His rise marks a striking generational shift in a nation where political leadership has long been dominated by veteran figures from the same established parties.

He was a rapper

Long before entering politics, Balen Shah was known in Nepal’s music scene.

His rap songs often focused on corruption, inequality and frustrations with the country’s political system. The music helped him build a large following, particularly among younger audiences.

During last year’s protests, one of his songs — Nepal Haseko, Nepal Smiling — gained more than 10 million views on YouTube and became associated with the wider movement demanding political change.

Supporters later turned his image and lyrics into campaign symbols, with crowds chanting his name at rallies and singing campaign songs generated for social media.

He was an engineer

Before music and politics, Shah trained as a civil engineer.

After studying engineering in Kathmandu, he pursued a master’s degree in structural engineering at Visvesvaraya Technological University in Karnataka, India.

His professional background helped shape his political messaging. Throughout the campaign, he emphasised practical solutions to economic stagnation, highlighting issues such as job creation, education and healthcare for poorer Nepalis.

Nepal remains one of the poorer countries in the world, with limited job opportunities at home. Many young people leave the country each year to seek work abroad, often in difficult conditions.

He was Kathmandu’s mayor

Shah’s political breakthrough came in 2022, when he ran as an independent candidate for mayor of Kathmandu.

His victory shocked Nepal’s political establishment, defeating candidates from the country’s traditional parties.

As mayor, he became known for visible urban reforms in the capital. His administration launched clean-up drives, removed illegal structures and pushed programmes aimed at developing skills among young people.

However, his approach also drew criticism from rights groups, particularly over the use of police against street vendors as the city sought to clear roads and regulate informal businesses.

He became the face of a generational revolt

Shah’s rise to national prominence followed a wave of youth-led protests in September that toppled the government of veteran leader KP Sharma Oli.

The demonstrations began after the government imposed a ban on social media platforms but quickly expanded into wider protests against corruption and economic stagnation. At least 77 people were killed during the unrest.

In the election that followed, Shah’s Rastriya Swatantra Party rode a wave of anger towards the traditional political class.

Early results showed the party winning a majority of direct parliamentary seats, while Shah himself defeated the 74-year-old Oli in his own constituency.

“I was very excited about today’s voting,” Sazzad, a journalist, told Global South World shortly after polls closed on Thursday. “It was like a new experience for us. After so many years, we finally had the chance.”

This year’s election marked Bangladesh’s first since the 2024 youth-led uprising that ended Hasina’s 17-year rule and forced the longtime premier into exile in India.

More than 127 million voters were registered for the parliamentary contest and a simultaneous referendum on constitutional reforms.

For many in Generation Z — those who came of age politically during Hasina’s tenure — the vote represented more than a routine democratic exercise. 

It was, in Sazzad’s words, an opportunity to help shape a “new Bangladesh.”

“They are the future of our country,” Sazzad said of the Bangladeshi youth. “They want to see some pragmatic changes in the future in Bangladesh. They never want to see any corruption. They never want to see any disruption to living their life.”

Polling centres in the capital were calm and heavily secured, with the military and other law enforcement agencies deployed nationwide, Sazzad said. 

Yet beneath the order, Bangladeshis were elated at the chance to witness a new political landscape, one they largely see as shaping their future.

“They are very happy and they were feeling like it's like Eid for us,” Sazzad said, referring to the Islamic holiday featuring feasts and prayers. “It was a sunny day in our country. The situation was very good.”

BNP win

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party secured a decisive parliamentary majority, winning 209 of 300 seats, giving the party a two-thirds mandate to form the next government .

For Samiur Rahman Sazzad, the outcome signals both continuity and opportunity. 

“BNP now has the chance to prove themselves,” he said, noting the party’s “very talented” leadership under Tarique Rahman, son of BNP founder Ziaur Rahman. 

Tarique, who returned from nearly two decades abroad, is seen as a charismatic figure capable of implementing the BNP’s 31-point election platform, including initiatives aimed at reducing social inequality, expanding access to food and education , and widening the tax base.

