, the Commission said it could not prevent Russians from obtaining single-entry visas, as decisions on those applications rest with individual member states.

Multiple-entry Schengen visas allow holders to travel freely between countries in the Schengen zone, while single-entry visas limit travellers to one entry.

Moscow had not issued an official response at the time of publication.

However, this analogy represents a skewed picture of the contemporary reality, which invariably downplays the roles of African elites in global politics. African decisionmakers are not just passive recipients of aid or investment but rather use the competition between non-African actors to advance their own agendas. As both the EU and China, through the European Global Gateway and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), have pushed to become infrastructure partners of choice in Africa, we can see African states pushing their own agenda. 

First launched in 2013, the BRI is a trillion-dollar infrastructure network. It links China to the rest of the world, with Africa a major focus for its projects. The EU’s Global Gateway launched in 2021, with a comparably smaller €300bn budget, aiming to boost Europe’s role in infrastructure construction for transport, green energy and digital technology, especially in Africa.

A two-way street

Both the EU and China see these projects as a way of reinforcing their identity on the global stage. For the EU, this involves framing itself as a champion of democracy and good governance. China positions itself as an equal partner of the Global South , offering investment without political strings and within a frame of a common experience of historical colonial oppression. Both European and Chinese efforts can be understood as a search for ‘ontological security’, a term that denotes an actors’ need for a stable sense of identity and continuity in its self-perception and actions.

From the perspective of Africa’s external partners, it is this yearning to feel secure, and African actors' power to provide or deny validation that creates opportunity for the latter to push for better terms on big infrastructure deals. For example, African criticism of China’s “debt diplomacy” has pushed Beijing to tweak its BRI practices, aligning projects more closely with the AU’s development goals. Meanwhile, the EU has had to adjust too, making more effort to avoid being seen as a rebrand of old, top-down aid programmes.

This can be seen in the case of Lobito Corridor, a railway project connecting mineral-rich areas in Zambia, Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo with regional and global trade markets via the port of Lobito. Construction on the project started with significant involvement from Chinese actors in 2006, but Angolan government dissatisfaction with a series of issues prompted them to shift the next phase of development to a Western-backed consortium in 2022. In the setting of terms in both cases, Angolan policymakers leveraged the rivalry between Chinese and Western partners to attract billions of dollars in investment while keeping control over its long-term goals of industrialisation and economic diversification.

Another example is the Dakar Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system, the first fully electric bus network in sub-Saharan Africa. The project was a key element of Senegal's national development strategy, aiming to modernise infrastructure. To realise the project, Senegal combined European financing and management expertise with Chinese construction capacity and equipment. Funders of the BRT include Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs), European development finance institutions, the EU, the World Bank , and a European-led corporate consortium. Technical expertise was provided by the French national rail provider, while the core infrastructure and 121 electric buses were provided by Chinese SOEs. By mixing and matching, Senegal avoided dependency on a single partner and still aligned the project with its own national development plan.

In addition to challenging notions that a ‘new scramble’ is underway, claims of a return to Cold War patterns of rivalry and dependence are ill-fitting for the contemporary reality. Although Europe and China are rivals, African actors are not simply pawns in their power games, but are rather exploiting these dynamics, sometimes forcing both to adapt their approaches, including by working together on African projects.

Given the importance of infrastructure provision for the future of trade, jobs and connectivity on the continent, it is vital that African leaders can tap into the insecurities of international partners and promote their own interests. That they can do so does not imply that African countries have full freedom to dictate terms, given that they still operate in a global system of unequal power and financial dependency. However, the notion that Africa has little choice is misleading, given the opportunities that exist for diversifying partnerships, ‘forum shopping’ and setting their own priorities. In short, Africa isn’t just the stage for a new global rivalry. Increasingly, it’s one of the directors of the play.

This opinion piece reflects the views of its independent authors, not those of Global South World. It is based on their research paper African agency in geopolitical times: playing with EU and Chinese ontological security published in Third World Quarterly

“What remains of the rule of law,” one might ask, “when the European Commission deliberately circumvents the rulings of its own Court of Justice?”

This is not a theoretical question — it is the current reality of the European Union’s policy toward Western Sahara.

In October 2025, the Commission signed a new trade agreement with Morocco that explicitly covers the territory of Western Sahara — despite four clear rulings by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) declaring such inclusion unlawful without the free, prior, and informed consent of the Sahrawi people through their legitimate representative, the Polisario Front.

By doing so, the EU’s executive arm has not only contradicted the Union’s legal order but has also undermined one of its most sacred principles: respect for the rule of law.

A legal framework ignored

Since 2016, the CJEU has been remarkably consistent:

Western Sahara and Morocco are “separate and distinct territories”, and Morocco exercises no recognised sovereignty over the territory.

