This concludes our live coverage of Guinea’s 2025 general election, with the vote widely expected to cement the rule of Mamady Doumbouya. Follow Global South World for continued updates as Guinea moves into the next phase of the process.

19:22 GMT: Polls close in Guinea’s presidential election as vote counting begins

18:45 GMT: Polling stations' closing extended by one hour

18:00 GMT: Voting day ends in England

17:00 GMT: Voting is expected to end at 18:00 GMT. As of now, polling stations remain open, with long queues still forming.

14:59 GMT: There are more than 200 observers on the ground and its experts in its situation room

13:30 GMT: Guinean security forces report they have neutralized an armed group posing a "threat to national security" on the outskirts of Conakry

1:21 GMT: Military coup leader and candidate Mamadi Doumbouya votes in Boulbinet accompanied by his wife

12:16 GMT: High turnout in the polling stations

11:41 GMT: The ambassador of Guinée in Angola, H.E. Dienabou Saifond Diallo, accompanied by Sékou Kaba and Lansana Camara votes in Luanda.

10:27 GMT: Presidential Candidate Faya Millimouno casts his vote

9:45 GMT: Reports of an alleged coup following a shooting in the conakry suburbs spread on social media

9:35 GMT: Monitor the election in real time

8:45 GMT: Voting underway

8:25 GMT: Electoral observers monitor elections underway

7:58 GMT: Voters are beginning to head to the polling stations

7:13 GMT: Polling stations open

7:05 GMT: Guinea has shut its borders

Polling stations across the country are expected to open at 7:00 GMT and close at 18:00 GMT

Guinea’s 2025 presidential election is the first since a military coup in September 2021, when General Mamady Doumbouya ousted then-President Alpha Condé amid political unrest and protests. That coup abruptly halted a decade-long experiment with electoral democracy that began with Guinea’s first broadly accepted free election in 2010.

A new constitution lays the groundwork

A constitutional referendum on September 21, 2025 reshaped Guinea’s political system in advance of the election. Approved by nearly 90 % of voters, the new constitution:

This constitution effectively opened the door for Doumbouya to run, a reversal of earlier transitional pledges that had barred junta leaders from seeking office.

The lead candidate: General Mamady Doumbouya

General Mamady Doumbouya, a former special forces commander who led the 2021 coup, is the clear frontrunner. He initially pledged not to contest elections following the coup, but reversed that pledge after the new constitution removed restrictions on junta members running for office.

Doumbouya’s supporters highlight infrastructure work, mining sector reforms, including the long-delayed Simandou iron ore project, and relative stability compared to some neighbours, as reasons for backing his leadership.

Competition and the opposition field

Although multiple candidates are on the ballot, none represent the country’s main opposition leadership. Many big-name figures are either banned from running due to residency or party suspension or remain in exile.

This fragmented field has reinforced expectations that Doumbouya will secure a commanding victory, even as international and regional observers call for a credible, inclusive process.

What’s at stake

Election framework

Polling stations across the country will open at 7:00AM GMT and close at 6:00PM GMT on Sunday, December 28, 2025 for registered voters to cast their ballots. There are over 24,000 polling stations nationwide for this vote.

The president is elected using an absolute majority system: if no candidate gets more than 50 % of the vote in the first round, a runoff between the top two contenders will be held later.

How the Results Will Be Announced

Provisional results are expected to be published quickly after polling:

Observers and Process

Regional and international observer missions from ECOWAS, the African Union, the United Nations, and other organisations are deployed to monitor voting and reporting

Who is eligible and how many voters?

Approximately 6.7 million registered voters are expected to participate on election day. The president is elected by absolute majority; if no candidate secures over 50 % of the vote, a runoff will be held between the top two contenders.

In September 2021, General Mamady Doumbouya led a military coup that ousted then-President Alpha Condé, ending a decade of increasingly contested democratic governance.

When and how the election was announced

The presidential election in Guinea is scheduled for Sunday, December 28, 2025. The date was officially set by government decree on September 27, 2025, following the adoption of a new constitution that reset the political calendar after the 2021 coup.

Guineans will vote in 24,000-plus polling stations nationwide. Results are expected to begin coming in within 48 to 72 hours after polls close.

The world's largest exporter of bauxite

Guinea’s election is set against the backdrop of one of the richest natural resource endowments in Africa, a factor that deeply influences politics, economics, and investor interest.