Sazzad emphasised that while the Awami League was barred from contesting, voter turnout — estimated at around 65% — reflects strong public engagement. 

“The people of Bangladesh accept the result,” he said, dismissing criticisms from Hasina and her party in exile that the elections were a “well-planned farce” and was not inclusive, considering Awami League was excluded.

Opposition voices, including Jamaat-e-Islami, have also largely signalled acceptance.

Gen Z future

While BNP claims power, Sazzad sees the next chapter of Bangladesh’s politics as still deeply influenced by Generation Z. 

Young voters, he said, remain committed to pragmatic reform and anti-corruption priorities, even as new actors like the student-led National Citizen Party (NCP) begin to emerge.

“The NCP is like an infant baby,” Sazzad explained. “They won five seats, but they have potential.” 

He predicts the party could capture dozens of constituencies in future elections, reflecting a generation eager for leaders who actively participated in the 2024 uprising that ousted Hasina.

For many young Bangladeshis, including first-time voters like Sazzad, the election is a first step toward what they hope will be a more transparent, equitable, and forward-looking Bangladesh.

Article 143 of Kenya’s constitution states that neither civil nor criminal proceedings can be “instituted in any court against the President or the person performing the functions of that office during their tenure of office in respect of anything done or not done in the exercise of their powers under this Constitution.”

The case was filed in 2024 by 13 activists and the Kenya Bora Tuitakayo Citizens Association, who want the electoral commission compelled to hold a referendum on whether Ruto should be removed for alleged incompetence, abuse of power and violations of the Constitution. They accuse the president of more than 30 breaches, including ethnically skewed appointments, misuse of executive authority and the controversial deployment of the Kenya Defence Forces during the June 2024 Gen-Z protests .

Ruto’s legal team, led by Senior Counsel Fred Ngatia, argued that the petition was unconstitutional because a sitting president cannot be sued directly. The court agreed, striking out Ruto as a respondent and transferring his representation to the Attorney General. Ngatia also insisted that the Constitution provides only one legal route for removing a president, impeachment by Parliament and warned against what he called attempts to “bypass structured constitutional processes”.

The petitioners dispute that view, saying the Constitution also grants citizens sovereign power to seek political accountability through direct democratic means, including a referendum. Their lawyer, Kibe Mungai, said the activists were not asking the court to oust the president but to declare whether he violated the Constitution, a finding they argue could justify a public vote.

The judge declined to stop the case, leaving open the question of whether a popular referendum can supplement or override parliamentary impeachment procedures. The petitioners now plan to request a larger bench to hear the matter, citing its constitutional relevance.

"To protest against violence , to take action against violence, and also obviously to protest so that right-wing groups, opportunistic parties, and scavengers do not use the rightful anger of the protest," said one participant.

Organisers, mostly young demonstrators, voiced frustration that political groups had adopted the Straw Hat Pirates’ Jolly Roger symbol for their own purposes. 

"Many times right-wing groups, fascist groups, are the first to criminalise protest , the first to take rights away from the LGBT community, to ignore structural or systemic problems, etc. So it is even incongruent for them to take a symbol that has nothing to do with them," said another protester.

Participants also denounced U.S. anti-drug operations in the Caribbean, likening them to past interventions in Latin America . 

"This narco narrative of 'they are narcos, let's kill them,' which is the same one the United States has used for interventions in Venezuela ," said one protester. 

Police monitored the demonstration, which briefly disrupted traffic along Paseo de la Reforma, but no major incidents were reported.

The protests, organised largely through social media and supported by labour unions, have become the latest chapter in Peru’s cycle of political instability. Demonstrators carried banners reading “Fuera Jeri” (“Jeri Out”) and “Marcha por el Futuro” (“March for the Future”), accusing the political class of operating as a “mafia pact” disconnected from ordinary citizens. “We are marching because there is a corrupt and criminal system", said one protester to Viory.

The unrest follows the impeachment of former president Dina Boluarte last week, after Congress declared her “morally unfit” to govern. Her removal paved the way for Jeri, then head of Congress, to assume the presidency — a move that many Peruvians see as unconstitutional and emblematic of a system resistant to reform. Critics argue that the new administration offers no real change from the entrenched political elite that has dominated Peru for years.

