Prosecutors allege Musana unlawfully obtained or processed Gen Kainerugaba’s personal data, including his name and photograph without consent, contrary to Uganda’s Data Protection and Privacy Act. He is also accused of hate speech under the Computer Misuse Act for a TikTok post on March 5 in which he claimed the army chief was not fit to hold office, a statement prosecutors say was likely to “ridicule, degrade or demean” him.

Musana denied the allegations when they were read to him in court.

His lawyer did not immediately comment in court filings cited by prosecutors, while the state requested more time to complete investigations before the case returns for mention later this month.

The case is not Musana’s first court run-in over social media posts. In September 2025, a separate hate speech case against him was dismissed at the Buganda Road Chief Magistrate’s Court after prosecutors failed to proceed. In that matter, authorities had accused him of posts allegedly degrading senior leaders, including the Kabaka of Buganda, President Museveni, Speaker Anita Among and a state minister.

Over recent years, the government has steadily tightened control over what citizens can read, post, or even discuss. Key online platforms once central to public conversation — Twitter (now X), Clubhouse, Telegram, and the influential Tanzanian forum JamiiForums — have been blocked or restricted.

Many users now rely on VPNs to access these platforms. The Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority (TCRA) denies restricting the use of VPNs but requires users to notify the regulator when using such applications — a move clearly designed to monitor and discourage digital privacy.

JamiiForums, often called “Tanzania’s WikiLeaks” for its role in exposing corruption and hosting open debates, was suspended for 90 days in September after it shared statements by politician Humphrey Polepole about President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s private meetings with a Zimbabwean businessman. Officials accused the site of “misleading the public” and “undermining national unity.”

This digital crackdown has gone hand in hand with pressure on the press. Jambo TV received three separate takedown orders in a single month.

Under Section 19 of the Media Services Act (2016) and Regulations 17–19 of the Media Services Regulations (2017), all journalists must hold government-issued press cards — a system many see as turning accreditation into a tool of control. Even entertainment programs now avoid political jokes or commentary, fearful that a single remark could bring punishment.

The campaign of control has reached beyond media into religious life

When Bishop Josephat Gwajima, a CCM lawmaker, accused the government of detentions and disappearances, his Glory of Christ Church in Dar es Salaam was swiftly deregistered and sealed by police as hundreds of worshippers protested. Officials said his sermons violated the “acceptable conduct” of religious organisations — a warning that even ruling-party insiders are not safe from retribution.

Disappearances have become part of Tanzania’s political landscape

Earlier this October, Humphrey Polepole, former ambassador to Cuba and a sharp critic of the administration, was abducted by unknown assailants shortly after resigning from his post and denouncing government abuses.

According to UN experts, there have been over 200 cases of enforced disappearances since 2019, forming what they call a “pattern of intimidation” against journalists, activists, opposition members, and other dissenting voices.

At a recent discussion hosted by Tanzania’s Tech and Media Convergency (TMC), participants described the internet as a field of “ digital landmines, ” where a single post can end a career. For many Tanzanians, silence now feels safer than speech.

But silencing truth has not stopped lies

With independent journalism under siege and online spaces censored, misinformation spreads unchecked. In early 2025, fact-checking platform JamiiCheck analysed 192 political claims circulating online. Of these, 128 were false, most targeting opposition parties. 

Digital rights advocates believe that Tanzania’s Cybercrime Act and Electronic and Postal Communications Act are enforced selectively . Posts critical of the government vanish almost instantly, while pro-government falsehoods stay online — turning digital platforms into yet another instrument of political control.

As speech grows more restricted, political competition is also narrowing

The main opposition party, CHADEMA, has been disqualified from the race after refusing to sign an electoral code of conduct it called biased. Its leader, Tundu Lissu, faces treason charges widely viewed as politically motivated. He was arrested after a peaceful rally calling for electoral reform and accused of spreading false information — charges that could carry the death penalty.