Guinea holds some of the largest bauxite reserves in the world — roughly 7.4 billion tonnes, accounting for about two-thirds of global reserves and making Guinea a major supplier of the ore used to make aluminium.

The Guinean military has long been a decisive political actor. Since independence from France in 1958, the country has experienced repeated coups, long periods of authoritarian rule, and fragile civilian governments vulnerable to military intervention. Analysts note that the armed forces have historically positioned themselves as both guardians of national stability and arbiters of political power.

That dynamic resurfaced in September 2021, when elite troops led by then–Special Forces commander Mamady Doumbouya overthrew President Alpha Condé, citing corruption, economic mismanagement and political violence linked to Condé’s third-term bid. The takeover was welcomed by many Guineans weary of unrest, but it once again placed the military at the centre of governance.

A transition led by soldiers

Following the coup, the country was governed by a military-led transitional authority dominated by officers. While civilian technocrats were later brought into government, the key levers of power, security, territorial administration and political oversight, remained under military influence.

Regional bloc ECOWAS pressed the junta to set a clear timetable for elections and a return to civilian rule. Doumbouya initially promised a rapid transition, then an 18-month timeline, missing multiple deadlines before eventually committing to elections in late 2025. Throughout this period, the military retained a dominant role in shaping the transition process.

The Constitution and the uniform

The September 2025 constitutional referendum marked a decisive shift. The new basic law removed restrictions preventing military leaders from contesting elections, extended presidential terms from five to seven years, and strengthened executive authority through the creation of a senate partly appointed by the president.

Legal scholars and rights groups argue that these changes blurred the line between a temporary military transition and permanent political influence. By enabling a serving general to seek the presidency, the constitution effectively normalised the military’s direct entry into electoral politics.

Supporters counter that the referendum provided a legal framework for ending transitional rule and that submitting to elections represents a step away from governing by force.

From barracks to ballot box

No longer presenting himself as a neutral arbiter overseeing a handover, Doumbouya is now a political actor seeking a popular mandate. His campaign has leaned on the state apparatus, with ministers and senior officials touring the country, while public demonstrations by critics have remained banned.

Opposition figures and civil society groups argue that the military has not withdrawn from politics but merely changed its methods, replacing decrees and uniforms with constitutional tools and electoral processes designed to preserve its influence.

Whether Guinea’s military is truly returning to the barracks may not be decided on election day alone. Much will depend on post-election governance : the independence of institutions, the space allowed for opposition, and the military’s willingness to submit to civilian oversight.

If the armed forces retain an outsized role behind the scenes, the election may mark not the end of military involvement in politics, but its transformation into a more institutionalised form.

In September 2021, elite forces led by General Mamady Doumbouya stormed the presidential palace and removed President Alpha Condé, ending a turbulent period marked by protests, a disputed third term, and deadly crackdowns.

Standing before cameras, Doumbouya vowed to restore democracy, fight corruption, and organise credible elections. He also pledged that neither he nor other junta members would seek elected office.

That promise no longer stands.

A constitution that changed the rules

The turning point came with a constitutional referendum held in September this year. Approved by an overwhelming majority in a vote boycotted by much of the opposition, the new constitution introduced sweeping changes. It extended presidential terms from five to seven years, created a new senate with a third of its members appointed by the president, and, crucially, removed barriers preventing military leaders from running for office.

For the ruling authorities, the referendum was a legal reset, a way to close the chapter on military transition and reopen the political system under new rules. For opponents, it was a carefully managed process that rewrote the rules mid‑game and paved the way for Doumbouya to convert de facto power into electoral legitimacy.

From junta leader to candidate

Doumbouya now appears on the ballot not as a transitional figure, but as a civilian candidate. His campaign messaging leans heavily on stability, infrastructure gains, and economic promise, particularly around mining and large-scale projects such as the Simandou iron ore development.

Supporters argue that the election represents progress: a coup leader submitting himself to the will of voters rather than ruling indefinitely by decree. They point to roads built, schools renovated, hospitals opened, and long‑delayed mining exports finally leaving Guinea’s ports.

Opponents counter that the transition has been tightly controlled. Public demonstrations have been banned for much of the past three years. Independent media outlets face restrictions. Social media platforms were temporarily blocked ahead of the vote. Several prominent opposition figures were disqualified on legal and residency grounds, leaving the race without its strongest challengers .

The question of legitimacy

At the heart of the election lies a deeper question: does legality equal legitimacy?