The death of 32-year-old rapper Eduardo Ruiz, known artistically as Trvko, has added urgency and outrage to the protests. Ruiz was shot during the clashes in Plaza Francia, allegedly by a police officer. His killing has turned him into a symbol for a generation demanding justice , transparency, and a new political order.

As anger simmers, Peru’s Generation Z appears to be stepping into a leadership role in the country’s political awakening. For many of them, the fight is not only against corruption but also against a sense of hopelessness that has taken root after years of failed governments. Whether their movement can translate protest into lasting political change remains an open question — but the message from Lima’s streets is clear: the country’s youth are no longer willing to stay silent.

Russia has expressed its willingness to support Morocco’s autonomy plan for the Western Sahara, signalling a notable diplomatic shift that could influence the long-standing regional dispute. Moscow stated that it views Morocco’s proposal as “a realistic framework” for resolving tensions, though it emphasised that any support would be contingent on adherence to UN resolutions and respect for all involved parties. This development is particularly significant as it aligns Russia closer to the growing list of countries endorsing Morocco’s autonomy vision, which positions Western Sahara as part of the Kingdom under a degree of self-governance. The move has been welcomed in Rabat as a sign of increasing international recognition of Morocco’s stance, potentially reshaping alliances within North Africa and the broader Sahel region.

Senegal reaffirms strong support for Morocco’s Western Sahara autonomy plan

Senegal has once again reaffirmed its support for Morocco’s Western Sahara autonomy plan, underscoring the deep and enduring diplomatic relationship between Dakar and Rabat. Senegal’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs described Morocco’s plan as “credible and serious,” reflecting the country’s consistent position in favour of territorial integrity and stability in the Maghreb. Analysts note that Senegal’s stance is not merely symbolic; it highlights a broader African consensus emerging around Morocco’s approach, particularly as more nations withdraw recognition of the Polisario Front. The reaffirmation also reinforces Morocco’s growing diplomatic influence across sub-Saharan Africa, strengthening its position as a continental leader advocating pragmatic solutions to long-standing conflicts.

How Moroccan Gen Z is reshaping politics from streets to screens

In a vivid reflection of modern political engagement, Morocco’s Generation Z is reshaping activism through both street demonstrations and digital campaigns. Movements such as GenZ 212 have leveraged social media platforms to mobilise support, voice discontent, and demand structural reform on issues ranging from unemployment to corruption. This new wave of activism combines online visibility with physical protests, marking a generational shift from traditional political engagement to dynamic, tech-driven advocacy. Political analysts argue that Gen Z’s assertiveness could become a catalyst for deeper democratisation, compelling institutions to adapt to a more transparent and participatory governance model.

Morocco promises stronger anti-corruption measures under youth pressure

Facing sustained pressure from youth-led demonstrations, the Moroccan government has vowed to intensify its fight against corruption. Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch’s administration announced new transparency initiatives and public accountability mechanisms aimed at restoring public trust. Protesters, particularly from the Gen Z movement, have accused political elites of inertia and demanded institutional reform. The government’s commitment includes reinforcing judicial independence and implementing stricter monitoring of public funds. Observers believe that while the announcement is a step forward, the success of these measures will depend on consistent enforcement and the empowerment of civil oversight bodies.

Amal Seghrouchni challenges international perceptions of Morocco’s anti-corruption progress

Amal Seghrouchni, a prominent member of Morocco’s National Commission for Integrity and Anti-Corruption, has criticised international indexes for failing to accurately reflect Morocco’s ongoing efforts to curb corruption. Speaking at a policy forum, she argued that many assessments overlook domestic reforms and progress achieved in governance transparency, data access, and judicial reform. Seghrouchni called for international evaluation mechanisms that incorporate local realities rather than rely solely on perception-based metrics. Her remarks have reignited debate over how anti-corruption success should be measured globally, and how countries like Morocco can ensure fair representation in global governance rankings.