Dozens of his supporters have been harassed or barred from attending his trial

Another opposition candidate, Luhaga Mpina, of the Alliance for Change and Transparency (ACT–Wazalendo), has also been banned from running . Once a senior CCM member, Mpina left the ruling party in August after being blocked from seeking re-nomination in his longtime parliamentary seat in Kisesa. His candidacy was seen as a serious challenge to President Samia — until the electoral commission disqualified him.

Many Tanzanians still remember the 2020 election, when the internet was shut down on polling day . Civil society groups warn that another blackout could leave voters, journalists, and observers in the dark — especially in rural areas. Without open communication, they say, rumours will thrive and public trust in the results will collapse.

Tanzania’s crisis reflects a wider African trend: the fusion of authoritarian control with digital technology. Across the continent, governments are using surveillance laws, internet shutdowns, and disinformation to shape public narratives and suppress dissent. But Tanzania stands out — for both its intensity and its timing — as it approaches a pivotal election where access to truth may matter as much as the vote itself.

Tanzania’s 2025 election will test more than political loyalty. It will test whether democracy can survive when speech, information, and belief are all under siege.

Restoring transparency will take more than promises. It will require protecting independent journalism, safeguarding free expression, investing in digital literacy, and dismantling the culture of fear that now grips the nation.

Until then, Tanzanians move toward the polls not only uncertain of their choices — but uncertain of what to believe.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Mweha Msemo is a Tanzanian freelance journalist based in Dar es Salaam. He focuses on stories of marginalised communities, social justice, and digital rights. With a passion for amplifying unheard voices, his work highlights the lives and challenges of underrepresented groups, reflecting his commitment to raising awareness and fostering understanding.

Sunday’s gathering was widely viewed as one of the largest nonpartisan protests in years, drawing participants from across the political spectrum united in frustration at corruption. Rally organisers even rejected those attempting to rally behind political colours, whether for President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. or Vice President Sara Duterte.

It marked the most significant public backlash yet under Marcos Jr., who himself revealed that some flood-relief projects declared “completed” were either left untouched or built to substandard levels. The protest also coincided with the anniversary of the declaration of martial law by his father, Ferdinand Marcos Sr., on September 21, 1972.

Official figures put the turnout at nearly 50,000 in Luneta. By mid-afternoon, many demonstrators moved to the EDSA Shrine in Quezon City, the historic highway where millions gathered in 1986 to topple the elder Marcos’ regime.

Echoing uprisings in Indonesia and Nepal, protesters also railed against the lavish lifestyles of infrastructure contractors, government figures, and so-called “nepo babies” — the children of political elites accused of benefiting from their parents’ wealth and influence.

At EDSA, more high-profile figures joined in, including senators, celebrities , and even figures once associated with the right. The protests stretched until dusk and remained largely peaceful, according to Interior Secretary Jonvic Remulla.

“I want to express that 99% of the protests were very peaceful, and the people had every right to express themselves. I respect that, and even the President is indignant to the situation [violent actions],” he said.

“There was 1% that were agitators. We won’t allow them to destroy the reputation of this protest. Everyone has a right to protest, but we will not tolerate agitators,” he added. 

Despite the largely calm demonstrations, there were clashes. Manila police reported 113 protesters arrested and 93 officers injured.

Several kilometres away from Luneta, tensions flared at the Ayala Bridge, a crucial route to Malacañang Palace, where Marcos was said to be “monitoring” the events. The bridge had been fortified with police and vehicles, its entrance blocked by a trailer meant to hold back protesters. The trailer was set on fire as groups of youths hurled stones and Molotov cocktails at police.

Remulla claimed that the masked men intended to storm the presidential palace and set it ablaze. Many observers likened the attempted attack to recent protests in Nepal, where “Gen Z” demonstrators torched government buildings, triggering political unrest.

Violence continued into the night near the Peace Arch on Mendiola Street. The once-peaceful protest site was overtaken by alleged groups of local youths who again threw stones and Molotov cocktails at police.

Hours later, masked men ransacked a nearby motel and stole its vault, prompting police to advance and disperse the looters.