Any EU–Morocco agreement that applies to Western Sahara is, therefore, null and void unless it receives the free, prior, and informed consent of the Sahrawi people through their legitimate representative, the Polisario Front — a principle firmly rooted in international law and in the EU’s own treaties.

Yet, instead of implementing these judgments, the European Commission has chosen to reinterpret them politically, inventing a misleading concept of “consultations” with selected local actors to simulate “consent.”

This manoeuvre is not a legal adaptation — it is institutional defiance of judicial authority.

The message is unmistakable: in the hierarchy of EU institutions, political expediency now overrides judicial independence.

The politics of selective legality

The Commission’s behaviour sets a dangerous precedent for the entire Union.

If the EU’s executive body can ignore binding court rulings in one case, what prevents others from doing the same in future disputes?

Europe cannot demand that its member states uphold judicial independence while it bends its own laws for political convenience.

Behind the diplomatic language lies a deeper truth:

Morocco has turned its relationship with the EU into a mechanism of international legitimisation,

transforming trade, fisheries, and renewable energy agreements into a political instrument to reinforce its administrative control over Western Sahara.

Each new deal signed in Brussels is presented in Rabat’s media as “recognition of sovereignty,”

even though international law and the Court of Justice clearly state otherwise.

By proceeding under these terms, the European Commission risks becoming an enabler of this narrative,

granting indirect legitimacy to a governance system that relies on security control, demographic engineering, and economic dependency to maintain dominance over the Sahrawi population.

From administration to control: Morocco’s strategy in Western Sahara

Within the territory under Morocco’s de facto control,

an intricate structure of security oversight and economic dependency has been established.

Military checkpoints, intelligence surveillance, and administrative restrictions regulate every aspect of Sahrawi civic life.

Dozens of Sahrawi activists remain detained under questionable charges and unfair trials, often facing intimidation and mistreatment.

At the same time, economic dependency is deliberately used as a tool of control:

Jobs, permits, and financial incentives are granted primarily to Moroccan settlers and businessmen,

and to a small number of Sahrawis who remain silent or cooperate in exchange for roles that serve Morocco’s narrative on the Sahrawi question.

Meanwhile, the vast majority of the Sahrawi population is excluded from meaningful economic participation and local decision-making.

Through this system, Morocco has turned the economy into an instrument of political and social domination,

where loyalty is rewarded and dissent is penalised.

What makes this reality even more alarming is that the European Commission has now become an active partner in this system.

By providing political and institutional support, it is helping Morocco evade the implementation of international legality and EU law,

thus enabling a governance model that systematically marginalises the Sahrawi people.

In doing so, the Commission is no longer a guardian of legality — it has become an actor in its erosion.

From law to morality

Europe’s institutions were built on the belief that legality and morality must coexist.

When the Commission chooses to bypass the Court’s decisions, it betrays not only the Sahrawi people but also the European citizens whose democratic legitimacy depends on trust in the rule of law.

The irony is stark: Europe promotes legality in Ukraine, in Palestine, and in Sudan,

yet tolerates a territorial exception in Western Sahara — the last unresolved decolonisation case in Africa.

How can the EU advocate for a “rules-based international order” while compromising its own legal integrity at home?

A crisis of credibility

By aligning with Morocco’s interpretation of “development,”

The European Commission has become an institutional partner in every violation occurring within the territory.

It is not merely ignoring the Court’s rulings — it is actively assisting Morocco in evading the implementation of international and European law,

thereby becoming complicit in the continued erosion of the Sahrawi people’s rights.

What makes this situation even more troubling is that Morocco has not only undermined legality in Western Sahara but has also managed to infiltrate parts of Europe’s own democratic system.

Through financial influence, lobbying, and the buying of political and media loyalty,

Rabat has built networks of influence within European institutions — a phenomenon exposed by scandals such as Qatargate and Moroccogate.

Despite this erosion of trust in European democracy, Morocco is today rewarded with a new, rushed, and opaque agreement,

as if the European Union were punishing its own judiciary while compensating those who defied it.

The moral and political imperative

Europe’s credibility begins — or ends — in Western Sahara.

The European Parliament, member states, and civil society must now decide whether the rule of law is a universal principle or a flexible political tool.

If the CJEU’s rulings continue to be ignored, then the very foundation of the European Union — legality, equality, and human rights — loses meaning.

The Sahrawi people have waited for five decades, believing in Europe’s conscience and its courts.

They have remained peaceful, disciplined, and faithful to the law.

If Europe chooses silence now, it will not only betray the Sahrawis — it will betray itself.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Med Elbaikam is a human rights advocate and independent Sahrawi activist based in Europe.

Despite tensions, both sides aim to finalise the first tranche of a bilateral trade pact by late 2025, with the goal of doubling trade from the current $191 billion to $500 billion by 2030. The US accounted for $131.8 billion of India’s trade in 2024/25, according to government data.