Guinea’s history weighs heavily on the moment. Since independence from France in 1958, the country has experienced repeated coups, authoritarian rule, and aborted democratic experiments. It was only in 2010 that Guineans voted in elections widely considered free and fair. The 2021 coup interrupted that trajectory.

For many voters, the issue is not simply who wins, but whether the process allows for genuine choice. An election conducted under a new constitution, with high turnout but limited competition, raises concerns that democracy may exist more on paper than in practice.

A transition concluded or rebranded?

If Doumbouya wins as expected, Guinea will formally return to civilian rule, but under leadership forged in a military takeover and reinforced by constitutional change. Supporters will hail the outcome as the completion of a transition. Critics will describe it as a rebranding exercise that entrenches power rather than disperses it.

For Guineans, the election represents a choice shaped as much by what came before as by what lies ahead. The journey from coup to constitution may be nearing its institutional conclusion, but the broader test, whether democratic norms, accountability, and political freedoms truly take root, will extend well beyond election day.

General Mamady Doumbouya, the current head of state who led the coup , is virtually certain to win after key opposition leaders were disqualified or forced into exile, leaving him without serious challengers.

Why this election matters

About 6.7 million Guinea-Bissau citizens are eligible to vote, and results are expected within 48 hours of the polls closing. A runoff would be held if no candidate wins an absolute majority.

Who’s running?

1. General Mamady Doumbouya (Front-runner)

Doumbouya, a 41-year-old former special forces commander, seized power in 2021 and has governed through a military-led transitional government. He initially pledged not to run for president but reversed that stance after the new constitution removed restrictions on junta members.

Supporters credit him with infrastructure gains, reforms in the mining sector, and economic initiatives. Critics counter that his administration has cracked down on civil liberties, banned protests, restricted media, and jailed or intimidated opponents.

Other candidates

While nine candidates are on the ballot, most are considered relatively minor figures with limited national support:

However, none of these challengers have a substantial grassroots base or the resources to mount a serious challenge against Doumbouya, and several prominent opposition figures were barred from standing.

Who was excluded

Several leading opposition leaders were prevented from running:

Many rights advocates view these exclusions as part of a broader narrowing of the political space, raising concerns about democratic legitimacy.

Key issues in the election

The main question for observers is not who will win — that appears to be Doumbouya — but whether the election will be considered free, fair, and inclusive. Many civil society groups and international actors have criticised restrictions on protests, media freedom, and opposition mobilisation.

The UN has raised concerns about intimidation and a climate of fear during the campaign, urging Guinea’s authorities to protect civic freedoms and ensure a credible vote.

Guinea is one of the richest countries in the world in mineral resources, especially bauxite, iron ore (including the massive Simandou deposits), gold, and diamonds, yet it remains among the poorest in living standards.

As Guinea goes to the polls on December 28, 2025, Doumbouya’s path to the presidency appears clear. But the broader implications, for democracy, civil liberties, and how Guinea’s resources are governed, will continue to shape both internal politics and regional stability in West Africa in the years ahead.

The project, located in the mineral-rich Simandou mountains in southeastern Guinea, is a joint venture involving mining giants Rio Tinto, Winning Consortium Simandou (WCS), China Baowu, Chinalco, and the Guinean government. Once fully operational, Simandou is expected to produce up to 120 million tonnes of iron ore annually, nearly 7% of the world ’s seaborne iron trade, with an average iron content of 65%, making it one of the highest-grade outputs globally.

“We are unlocking an exceptional new source of high-grade iron ore that is in demand from customers for low-carbon steelmaking. This enhances our world-class portfolio of iron ore mines,” said Simon Trott, CEO of Rio Tinto.

Government officials expect the mine and its supporting infrastructure to trigger over $200 billion in investment across transport, education, energy, and housing sectors.

“Simandou is more than a mining project: it is the driving force behind a national transformation,” said Djiba Diakité, Chair of the Simandou 2040 Strategic Committee, adding, “This reflects the vision of the Head of State and the determination of an entire nation to build a future of shared prosperity.”

President Mamadi Doumbouya, who came to power in a 2021 coup, has made Simandou the centrepiece of his administration’s economic legacy.

South Sudan is staging a comeback, with its oil sector fuelling recovery. Guinea is booming, powered by rich deposits of bauxite and iron ore and a surge in energy projects.

In Ethiopia, growth remains strong, driven by construction, agriculture, and energy expansion.

Rwanda continues to attract attention through its vibrant tech start-up ecosystem and thriving tourism industry, while Uganda is positioning itself for an economic boost from new oil production and robust coffee exports.