These clashes threatened to overshadow the larger, peaceful demonstrations elsewhere in Manila. Francisco Domagoso, mayor of the capital, accused a former politician and a Filipino-Chinese financier of backing the rioters.

“I thought you wanted a decent government? Then why destroy government property?” Domagoso said. “We are angry at those who plunder our coffers, but now we will be forced to use taxpayers’ money to repair what was destroyed.”

Today, the country finds itself under another Marcos — Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., the son and namesake. Under his administration, investigations have uncovered alleged large-scale corruption in flood-control projects, some never built and others left incomplete.

Central to the public anger are allegations that over half of the P1.9 trillion ($33 billion) allocated for flood-control projects in the past 15 years has vanished through graft.

The scandal has already forced an ugly political fallout. The Public Works Secretary resigned, while the House Speaker and Senate President were both replaced within weeks after being linked to the scandal.

Marcos Jr. has vowed that “no one will be spared” in the investigations, calling the moment an inflection point for his presidency. In an unusual move, he has even voiced support for the rallies, saying he shared the public’s anger.

For many Filipinos, September 21 is not just about remembering the past but about confronting the present, and demanding a future free from corruption.

Hundreds of civic groups have pledged to join, and even schools long considered neutral have issued statements condemning corruption and urging accountability. Smaller protests have already taken place in the week leading up to the anniversary.

With recent protests in Nepal and Indonesia raising fears of contagion, the Philippine armed forces have been placed on red alert. Marcos Jr. has appealed for demonstrations to remain peaceful.

In a country that once taught the world how to oust a dictator without violence, anger is again rising — and on September 21, it may once again flood the streets.

The seemingly innocuous Jolly Roger has since become an anti-establishment symbol sweeping through countries like Nepal and France — both of which saw leadership changes after mass demonstrations — as well as Indonesia and the Philippines.

It began in early August, when the flag appeared across Indonesia as a sign of protest against President Prabowo Subianto. Authorities quickly warned that the One Piece flag must not be flown alongside the red-and-white Merah Putih national flag, with police seizing copies of the anime banner. 

Amnesty International Indonesia had questioned the legal basis for banning the flag.

“Has he incited hatred based on religion, ethnicity, race, intergroup relations, national origin or sexual orientation? Is he inciting discrimination on these grounds? Is he propagating a war? For example, of a state or an armed group? If not, then it cannot be banned,” Usman Hamid, the group’s executive director, told AFP. 

Hamid argued that the flag even reflects Indonesia’s own founding ideals.“If we connect it with Indonesia’s independence, on August 17, the spirit of One Piece is the same as that of the Merah Putih: fighting oppression, declaring independence and freedom, and striving for justice and the removal of all restraints,” he added.

Since then, the movement has grown quickly in the country of 280 million, reaching a tipping point in late August when thousands marched on Parliament to protest lawmakers’ housing allowances.

Protests turned violent after police in Jakarta fatally struck 21-year-old motorcycle-taxi driver Affan Kurniawan. At least 10 people have died since demonstrations began.

The unrest prompted the president to reshuffle his cabinet, replacing five ministers, including those for finance and security. Prabowo himself, however, remains in power. 

The same could not be said for Nepal, where a wave of “Gen Z” protests toppled the incumbent government and installed a new one, with its “nomination” of a new leader announced on the gaming chat app Discord.

Again, the skull-and-straw-hat flag has been a fixture in these anti-government demonstrations, which erupted after Nepal banned social media platforms like Facebook and X but also criticise widespread corruption and the lavish lifestyle of “nepo kids.”

Protesters torched Parliament, luxury hotels and residences, and the burning skyline became the backdrop for the flying One Piece flag. 

Interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki, Nepal’s first female premier, has taken over from K.P. Sharma Oli, who resigned amid the unrest. At least 72 people have died since the protests began.

On September 13, the flag flew again — this time in the Philippines. Thousands gathered at Manila’s EDSA Shrine, the historic site where millions once toppled a dictator, to protest alleged corruption in flood control projects. 

Demonstrators called for systemic reforms and warned that the misuse of public funds is only a symptom of deeper failures in governance.