Parallel negotiations with the EU remain ongoing, alongside discussions with New Zealand , Oman, Peru and Chile. India also signed terms in August to begin FTA talks with the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union.

India’s deal with the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), Switzerland, Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein, takes effect October 1, securing $100 billion in investment commitments over 15 years in exchange for reduced tariffs on key imports such as Swiss watches and diamonds.

“The FTAs are part of India’s broader strategy to attract investment while balancing geopolitical tensions,” said trade economist Biswajit Dhar.

These agreements highlight India’s growing role in global supply chains as the West seeks to diversify away from China .

On this occasion, they are packed in here like in a subway at rush hour, and every speech we have heard and will hear only reiterates the previous ones and [...] has no relation to the truth," Polyansky told the chaber.

The Russian envoy claimed that European powers were undermining the prospects of a “sustainable peace” by promising security guarantees to Ukraine, which he said risked triggering a new conflict on the continent.

“Our meeting, of course, will not add any value to the cause of establishing peace in Ukraine and will only become yet another shameful episode of that fair of hypocrisy,” he said.

Polyansky also invoked remarks by Poland’s former president, Andrzej Duda, who once warned that Ukraine was “like a drowning person” pulling others down. He suggested that Europe now faced an “inglorious fate” by continuing to fund Kyiv.

European leaders struck back with sharp criticism. Finland’s President Alexander Stubb said Russia’s assault on Ukraine represented a daily violation of the UN Charter and a fundamental threat to international order.

Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez condemned what he described as repeated Russian incursions into European airspace and urged the international community to respond “with determination and unity.”

European Council President António Costa said the bloc would press ahead with sanctions on Moscow and continue to back Ukraine’s ambition of full EU membership. Italy’s foreign minister, Antonio Tajani, meanwhile, insisted Europe was “not at war with Russia” but urged Moscow to return to dialogue.

Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, after recognising separatist entities in Donetsk and Luhansk and demanding that Kyiv renounce NATO membership. Kyiv denounced the move as an invasion, while the EU and United States imposed sweeping sanctions in response.

“Russia’s war economy is sustained by the revenues from fossil fuels. We want to cut these revenues. So we are banning imports of Russian energy into European markets. It is time to turn,” she said.

According to Rama, the bot will take charge of all public tenders, where the government awards contracts to private firms through bidding, an area long considered a source of corruption in the Balkan country.

“Diella is the first cabinet member who isn’t physically present, but is virtually created by AI,” Rama said during a speech unveiling his new cabinet, adding she will help make Albania "a country where public tenders are 100% free of corruption ."

Though a global first, Diella is not new to Albanians. She first appeared as a virtual assistant on the e-Albania platform, helping citizens and businesses obtain official documents.

Since then, she has helped issue more than 36,600 digital documents and provided nearly 1,000 services through the platform, according to government figures.

The appointment is also part of Albania’s push to join the European Union by 2030, a membership that significantly leans on the Balkan country resolving its corruption problems. 

Corruption is so widespread in the Balkan country that more than 1 out of 4 of its citizens aged 18 to 64 have experienced bribery with a public official, according to a United Nations report published in 2011.

After Rama announced the appointment, many Albanians voiced scepticism that a machine could tackle a problem rooted in human behaviour.

Diella’s role, after all, is symbolic more than official: under Albania’s constitution, cabinet ministers must be mentally competent citizens at or over the age of 18.

Rama, however, insisted that the appointment is meant to show other nations still tethered to “ traditional ways of working ” that technology can play a central role in government.

The announcement was made during President Prabowo Subianto’s visit to Brussels, where he met with top EU leaders.

Europe an Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said the change was part of efforts to deepen ties between Europe and Indonesia.

“It means that from now on, Indonesian nationals visiting the European Union for a second time will be eligible for a multi-entry Schengen visa,” President von der Leyen was quoted by local reports as saying.

The Schengen visa allows people to travel freely between most countries in the EU.

A multi-entry visa lets travellers enter and leave the region several times within a given period, making it more convenient for business people, students, and frequent visitors.

Von der Leyen said the move would help Indonesians expand their personal and professional connections across Europe.

She also said the EU wanted the benefits of closer cooperation to reach ordinary people on both sides.

President Prabowo welcomed the visa change and called for more European involvement in Indonesia’s economic plans.

He said Europe played an important role in the country’s development and expressed hope for stronger partnerships going forward.

He also highlighted the recent conclusion of the long-delayed Indonesia-EU–EU trade deal, saying it marked a breakthrough after ten years of talks.

He praised both sides for resolving key issues and said the agreement would benefit everyone involved.

The image used for this article was AI-generated.