The IMF attributes these successes to smart policy reforms and improved debt management, which are enabling these economies to stay steady even as global demand weakens.

Official figures showed 92% turnout with 89% approval, though opposition groups and civil society organisations disputed the numbers, citing empty polling stations and alleged fraud.

The new constitution extends presidential terms from five to seven years, permits one re-election, creates a Senate with presidential appointees, and establishes a special court to try senior officials. It also allows independent candidates to contest for the first time, but crucially removes earlier restrictions barring junta members from running.

Colonel Mamady Doumbouya, who seized power in 2021 by ousting then-president Alpha Condé, has not declared whether he will run. Analysts note, however, that the timing and content of the constitutional changes suggest he may seek to remain in power.

The country holds the world ’s largest bauxite reserves and vast iron ore deposits at Simandou, making political stability vital for global supply chains. Multinational mining companies, including Rio Tinto and China’s Chinalco, have major stakes in the sector.

The outcome will also test the credibility of West Africa’s response to military takeovers. ECOWAS has pressured juntas in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger to restore civilian rule, and its stance on Guinea’s vote may set a precedent.

For Guineans, hopes for stability are tempered by scepticism after years of authoritarian rule and unfulfilled promises. A credible, transparent election could mark a turning point; a disputed one risks cementing military power under a democratic facade.

Post-coup paths in Africa: recent returns to civilian rule and the juntas that remain

Several African states have transitioned, unevenly, between military and civilian rule in recent years. Where some transitions yielded elections and a nominal return to civilian government, others remain firmly under junta control. The pattern matters for regional stability, investment and international policy toward the continent.

Key recent returns to civilian rule

States still effectively under military rule

Recent years show no single path from coup to stable democracy. For a successful democracy to operate smoothly, it requires credible, inclusive elections, institutional checks on armed actors and sustained regional and international support. Where those elements are absent, elections or constitutional changes often become mechanisms for legitimising extended military influence rather than restoring accountable civilian governance .

The proposed constitution extends the presidential term from five to seven years, allows two terms, and crucially removes a ban preventing junta members, including General Mamady Doumbouya, from standing for office.

Additionally, it introduces a new Senate, one-third of whose members the president would appoint.

The vote comes ahead of planned general and presidential elections in December 2025, which the referendum is meant to enable legally.

The stakes

In September 2021, Doumbouya seized power in a coup, which dissolved the constitution with a vow to return the country to civilian rule. He initially promised that no junta member would run in future elections. That promise is now in shambles.

Opposition leaders, including Cellou Dalein Diallo, are either under suspension, in exile, or stripped of political space, and are calling for a boycott of the referendum.

The media landscape is also experiencing the heat with severe restrictions. Private outlets have been shut, websites suspended, and campaign coverage tightly regulated.

The AFP, however, reports that some media restrictions have been eased ahead of the vote.

Critics argue these conditions support a process that looks democratic on paper but is deeply curtailed in practice

What September 21 means

If the draft passes, Doumbouya is almost certain to run in December. A “Yes” vote would mark a legal framework that elevates executive power, leverages a compliant legislature, and further limits opposition.

If the referendum fails or if turnout is very low, legitimacy instantly becomes the issue. The junta would face internal pressure and external scepticism.

Delay or reform of the election schedule might follow. Unrest, protest, or resistance which have been banned in the country since 2022 could grow.

What’s at stake?

The election schedule for September is exceptionally important. The focus is on Gabon's legislative and municipal elections on September 27 and October 11, as well as Guinea's constitutional referendum on September 21, while Malawi and Seychelles get ready for regular elections.  Both are milestones in transitions launched by coups - Guinea in 2021, Gabon in 2023 - testing whether military rulers can deliver credible civilian pathways or simply rebrand authoritarian rule.

If approved, these procedures could normalize coup-born regimes that use controlled elections to manage transitions. If they fail, they run the risk of instability, unrest, and further undermining of faith in democracy.

The background

Under General Mamady Doumbouya, Guinea has pledged a "return to constitutional order," but repression has already tainted the country's referendum.  The proposed charter establishes a Senate with elections scheduled for December 2025 and a presidential term that is renewable every seven years.  However, the junta suspended ousted leader Alpha Condé's party and several other major opposition parties in late August.  Since 2022, protests have been prohibited, dozens of parties are still suspended, and media regulators have cautioned media outlets against covering opposition activities, all of which may damage credibility and increase the likelihood of future violence.  Conakry has seen a noticeable increase in security in advance of the referendum on September 21.  Especially in opposition strongholds, police patrol roads, intersections, and marketplaces with the support of assault rifle units and armoured vehicles equipped with water cannons. The regime has deployed forces to “prevent” planned demonstrations, firing warning shots and reportedly abducting several pro-democracy activists in a chilling prelude to vote day, signalling a determination to contain dissent.