More mass protests are planned in the country, prompting the government to place the armed forces on red alert. Though unsaid, it is apparent that there are lingering fear that, as in Nepal and Indonesia, simmering discontent could spill into something larger.

Though their causes and outcomes differ, demonstrations in Indonesia, Nepal, and the Philippines have united under a single banner: the skull-and-straw hat, co-opted into an emblem of defiance and protest.

Today, the One Piece flag flies not only over imaginary ships but over parliaments and city squares, from Jakarta to Kathmandu to Manila. It is no longer just the banner of a pirate crew, but the shorthand for a demand for justice and freedom.

The other developments include the passage of amendments to the national citizenship law that are seen to discriminate against Muslims; vigilante attacks on Muslims selling or consuming meat in the name of beef, which is banned in most of India; and the enforcement of regulations that make marriages between Hindus and Muslims difficult. Hindus constitute about 80% of India’s population and Muslims 15%.

With the rise of Hindu majoritarian politics and the government’s willingness to trample Muslims, there has been massive censorship with activists, journalists, lawyers, and academicians facing criminal cases and jail time. Anyone who has tried to question the workings of the government has been faced with anti-terror laws, which are being massively misused, raising concerns about the freedom of speech in the country.

Any kind of dissent has also been stopped. The Hindu majority country’s politics and repression of free speech have raised global concerns; however, the government has refused to acknowledge and continues to trample any kind of dissent.

Nikita Jain is a Delhi-based journalist with almost a decade of journalism experience. She has covered important issues in India, including gender, conflict, politics, environment, and human rights , among others. Her work has been published at national and international forums. She also won the Laadli Awards in 2023 for her story. She also went to cover the 2025 Global March to Gaza in Egypt.

Critics said the law targeted human rights activists and civil society groups, especially those who speak out against the government in international forums or seek outside support for justice.

The court agreed, saying the harsh punishments in section 22A (3) violate rights guaranteed by Zimbabwe’s Constitution, such as freedom of expression, association, and the right to participate in public life.

The case was brought by the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe and citizen Zenzele Ndebele, who argued that the law was vague, overly broad, and open to abuse. They warned it would silence opposing views and limit democratic freedoms.

The Patriotic Act has drawn strong criticism since its approval, with groups including the United Nations human rights office and Human Rights Watch saying it poses a serious threat to civil liberties .

Despite the court’s ruling, human rights organisations are calling on the government to fully repeal the law, warning that other parts still violate international rights standards.

Zimbabwe’s government has not yet said whether it will challenge the ruling or change the remaining sections of the act.

Between 15 and 20 people—including former mayors and military officers—were arrested over the weekend in northern Nicaragua in what opposition groups call politically motivated raids. Among the detained are ex-mayors from the banned Citizens for Liberty party and a former military intelligence chief. The arrests follow a pattern of repression by President Daniel Ortega and Vice President Rosario Murillo since the 2018 protests, which left over 300 dead. Opposition media and exile outlets linked the raids to the recent detention of retired General Álvaro Baltodano, a former Ortega ally.

Legislature votes to end dual citizenship

Nicaragua’s National Assembly approved a constitutional amendment Friday to ban dual citizenship, potentially affecting thousands, including government critics. The reform, which must pass again in 2026 to take effect, was unanimously backed by the Sandinista-controlled legislature. Under the proposal, Nicaraguans who acquire another nationality would lose their citizenship, while most foreigners seeking Nicaraguan citizenship must renounce theirs, except Central Americans. The move follows the Ortega regime’s revocation of citizenship for over 400 people, including 222 deported to the U.S. in 2023.

$50b Panama Canal replacement

Elon Musk is reportedly backing a $50 billion canal project in Nicaragua aimed at creating a high-tech alternative to the Panama Canal. The proposed waterway, supported by a global investor consortium, reflects Musk’s push for futuristic infrastructure to ease global trade. Why rethink the Panama Canal? Despite its historic role since 1914, the canal struggles with congestion and can't accommodate the largest modern ships, even after expansions. Musk's vision: a more efficient, scalable route connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans.