"There's a lot of untouched potential in our trade relationship, and therefore, this agreement comes at the right time because the new agreement will open new markets," she said during the joint press conference with Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto.

The EU president asserted that after 10 long years of talking with Indonesia, this is the best deal for both Europeans and Indonesians.

“After 10 years of negotiations, we have made a breakthrough. This new trade agreement will open up great opportunities for both our people ,” she added.

President Subianto, who represents over 280 million Indonesians, also shared that “For Indonesia, CEPA is not only about trade; it is about fairness, respect, and building a strong future together. The agreement must support our efforts to grow our industries, create jobs, and strengthen our sustainable development goals." 

The trade agreement comes just a day after US President Donald Trump announced 30% tariffs on EU exports, which will start on August 1. 

Holness had raised the issue at the closing press conference of the 49th CARICOM Heads of Government meeting, citing the delay in implementation despite the EU Commission’s earlier recommendation in June. He criticised the European Parliament’s internal political divisions that had stalled the delisting, stressing that the delay was unfair to small developing nations that had met the required reforms “through great sacrifice, discomfort, and the cost to the people .”

Jamaica’s Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade Minister Kamina Johnson Smith also hailed the EU’s decision as a step in the right direction for the country. In a virtual address to the European Parliament, she said, “We cannot overstate the significance of this decision... it is a clear indication of the Parliament’s willingness to respond positively to the needs and interests of small, vulnerable economies like Jamaica’s.”

Johnson Smith later emphasized that the outcome followed “joint and separate sustained advocacy” from both Jamaica and Barbados. “This is yet another signal of broad-based trust in our systems,” she said, noting that the move builds on Jamaica’s earlier removal from the Financial Action Task Force’s (FATF) grey list in 2023.

The removal from the EU’s list is expected to improve the financial reputations of both nations, easing international banking transactions and encouraging investment, especially across CARICOM economies. Holness concluded, “It may not materialise tomorrow that you will have an easier banking system, but over time, it will.”

The Tanzania Civil Aviation Authority (TCAA) announced that international carriers such as Ethiopian Airlines and Qatar Airways have been given extra rights to operate flights to and from key cities in Tanzania.

The new permissions will last six months while authorities try to resolve the issue.

In a statement, the TCAA said the decision aims to “safeguard tourism, business continuity, and international mobility.”

The ban affects only aircraft registered in Tanzania and does not apply to international airlines based in other countries. These airlines are still operating normally in the country.

Travellers have been urged not to cancel their trips.

The TCAA also stressed that Tanzania remains safe and open to international visitors.

“The aviation sector continues to operate in accordance with international safety and regulatory standards,” the authority said.

To help Tanzanian airlines continue flying, the TCAA has allowed them to partner with international carriers through codeshare agreements and special permits.

This will help keep flights running within Tanzania and across the region.

According to IMF projections for 2025 , Poland’s nominal GDP is set to hit $979 billion, outpacing the total economic output of Ukraine, Romania, Bulgaria, Belarus, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and Moldova, which collectively reach $927 billion.

Here’s the breakdown:

Despite having only 38 million residents, Poland generates more output than these seven countries combined, which together are home to over 77 million people .

The contrast is even more staggering in GDP per capita: $26,800 in Poland versus an average of $13,300 among its neighbours.

This economic edge is no accident. Poland’s early integration into the European Union, coupled with sound institutions, investor confidence, and a robust manufacturing sector, has fuelled steady growth.

Meanwhile, many of the surrounding nations continue to wrestle with structural weaknesses, ranging from post-Soviet economic legacies and political instability to, in some cases, active conflict zones.

Poland’s position today marks a dramatic transformation from the 1990s and underlines its emergence as Eastern Europe ’s most dynamic economy.

Beijing views Taiwan as part of its territory and claims jurisdiction over the body of water that separates the self-ruled island from the Chinese mainland.

Taiwan's foreign ministry said on Thursday that the British Royal Navy patrol vessel HMS Spey sailed through the strait the day before, as part of a freedom of navigation exercise. China's navy hit back on Friday, accusing London of "publicly hyping up" the move.

Beijing "organised troops to track and warn (the ship) throughout the entire journey, and effectively dealt with it", Liu Runke, a spokesman for the People's Liberation Army Navy's Eastern Theatre Command, said in an online statement.

He said British statements on the transit had "distorted legal principles and confused the public". "Its actions deliberately disrupted the situation and undermined peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait," Liu said.

China has repeatedly refused to rule out using force to seize control of democratic Taiwan. The HMS Spey was the first British Navy ship to sail through the strait since the HMS Richmond, a frigate deployed with Britain's aircraft carrier strike group, in 2021.