Although Gabon is further along, it is equally dominated by the military. After the Bongo dynasty was overthrown in 2023, General Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema won almost 95% of the vote to become president in April 2025.  His administration eliminated the prime minister's position, extended presidential terms, and amended the constitution to permit military candidates.  Election supervision was transferred to the Interior Ministry, and more than 200 parties were eliminated.  The first elections since the coup will take place in September and October, but expectations of competition are minimal, and discontent stirs among the dozens of candidates who have faced seemingly arbitrary rejection. 

Comment: freedom through suppression?

Guinea and Gabon show a recurring pattern: juntas turning to ballots to claim legitimacy without ceding real power. Their transitions are hailed as milestones under regional and international pressure, yet in practice rely on opposition suppression and institutional dominance. 

Guinea’s transition illustrates how elections are being leveraged less as pathways to democracy and more as instruments of regime consolidation. The junta is not only repressing domestic opposition but also aligning itself with external actors in ways that unsettle Western partners. Geographically, Conakry has become an ideal entry point into the Sahel: Russian vessels dock with minimal scrutiny, unlike in other coastal states such as Côte d’Ivoire or Cameroon, allowing sanctioned arms shipments to move into Mali and beyond. 

For Europe and the United States , these dynamics sharpen the dilemma. Supporting Guinea’s referendum risks legitimizing a transition that facilitates both authoritarian consolidation and Russian influence. Yet disengagement carries its own costs, potentially ceding more ground to Moscow in a strategically sensitive corridor.

The preservation of stability in Gabon has come at the expense of pluralism.  Hundreds of parties have been marginalized, meaningful competition has been excluded, and power has been concentrated in the military and the presidency as a result of the tightly managed transition.  Although this strategy has prevented immediate turmoil, it runs the risk of solidifying a precarious balance that might break down if the promised economic benefits and reforms don't come to pass.

The elections exacerbate a well-known conundrum for regional and global players like the African Union, ECOWAS, the EU, and the US: accept stability dressed as democracy, or demand reform and risk alienating regimes that control the levers of security.

Assessment: predictable near-term outcomes

Outcomes are predictable in the short term. Guinea's referendum will most likely pass, opening the door for elections in December, but without opposition involvement, the results will lack credibility and may incite unrest. Through loyalist assemblies, Gabon's elections will further Oligui's dominance. Votes in Malawi and Seychelles should go smoothly with minimal regional repercussions.

In the medium term, Guinea faces a realistic possibility of instability. Its history of violent contestation, combined with restricted civic space , could trigger backlash once results are imposed. Gabon is almost certain to remain outwardly stable, but if reforms stall, the exclusion of opposition and weakened checks could exacerbate unrest.

For Europe and other partners, both cases present challenges. Guinea’s volatility could affect migration and security in West Africa’s Sahel-to-coast corridor. Gabon, an oil producer with strong commercial ties to France and other European partners, raises the question of how far Europe will accommodate an entrenched military elite so long as order and resource flows are maintained.

Conclusion: a barometer for democracy

Africa's democratic struggle is brought to light by the elections in September 2025.  Guinea and Gabon are holding historic elections that should signal a shift toward civilian governance but run the risk of solidifying military rule instead.  For Africans, democratic renewal is still uncertain.  The dilemma facing Europe is whether to embrace authoritarian stability masquerading as democracy or to pursue true civilian transition, with all of the risks entailed. 

The partnership aims to reduce internet and data transit costs, enhance network reliability, and facilitate high-speed connectivity for telecom operators, public institutions, and businesses across both countries. Initial capacity is set at 42.5 Gbps, with plans to scale to 100 Gbps by 2026. The system uses secure IP/MPLS protocols and fibre technology to deliver robust digital services.

Officials from both countries say the initiative aligns with broader regional goals under ECOWAS and the African Union to build a unified African digital market.

"This project is a key component of the Guinea–Sierra Leone Digital Pact 2024, aimed at unifying digital markets and services," said Nouhan Traoré, Secretary General of Guinea’s Ministry of Telecommunications. Leoncom CEO Foday Rado Yokie added that, “our collaboration with SOGEB will improve broadband access in Sierra Leone and stimulate economic interaction with Guinea.