Nicaragua shines at 2nd BRICS Women Entrepreneurs Forum

Nicaragua actively participated in the second day of the BRICS Women Entrepreneurs Forum held at Russia’s National Centre. Representatives from China, Malaysia, India, Brazil, Iran, Indonesia, and South Africa shared insights on creative industries, financing, and strategic alliances. Nicaragua highlighted its Creative Economy Model as a key strategy for fostering global cooperation in innovation and production. The forum also explored co-production models, infrastructure, and technological advancements, reinforcing the role of creative industries in economic growth.

Nicaragua welcomes Cameroon’s historic referendum

On May 19, 2025, the Government of Nicaragua extended warm greetings to President Paul Biya and the people of Cameroon in honour of the anniversary of the historic May 20, 1972, Constitutional Referendum. The message praised the Cameroonian people's democratic decision to establish a unified state and reaffirmed Nicaragua’s commitment to deepening bilateral ties based on solidarity, cooperation, and mutual respect.

Timba, interim leader of the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC), was arrested on June 16 along with 79 others in what rights groups have called a politically motivated crackdown.

While many were released, Timba and 34 allies were found guilty and remained detained until Wednesday's sentencing. Magistrate Collet Ncube cited their status as first-time offenders, opting for suspended sentences. Timba and Jason Kautsa, another CCC member, received two-year sentences suspended for five years, while others received lesser penalties. 

Defense lawyer Takunda Jacob expressed dissatisfaction with the judgment, hinting at a possible appeal. “We are not happy with the ruling and await instructions from our clients,” he said. 

"The extreme group had to get 24 months of imprisonment; all of these custodial sentences were suspended for 5 years on condition of good behaviour and that in the next 5 years these people will not commit crimes that involve unlawful gatherings, and the intention to cause violence being one of the essential elements to that crime," Jacob told the AFP.

The case has drawn international attention, with Amnesty International and other rights organisations decrying the arrests as a suppression of political dissent.

U.S. Ambassador Pamela Tremont urged Zimbabwean authorities to respect rights to free speech and assembly, emphasising the need for an independent judiciary.

“We need the judiciary to be able to deliver justice independent of political considerations, and we need Zimbabweans rights to assembly and free speech to be fully respected," she said.

Critics have accused President Emmerson Mnangagwa's ZANU-PF government, in power since 1980, of using heavy-handed tactics to silence opposition voices ahead of elections .

The Freedom House report highlights several key issues contributing to China's low ranking. These include the "Great Firewall," which blocks access to numerous foreign websites and social media platforms, and stringent regulations that limit free speech online.

However, in response to the report, China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson, Mao Ning, dismissed the findings as "entirely baseless" and accused Freedom House of having ulterior motives.

Mao emphasised that Chinese citizens enjoy various rights and freedoms under the law and that the report's claims do not reflect the reality of internet use in China.

"First, I want to tell you that China is a country governed by the rule of law, and Chinese citizens enjoy various rights and freedoms in accordance with the law. The institution you mentioned has long made some false statements regarding China-related issues. As for the so-called report, I think it is entirely baseless and made with ulterior motives," she told reporters on Wednesday, October 16.

The regulator accused the newspapers of publishing content that "threatens and is likely to affect and harm national unity and social peace of the United Republic of Tanzania."

The animated clip, just over a minute long, was first shared by The Citizen on social media on October 1.

It highlighted a growing number of abductions and disappearances in the country and featured a female cartoon character resembling President Samia, recognisable by her signature hijab.

The since-removed animation portrayed the character switching between TV stations, each broadcasting a different complaint about killings, abductions, or disappearances. By the end of the clip, the character appears visibly upset by the flood of grievances.

Mpoki Thomson, managing editor of The Citizen, responded to the suspension, stating that the animation was meant to address "events that raised concerns regarding the safety and security of individuals in Tanzania." He added, "Our decision to take down the animation stems from the misinterpretation it has generated, which diverges from our original intent."