New Additions

The inclusion of Algeria and Lebanon reflects ongoing concerns with the former struggling with corruption. Ranking 107th in the 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index , the country has witnessed recent high-profile cases like the five-year sentencing of former official Mohamed Bouakkaz for illicit enrichment.

The latter’s listing, amid economic crisis and concerns over groups like Hezbollah, does not impact EU humanitarian aid but signals weak Anti-Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism (AML/CFT).

Kenya, Namibia, and others face similar situations, requiring urgent reforms to meet FATF standards.

Delisted jurisdictions

The UAE’s removal follows its exit from FATF ’s grey list in February 2024, driven by strengthened financial regulations.

An Emirati official emphasised continued commitment to AML/CFT reforms, aligning with new EU-UAE free trade talks.

The Philippines , Barbados, and others were also delisted for improved compliance, easing financial access but requiring sustained vigilance.

Why it matters

Listed countries face stricter EU financial scrutiny, complicating access to capital and trade.

The EC’s list, based on FATF’s “Jurisdictions under Increased Monitoring,” protects the EU’s financial system but stirs debate.

Last year, the European Parliament blocked the UAE’s delisting, citing premature leniency while the delegated regulation awaits approval from the European Parliament and Council, effective within one to two months unless objected European Commission, 2025.

The EU’s Air Safety List, managed by the European Commission (EC) with support from the European Union Aviation Safety Agency (EASA), targets airlines and countries with deficient safety oversight.

Bans are imposed based on International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) standards, focusing on; ineffective supervision by national aviation authorities, gaps in maintainance or failure to meet airworthiness directives, lack of certification from EASA’s Third Country Operators (TCO) by non-EU authorities, which assesses safety management, maintenance, and operational controls.

As of June 2025, 169 airlines are banned from EU skies: 142 from 17 countries with systemic oversight failures and 27 individual carriers, and 22 Russian airlines, due to specific safety irregularities.

What Tanzania's ban means

On Tuesday, June 3, the EC expanded its ban to all 34 Tanzanian-certified airlines, including ATCL, citing “serious deficiencies in national aviation oversight”,

While no Tanzanian airline currently operates in Europe, the ban derails ATCL’s plans to relaunch routes to London, Frankfurt, and Athens, stunting its long-haul ambitions to compete with carriers like Emirates.

The TCAA has responded swiftly to the ban, noting that the ban has “no operational impact” on current services, as Tanzanian airlines do not fly to the EU.

It also reassured travellers that Tanzanian skies are safe, citing a clean safety record and alignment with ICAO standards, The Citizen reports.

Impact on Tanzania’s aviation

The European Union’s June 4, 2025, ban on all Tanzanian-certified airlines, including Air Tanzania (ATCL), from EU airspace hampers ATCL’s plans to launch routes to London, Frankfurt, and Athens, costing $15–20 million annually in lost revenue.

His remarks came during a high-profile gathering of Europe’s far-right leaders convened by French National Rally leader Marine Le Pen in the Loiret region south of Paris.

The meeting, held to commemorate the first anniversary of Le Pen’s National Rally’s best-ever performance in European elections, served as a rallying point for anti-immigration forces emboldened by Donald Trump ’s return to the White House and recent electoral gains across Europe.

Joining Orban were prominent right-wing figures, including Matteo Salvini, Italy’s Deputy Prime Minister and leader of the League party, Santiago Abascal, leader of Spain’s Vox party and Andrej Babis, former Czech Prime Minister.

Speaking at the meeting, Orban reaffirmed his longstanding position that Europe’s migration policy is fundamentally flawed.

"We will not let them destroy our cities and the safety of our streets. We will not let them violate our daughters and our women. We will not allow peaceful citizens to be killed. My friends, we will not stand idly by, pointing at Brussels and international law like losers. We will act. What is happening is not migration, it is an organised exchange of populations intended to replace the cultural bedrock of Europe," he said.

The European Union has long sought to manage migration through a mix of border controls, humanitarian resettlement, and burden-sharing among member states. Key elements include:

This proposal represents a significant evolution from previous Western strategies, which have primarily focused on arming Ukraine without direct troop deployments.

A bloc of countries across Northern, Central, and Southern Europe has expressed willingness to participate.

Nordic States like Sweden, Denmark, and Norway have signalled a strong commitment, aligned with their broader pro-NATO security stance. Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, all of which share borders with Russia or Belarus, also see troop participation as a critical component of regional defence.

Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia have long been among Ukraine’s staunchest allies. Additionally, Portugal and Italy have shown openness, although domestic political dynamics could influence their final decisions.

Germany, however, remains non-committal. Despite being one of Ukraine’s top arms donors, Berlin is wary of direct troop involvement. Hungary, led by Viktor Orbán, continues to pursue a more Russia-friendly policy , while Neutral countries like Ireland, Austria, and Switzerland are unlikely to join due to constitutional and historical constraints.