Mohamed Kourouma, Director of SOGEB, however, noted, “This agreement is a major milestone for Guinea, reflecting our commitment to building an open and interconnected national backbone that benefits operators, enterprises, and citizens alike.”

The agreement also supports the Guinea–Sierra Leone Digital Pact 2024 , a bilateral roadmap to foster digital inclusion and integration, combating cybercrime, and improving cross-border communication.

In early 2025, Guinea's internet penetration rate was 26.5%, with 3.96 million users, while Sierra Leone had a 20.7% penetration rate, with 1.80 million users, according to Datareportal . Telecom giants like Orange and MTN are expected to benefit from reduced operational costs, while citizens in border communities will gain better access to services such as e-learning, telemedicine, and remote work platforms. Discussions are already underway to extend this fibre corridor to Liberia, potentially anchoring a sub-regional digital backbone.

Disclaimer: The image for the article was AI-generated

The agency will oversee all political elections and referendums, manage the biometric voter registry, and organise a special security force to safeguard the electoral process.

The decision has drawn criticism from legal experts and opposition figures who warn it may undermine electoral transparency. Mohamed Traoré, former head of Guinea’s bar association, wrote in a Facebook post that “a public administration that is politicised and partisan... raises serious doubts about the sincerity of upcoming elections.” He added that placing the election body under the interior ministry, led by a junta-appointed official, further erodes trust.

Guinea’s junta seized power in a 2021 coup, pledging to return the country to constitutional rule by the end of 2024. That deadline has since passed.

The referendum in September will decide on a new constitution, potentially clearing the way for junta members to stand in future elections despite an earlier transition charter explicitly prohibiting them from doing so.

Although junta leader Doumbouya has vowed not to run for office, several government officials have publicly endorsed his candidacy in recent months. Observers fear the new constitution could remove current restrictions on military or transitional leaders contesting elections.

Prime Minister Amadou Oury Bah said in May that the government would "do everything" to hold presidential and legislative elections by December 2025. Doumbouya has also declared 2025 a "crucial electoral year to complete the return to constitutional order."

International observers and rights groups remain sceptical, while the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which has pressed for a swift return to civilian rule in Guinea, has yet to comment on the new electoral body.

As the referendum approaches, pressure is mounting on the junta to deliver a credible and inclusive democratic process.

The plan outlines targeted measures to improve climate resilience and environmental awareness, particularly among the country’s younger population. With an estimated investment of over $1.1 million, the initiative focuses on education, risk mitigation, and sustainable water resource management.

According to UNICEF, approximately 460,000 children in Guinea-Bissau live in areas considered at high risk of flooding.

Speaking at the signing ceremony, Viriato Cassamá, Minister of Environment, Biodiversity, and Climate Action, described the plan as a step toward aligning environmental policy with child welfare. He emphasised that climate change poses risks to essential services, including clean water , healthcare, and education, and highlighted the importance of integrating child-centered strategies into broader climate efforts.

The minister also noted that the program aims to strengthen the resilience of vulnerable communities and promote youth engagement through environmental education .

UNICEF Representative Inoussa Kabore noted Guinea-Bissau’s vulnerability to climate-related events, describing the country as among those most affected by climate change in the region. He affirmed UNICEF’s ongoing technical and financial support for the initiative.

The work plan forms part of a broader effort to enhance sustainable development and disaster preparedness in Guinea-Bissau, with particular attention to protecting the rights and well-being of children in the face of environmental challenges.

“In Burkina Faso, journalists and columnists who are critical of the government are now being forcibly removed and taken to the frontline, ostensibly to observe ‘the reality on the ground,’ a situation that is quite simply unique on the continent,” said Camille Montagu, RSF’s research officer for sub-Saharan Africa.

The report also highlights a climate of fear and surveillance in Guinea, where journalists face mounting risks. “Journalists who remain in the country are closely watched by the authorities. They can be followed in the street,” said Jeanne Lagarde, RSF’s Advocacy Officer for Sub-Saharan Africa, told the AFP.

“They are bearing witness to a deterioration in their security situation,” Lagarde pointed to the abduction of journalist Habib Marouane Camara on December 3 as a troubling example of the growing threats.

While both Guinea and Burkina Faso present serious concerns, there was some positive movement elsewhere in the region. 