The ban applies to all websites, social media accounts, and YouTube channels of the three newspapers.

President Samia’s government have been condemned for suppressing dissent ahead of next year’s general elections.

The government has been accused of targeting opposition members, with Chadema, Tanzania's main opposition party, claiming that security forces are responsible for the disappearances of several of its members.

Last month, key Chadema figures were detained ahead of a planned protest against the disappearances, and riot police were deployed in Dar es Salaam to prevent the demonstration. Several journalists covering the protest were reportedly detained as well.

"As I emerge from the dungeon of Belmarsh, the truth now seems less discernible," AFP quoted him "And I regret how much ground has been lost during that time period."

"I think everyone can tell that he is exhausted, that he is still very much in the process of of recovering. And at the moment the only concrete plan in the foreseeable future is that he will continue his recovery and that hopefully he will be a lot stronger physically and in a few months time," Stella Assange, Julian Assange's wife and lawyer added.

The Nicaraguan government is undertaking an extensive campaign to suppress dissent by revoking the legal status of 1,500 nonprofit organisations, primarily targeting evangelical churches that do not align with the authoritarian regime. This move forms part of a broader strategy to control civil society and eliminate opposition, AAS reports.

VP Rosario Murillo supports RT amid US sanctions

Vice President Rosario Murillo voiced her support for Margarita Simonyan of RT following the US sanctions imposed on prominent Russian media figures, accusing them of orchestrating a disinformation campaign that aims to impact the upcoming US elections. According to Intellinews , in her communication, Murillo reframed these sanctions as an acknowledgement of their work in promoting “Justice, Truth, Peace, and Love,” thereby attempting to portray the punitive measures as politically motivated rather than justified. Despite facing bans in other regions, RT has expanded its influence within Latin America, forming strategic partnerships with nations like Nicaragua. However, this growth occurs amidst escalating repression of independent journalism, resulting in the flight of many Nicaraguan journalists, which further strengthens the Ortega regime's grip over media representation.

Dissolution of Episcopal Diocese of Nicaragua

In a continuation of the regime's crackdown on religious institutions, the Nicaraguan government announced the dissolution of the Episcopal Diocese of Nicaragua along with the confiscation of its assets. This announcement follows the cancellation of legal status for over 5,500 civil society organisations since 2018, including numerous religious entities. The Episcopal Diocese, established in 1742, has historically provided educational and social support services. The repressive actions have drawn criticism from various organisations, notably Christian Solidarity Worldwide, which highlights concerns regarding the ramifications for community services and religious freedoms, reports Anglican Ink .

135 political prisoners released

The plight of 135 Nicaraguans, exiled to Guatemala after enduring brutal incarceration under the Ortega-Murillo rule, illustrates the regime's oppressive practices. Former prisoners recounted experiences of both physical and psychological torture, substandard living conditions, and threats directed at their families. Notably, Jose Enrique Sanchez detailed his 17-month ordeal in La Modelo prison, characterised by violence and intimidation, while others, such as Jared Ramirez and Oscar Parrilla, corroborated stories of severe mistreatment and mental strain during their captivity. Exiled individuals like Adriana Zapata and Isaias Ruiz reflected on the ongoing effects of their traumatic experiences and the lack of basic rights during detention while expressing understandable concerns for the safety of their loved ones remaining in Nicaragua. The narrative highlights not only the immediate consequences of state violence but also the enduring psychological toll on those who escape its grasp as reported by Confidencial .

New foreign minister

In a significant political reshuffle, Valdrack Jaentschke has been appointed as Nicaragua's new Foreign Minister, taking over from Denis Moncada, who is vacating the position due to health issues but will continue to serve as a presidential advisor on international affairs. Havana Times reports that Jaentschke's previous experience includes key diplomatic roles, thus continuing the pattern of loyalty within the Ortega administration, as this marks the third recent change in the position since 2007.

Stand News, a Chinese-language news outlet, gained significant popularity during the 2019 pro-democracy protests.

However, it was raided and shut down in December 2021 as part of a broader crackdown on dissent.