Eastern and Southeastern European countries such as Romania, Bulgaria, and the Balkans are similarly absent from the current plan, either undecided or reluctant.

Although this seems like a good start for Ukraine, Russia on Sunday, May 25, launched the largest aerial attack on the former.

This attack comes after pressure from the USA on Russia to end the 3-year-long invasion of Ukraine.

US President called Putin "absolutely crazy" after the attack killed at least 13 people.

“I’ve always had a very good relationship with Vladimir Putin of Russia, but something has happened to him. He has gone absolutely CRAZY!” the US president wrote on his Truth platform.

What happens next?

A European Commission spokesperson confirmed the suspension of aid to Zimbabwe ahead of the EU-African Union Ministerial Meeting, which opened this week in Brussels, the News Day reports.  

Despite the aid suspension, the EU continues to pursue economic engagement with Zimbabwe. At the inaugural EU-Zimbabwe Business Forum in Harare, EU Ambassador Jobst von Kirchmann reaffirmed the bloc’s commitment to strengthening long-term trade and investment ties.

“Our main goal with this platform is to elevate our trade relationship and, for the first time, bring EU firms to Zimbabwean shores to strengthen our relationships,” Von Kirchmann said, noting that bilateral trade already exceeds US$1 billion.

The forum, focused on key sectors including horticulture, mining, and renewable energy , was attended by European investors and Zimbabwean officials. Zimbabwe Investment and Development Agency (ZIDA) CEO Tafadzwa Chinamo described the forum as a confidence-building step for foreign investors.

“The EU firms were able to see first-hand opportunities in all sectors of the Zimbabwean economy and we’re glad they managed to see for themselves what Zimbabwe has to offer,” Chinamo noted.

The €500 million package is intended to support vulnerable populations across Africa, with priority given to crisis-affected regions such as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Sudan, the Sahel, and the Lake Chad Basin.

Speaking to Global South World , Del Re argued that the EU’s true strength lies not in military might, but in the enduring power of humanitarian and development support.

"Humanitarian aid and development cooperation are our distinctive aspects because... the European Union is the main provider at the global level, which gives the European Union a profile, a very important profile," Del Re said. "We have to reinforce our positive aspects, our credibility, our capability of influence without, of course, imposing our influence."

Del Re warned against following the trend of cutting aid budgets, as seen in the United States and parts of Europe. Instead, she urged the EU to embrace its soft power identity more fully. "I think that the European Union should go in the opposite direction because both humanitarian aid and development cooperation are a distinctive aspect and profile of the European Union," she told GSW.

"Soft power is absolutely necessary in the global system and also, of course, favours a system that really goes straight within the communities rather than only thinking about restructuring and redefining the defence system," she added.

Del Re also discussed the challenges facing EU engagement in the Sahel. She described the EU as "the main partner of each country of the Sahel," but noted ongoing struggles with coherence and perception. 

"The European Union has found itself in a difficult position, being considered still very much related to the former colonialist country, France and also being considered as a partner that imposes rather than discusses the way forward," she said.

The legacy of colonialism continues to affect relationships with African countries, the Italian diplomat noted, "We have not developed what I call a European-African or African-European language that can really favour the canalisation of common messages."

Videography: Anoir4art

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen reaffirmed the EU's commitment to enforcing the Digital Markets Act (DMA) against any offending company, regardless of its country of origin or political connections. In her responses to inquiries about the EU’s policy direction, she stated, "The rules that have been approved by lawmakers must be enforced". She emphasized that cases against companies such as TikTok, X, Apple, and Meta have been initiated as part of this enforcement.

Despite these assertions, recent reports indicate that the fines imposed on large tech firms may be considerably less than the statutory maximum of up to 10% of their global annual revenue, which could result in penalties reaching billions for companies such as Apple. This speculation raises concerns that both U.S.-EU trade relations and recent shifts in European Commission leadership may be influencing a softer regulatory approach.

The new leadership appears more inclined to focus on implementing technical measures associated with the DMA rather than imposing significant financial penalties. This has led to uncertainty regarding the EU’s resolve to combat alleged abuses of market dominance by technology giants, with no specific timeline provided for when fines will be announced or their potential amounts.

The EU is one of the pioneering jurisdictions in introducing stringent regulations against big tech companies, while many other countries are still developing their strategies. However, the assertion that the EU maintains a neutral stance regarding the origins of firms raises eyebrows, given past instances where the EU has been perceived as favoring European companies, such as Spotify, over Apple. As global political, economic, and diplomatic dynamics evolve, the world is keenly observing how the European Commission will navigate these challenges in its enforcement of digital regulations against technology firms.

Trump remarked, "We’re in no rush," indicating his leverage originating from the desire of other countries to access the U.S. consumer market. He further expressed, “We have a lot of countries that want to make a deal. Frankly, they want to make deals more than I do.”