Senegal climbed 20 places to 74th in this year’s index, although RSF notes that long-standing issues persist, particularly regarding the economic sustainability of media outlets.

The term "Guinea" likely originates from a Berber or West African word such as "Ghiné" or "Akal n-Iguinawen" (meaning "land of the black people"). European traders and explorers in the 15th century used the term "Guinea" to describe a broad coastal region in West Africa known for its trade in gold, ivory, and enslaved people.

Countries with 'Guinea' in their names:

Guinea (Republic of Guinea)

Located in West Africa, Guinea was formerly known as French Guinea and was part of French West Africa. The country gained independence from France in 1958. The name simply reflects its location along the historic Guinea Coast.

Guinea-Bissau

Formerly Portuguese Guinea under Portuguese colonial rule, Guinea Bissau is a neighbour to Guinea in West Africa. Its capital city, Bissau, was added to distinguish it from the neighbouring Republic of Guinea. This country also gained independence from Portugal in 1973.

Equatorial Guinea

Equatorial Guinea is a country located in Central Africa, bordered by Cameroon, Gabon, and the Gulf of Guinea. It is a former Spanish colony but gained independence in 1968. "Equatorial" was added to highlight its location near the equator and to differentiate it from other "Guinea" countries.

Papua New Guinea

Papua New Guinea is a country in Oceania, located in the southwestern Pacific Ocean. The eastern half of the island of New Guinea was colonised by both Germany and Britain, and was later administered by Australia. The name 'New Guinea' was given in 1545 by Spanish explorer Yñigo Ortiz de Retez, who believed the local people resembled those from the West African Guinea region. The country gained its independence in 1975.

Sierra Leone's Foreign Minister, Alhaji Musa Timothy Kabba, announced the recall of Ambassador Bangura to Freetown to provide a full account of the incident. Minister Kabba emphasised that the ambassador was not in the vehicle at the time of the incident and is not currently under arrest.

He assured the public that a thorough investigation is underway to determine the circumstances surrounding the incident and to hold all responsible parties accountable.

"In light of this serious development, the government has urgently recalled Sierra Leone's Ambassador to Guinea, Ambassador Mr Alimamy Bangura, to Freetown to provide a full account of the incident. Additionally, a thorough investigation has been launched to determine how this incident occurred and to hold all responsible parties accountable," he said.

On Monday, January 13, Guinean authorities impounded a vehicle belonging to the Sierra Leone embassy and detained its occupants. The vehicle was found with seven suitcases filled with substances suspected to be cocaine , along with approximately $2,000 in cash.

This incident comes at a time when Sierra Leone is grappling with a national drug abuse crisis. In April 2024, President Julius Maada Bio declared drug abuse a national emergency, highlighting the prevalence of substances like "Kush," a psychoactive blend of addictive substances.

Millimono emphasised the importance of judicial independence in the process: We hope magistrates will focus on the law and not condemn Aliou for having an opinion."

Bah’s lawyer, Pépé Antoine Lamah, challenged the charges, describing them as baseless: "The flimsiness of the allegations allowed us to dismantle them using valid arguments, reason, and the law." Lamah also pointed out inconsistencies, noting that the public prosecutor initially included the junta leader’s name in the proceedings but later removed it, suggesting the head of state does not identify with the case.

General Mamady Doumbouya, who led the 2021 coup that ousted President Alpha Condé, pledged under international pressure to transition to civilian rule by 2024. However, this has yet to occur. In his New Year address, Doumbouya announced plans to set a date for a constitutional referendum in early 2025.

The funding includes $41.47 million allocated to Senegal and $39.46 million to Guinea. The project will focus on constructing and asphalting key sections of the interstate road connecting Labé and Mali in Guinea to Kédougou and Fongolembi in Senegal. This critical corridor will facilitate the transport of forestry, agro-pastoral, and mining products to markets, benefiting local populations and traders.

Deputy Director General for West Africa at the African Development Bank (AfDB), Joseph Ribeiro, noted the initiative's importance, stating, “The African Development Bank is a strategic partner of the transport sector in the West African sub-region and beyond. The Bank’s involvement in this project confirms its leadership in infrastructure development on the continent, aimed at strengthening integration and furthering the African Continental Free Trade Area.”

The 240.71 km road comprises 178.11 km in Guinea and 62.60 km in Senegal. It will feature climate-resilient asphalt concrete, with one 3.60-meter lane in each direction and 1.5-meter hard shoulders. Additionally, 150 km of rural feeder roads (100 km in Guinea and 50 km in Senegal) and 20.26 km of urban paved roads will be constructed, including 14.26 km in the Guinean towns of Labé and Mali (not to be confused with the country of Mali) and six km in Kédougou, Senegal.