The editors were charged with conspiracy to publish and reproduce seditious publications, a charge rooted in colonial-era laws that have seen renewed use in recent years.

District court judge Kwok Wai-kin ruled that the articles published by Stand News had seditious intent, accusing the outlet of promoting illegal ideologies. The parent company, Best Pencil Limited, was also found guilty.

"The line (Stand News) took was to support and promote Hong Kong's local autonomy. It even became a tool to smear and vilify the Central Authorities (Beijing) and the (Hong Kong) SAR government," reads a written judgement by Kwok.

Critics argue that the use of outdated sedition laws to silence media and dissenting voices is a significant step back for press freedom in Hong Kong.

Beh Lih Yi from the Committee to Protect Journalists stated, "Journalism is not seditious. Today's oppressive ruling shows Hong Kong is descending further into authoritarianism"

Chung and Lam have been granted bail pending their sentencing on September 26. They face up to two years in prison under the colonial-era law, though recent security legislation could extend this to seven years.

In a related case, lawyer Sonia Dahmani was sentenced to one year in prison in July for comments she made about Tunisia in response to a TV pundit’s claim that sub-Saharan migrants were attempting to settle permanently in the country. Dahmani’s imprisonment further raised concerns about the state of free speech and the increasing crackdown on dissent in Tunisia.

The protests on Tuesday drew support from various political factions, united in their demand for the release of these detained women. Supporters of the Free Destourian Party gathered near the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, calling for the release of their leader, Abir Moussi, as AFP reported.

Moussi was also sentenced to two years in prison under Decree 54 for allegedly spreading “false news.” Moussi’s arrest occurred just two days after she announced her candidacy for the upcoming presidential election, scheduled for October 6.

Human rights groups have condemned the arrests, warning of an "authoritarian drift" and a significant rollback of freedoms in Tunisia. 

Demonstrators wielded placards with Arabic inscriptions. Some of which translated as "Women are not afraid of prison"; "Where are you, Madam Minister for Women, defending women's rights?”; "Women's rights are a red line"; "Don't touch women's rights," amongst others

The report's assessment relied on several criteria, encompassing civil liberties, judicial autonomy, and political engagement. It categorized these criteria into four overarching groups: representation, rights, rule of law, and participation.

"Many established democracies are experiencing setbacks... ranging from declines in social group equality in the United States, freedom of the press in Austria, and access to justice in the United Kingdom," the report said.

Michael Runey, program officer and one of the authors of "The Global State of Democracy 2023" report, told AFP this is the sixth year that we've seen more countries with democratic declines than improvements.

The organization pointed out that this six-year trend marks the lengthiest period of a "democratic recession" ever recorded since it began collecting data in 1975. Additionally, the report highlighted a weakening in the rule of law, characterized by the independence of courts and the reduction of political violence in countries like Austria, Hungary, and Peru, signaling a concerning trend in the erosion of the fundamental principles of democracy worldwide.

The report issued a stern warning that the foundations of democracy are eroding on a global scale. While these declines were evident across various regions, Africa, in particular, faced a wave of coups d'etat. In terms of human rights, the report observed declines in freedom of expression and freedom of assembly, though the overall decrease was not significant.

The rule of law category did see some improvements after years of stagnant corruption levels, but the situation was described as "not unambiguously positive." Furthermore, the erosion of "checks and balances" went beyond the traditional definition of this term, encompassing institutions like human rights organizations, civil society networks, and investigative journalists.

The report also pointed out that the decline in democracy was not limited to specific regions, as it affected historically high-performing democracies in Europe, North America, and Asia. The organization initially linked the democratic downturn to the COVID-19 pandemic, and there has been no noticeable "rebound" in the data collected after the pandemic's peak.

While some positive developments were observed, such as improvements in the rule of law in certain Central European countries, reduced levels of corruption, and increased political participation in various African nations, the overall trend of democratic decline remains a matter of great concern.

"We see signs of hope in isolated countries around the world. But overall the picture is still quite negative," Runey said.