Meloni's engagement with Trump marked a significant moment, being the first European leader to meet with him after he announced a partial suspension of a 20% tariff on European imports. This meeting positioned her as a potential intermediary between the EU and the United States amid escalating trade tensions, which have raised recession concerns.

Portraying the U.S. and Europe as natural allies, Meloni emphasized the importance of resolving trade and national security disputes. The EU, defending its critical economic relationship with the U.S., totaling approximately €1.6 trillion ($1.8 trillion) annually, is pursuing a zero-for-zero tariff agreement with the Trump administration.

While Trump aims to leverage tariffs to negotiate favorable terms, he seeks to push back against claims that they are detrimental to the economy, claiming that prices on essentials like gasoline and eggs are decreasing. Conversely, concerns regarding inflation remain prevalent due to rising interest rates driven by market reactions to his tariff strategies.

The European Commission, responsible for trade negotiations, has already initiated talks with Trump's officials, although resistance persists regarding the administration's foundational 10% tariff policy. The Commissioner for trade, Maroš Šefčovič, highlighted the need for a collaborative effort between the U.S. and the EU to tackle tariff reduction and other trade barriers.

Experts suggest that Meloni's opportunity lies more in clarifying Trump’s objectives rather than obtaining concrete concessions. As a right-wing party leader, she shares ideological similarities with Trump, yet supports Ukraine post-invasion, in contrast to Trump’s views on military spending.

Despite differences on certain issues, Meloni is perceived as a crucial conduit to Europe during a tumultuous time for trans-Atlantic relations. The U.S. looks to her not only for insights on Italy’s marketplace but also for influence over broader European dynamics. Her previous attendance at Trump’s inauguration further solidifies her role, even as she expressed disapproval of the tariffs, warning that division within the West could have dire consequences.

Italy enjoys a €40 billion ($45 billion) trade surplus with the U.S., driven by a strong demand for Italian gourmet products and luxury items, which are vital to its economy. As global uncertainty mounts due to escalating tariffs, Italy's growth forecast has been adjusted downwards, reflecting the wider economic impact of trade wars initiated by the Trump administration.

The upcoming meeting coincides with escalating tensions, as the EU grapples with Trump’s threats of imposing substantial new tariffs on European goods, which could adversely affect key industries such as wine and machinery. Some officials believe her visit may provide an opportunity for mediation, while others remain skeptical about her intentions. Carlo Calenda, a former Italian minister and opposition figure, expressed concern, stating, “This is the moment of truth for our prime minister”.

Meloni’s allies maintain that she will bridge the gap between Brussels and Washington, with Italy’s industry minister, Adolfo Urso, highlighting both the transatlantic relationship's strength and the personal rapport between the two leaders. Nonetheless, the implications of her visit are substantial since Meloni is the first European leader to meet Trump. In contrast, top EU officials, including European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, have struggled to engage with him directly.

Despite previously denouncing Trump’s tariffs as “wrong”, Meloni has also aligned with the EU on several votes concerning retaliatory measures. Additionally, she has publicly supported controversial figures in the U.S. such as JD Vance and urged the EU to remain cautious regarding the trade dispute escalation. Political analyst Giovanni Orsina remarked that this meeting will be a significant test for Italy regarding its relationship with the United States , emphasizing its potential ramifications for Europe as a whole.

The once-peaceful nation averaged a killing every hour at the start of the year, as cartels vied for control over cocaine routes that pass through Ecuador's ports. In the volcano-ringed capital Quito, Noboa's supporters celebrated his victory late into the night with fireworks and amped-up conveys of cars blaring infectious tecnocumbia.

US President Donald Trump was among the first to congratulate the 37-year-old president on his reelection, calling him a "great leader" and telling Ecuadorans "he will not let you down!"

Speaking to jubilant supporters in his hometown Olon, Noboa claimed a "historic victory." "A huge hug to all those Ecuadorians who always believed in this young president!" he said. "Ecuadorians have spoken. From tomorrow morning we will go to work." But the results were clouded by Gonzalez's refusal to concede defeat.

Seemingly shocked by her weak showing and perhaps the end of her dream of becoming Ecuador's first woman president, she immediately questioned the results. The pair had been virtually tied in the first round of voting . Gonzalez accused Noboa of "the most grotesque electoral fraud" and called for a recount of the ballots. She did not immediately provide evidence for her claims.

Over the past 68 years, the EEC has undergone significant transformations, expanded its membership, deepened integration, and navigated challenges.

The EEC's early years focused on establishing a common market characterised by the free movement of goods, services, and people. The community implemented various policies, including eliminating tariffs and quotas, to facilitate economic integration. This period also saw the establishment of key institutions, such as the European Commission, the European Council, and the European Parliament.

The EEC's membership expanded significantly over the years, with Denmark, Ireland, and the United Kingdom joining in 1973, followed by Greece in 1981, and Spain and Portugal in 1986. The community also deepened its integration through the introduction of the single market in 1993, which allowed for the free movement of goods, services, capital, and people.

In 1993, the EEC was rebranded as the European Union (EU) with the signing of the Maastricht Treaty. This marked a significant shift towards greater political and economic integration. The EU introduced a single currency, the euro, in 1999, which has been adopted by 19 member states.

The EU has also expanded its membership to include countries from Central and Eastern Europe, with the latest additions being Croatia in 2013 and the United Kingdom's departure in 2020.

Despite its successes, the EU has faced numerous challenges , including Brexit, in other words the United Kingdom's departure from the EU. This created uncertainty and posed significant economic and political challenges.

The Brexit referendum and transition phases had a substantial depressive effect on UK-EU trade, as there was a 10.5% decline in UK-EU trade. The transition phase had an even more pronounced impact, with a 15% decrease in UK-EU trade.

People with diplomatic and service passports had to pay visa fees, and the waiting time for visas increased from 15 working days to 45.

According to the EU Ambassador to Ethiopia, Sophie Frommsberger, the relationship between Ethiopia and the EU is improving.

“Trust has been built to bring the Ethiopian government and the European Union, which have been strained by the war in northern Ethiopia, back on track through constructive dialogue.”

The EU imposed the visa restrictions because Ethiopia was not taking back its citizens whose asylum applications in Europe were rejected however, Ethiopian embassies in Europe are now working with the EU to fix the issue.

“It is on our agenda. The Ethiopian government, together with Ethiopian embassies in Europe, has shown great progress in accordance with international law,” the ambassador was quoted by the Ethiopian Reporter .

The EU is also discussing whether to restart financial aid to Ethiopia, which was stopped during the war in the north. The ambassador said there is interest in supporting Ethiopia again, but no final decision has been made.

Another major concern for the EU is the ongoing conflict in Ethiopia’s Amhara region.

The ambassador said the EU is pushing for an end to the fighting and wants all sides to come to the negotiating table.

The EU also raised concerns about human rights in Ethiopia at a recent UN meeting.

The ambassador said the EU alone cannot replace the aid Ethiopia lost when former US President Donald Trump cut American support.

She has therefore called for the international community to come together to help.

To support Ukraine's defence capabilities, the United Kingdom pledged £1.6 billion ($2 billion) in export financing to procure over 5,000 air defence missiles manufactured in Belfast, Northern Ireland. This initiative complements a previously announced £2.2 billion loan for military aid to Ukraine, funded by frozen Russian assets. ​

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has also introduced the "ReArm Europe" plan, proposing to unlock €800 billion (approximately $840 billion) to enhance defense capabilities across member states. This plan reflects the EU's recognition of an "era of rearmament" and aims to reduce dependence on external powers for security.

​In a decisive move to address the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, European leaders convened an emergency summit in London on March 2, 2025. The summit aimed to bolster support for Ukraine and assert Europe's role in seeking a peaceful resolution, especially in light of shifting U.S. policies.​

The summit occurred amid strained relations between Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and U.S. President Donald Trump, following a contentious meeting at the White House. This tension has prompted the suspension of military aid to Ukraine.

However, the aid freeze has already led to service disruptions across USAID offices across Africa.

A European Commission spokesperson reaffirmed the EU’s commitment to humanitarian support but acknowledged the growing challenges.

“We will not step back from our humanitarian commitments,” the spokesperson told  Semafor , noting that the bloc’s 2025 humanitarian budget stands at $1.9 billion, with $510 million designated for Africa.

Despite this, the spokesperson admitted that the EU alone cannot bridge the widening funding gap. “The funding gap is getting bigger, leaving millions in need. The EU cannot fill this gap left by others.”

The U.S., the world’s largest single aid donor, distributed approximately $72 billion in assistance in 2023, much of it through the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID).

The EU also pledged support for Moldova, which faces growing energy challenges due to Russia’s actions.

Conversely, the Union is easing sanctions on Syria, prompted by the country's leadership change after the ouster of Bashar al-Assad. This adjustment includes enhancing humanitarian aid to aid in Syria’s economic recovery. Kaja Kallas, the EU’s foreign policy chief, stated , “This could give a boost to the Syrian economy and help the country get back on its feet.”

The foreign ministers addressed several significant issues, including the ceasefire in Gaza, the situation in Iran, and the conflicts in eastern Congo.

They also discussed the changing dynamics with the new administration in the United States, focusing on the need for European unity in response to a more transactional American approach. Kallas remarked, “We are stronger when we are united — that was a view that everybody shared.”