The improved road network is expected to benefit hauliers in Mali by providing better access to the port of Conakry via the southern Dakar-Bamako corridor, which passes through Kédougou.

The junta had initially promised to restore civilian rule by the end of 2024 but has since signalled a potential backtrack.

In a recent interview, Prime Minister Amadou Oury Bah mentioned plans for a referendum on a new constitution by the end of the year, though no firm commitments were made.

General Doumbouya is currently in China attending a summit with other African leaders, and no official events were scheduled to mark the third anniversary of the coup that ousted civilian president Alpha Conde, according to AFP reports.

"We still want him to honour his commitment, otherwise there will be another 28 September," warned Alsény Barry, a Conakry resident, referencing the potential for renewed unrest if the military does not follow through on holding elections.

Zézé Akoï Goepogui, another resident, called for patience and peace, acknowledging that change takes time. "You can't make things evolve in a state of disorder," he told AFP, urging Guineans to allow time for progress under military rule.

However, others, like Barry, expressed doubt over the junta's intentions. "Honestly, at the rate things are going, it seems they don't want to leave," he said, noting the lack of a clear roadmap for the transition. "They promised three years, but today marks the end of that timeline, and we don't have hope that elections will be held."

Since the coup, the junta has cracked down on dissent, with at least 47 people killed between September 2021 and April 2024, according to Amnesty International. 

In a recent interview with the Financial Times , Bold Baatar of Rio Tinto said, " There is nothing else out there of this scale and size ."

Financial Times reported that the project, located 550km from Guinea's coastal capital, involves partnerships between Rio Tinto, the Guinean government, and at least seven other companies, including five from China.

Two major mines, Simfer project and the WCS project, will be constructed by Rio Tinto-Chinalco, the world’s biggest aluminium producer and Baowum, the world’s biggest steel producer in partnership with Winning International Group consortiums, respectively.

A 552km railway through Guinea’s mountains towards the sea and a deepwater port on Guinea's Atlantic coast will also be developed.

According to Baatar, the project is too expensive for any single miner to develop alone. The projected share of the total cost for Rio Tinto only is estimated to be $6.2 billion.

“Historically, when you look at the mining industry, each mine had their own infrastructure. The capital number is so big for any single party, Baatar said during his interview with Financial Times .

Simandou in the south-east of the Republic of Guinea is believed to be the world’s largest deposit of u ntapped high-grade iron ore.

In March 2023, Guinean authorities and shareholders including Rio Tinto agreed on the terms of a joint venture to mine Simandou which paved work for the resumption of the project after years of setbacks, international media Reuters reported.

Baatar said groundwork has commenced, and once Beijing approves Chinalco's investment, construction of the mine will follow.

To address environmental concerns including carbon emissions, Rio Tinto and partners are exploring alternative methods like direct reduced iron technology, utilizing hydrogen and carbon monoxide instead of coke.

This process demands high-grade iron ore, which is hard to come by. However, with Simandou’s average iron content exceeding 65%, among the world’s highest, the process is possible.

According to Baatar, the first ore shipments from the factory are expected in 2025, with production scaling up to reach 60 million tonnes annually by 2028, contributing roughly 5% to the global seaborne iron ore market.

Accusing Guinean government authorities of involvement in the situation, the internal memo noted, “Officials from the Guinean government may be advising people obtaining new passports they can change their age for them to have a better chance of entering the United States as minors,” portions of the alert were quoted by Fox News .

“It’s suspected that Guinean passports issued in Conakry after June of 2023 are most likely fraudulent or altered,” the memo added.

The alert further noted that an illegal group operating from the country’s capital in Conakry has stolen blank passports from the ministry and is printing and issuing fake passports for citizens.

According to Former Acting Department of Homeland Security Secretary Chad Wolf, Guinea’s system is broken hence the infiltration of government officials who are using dubious ways to migrate citizens.

This comes in the face of a recent migration of about 170 Guinean nationals through the southern border in December 2023.

Efforts of solidarity are intensifying to address the fuel crisis stemming from the recent fire at Guinea's primary oil depot. Hydrocarbon carriers, playing a crucial role in the supply chain, have mobilized at least 400 trucks, prepared for immediate deployment to help curb the fuel crisis in the country. “We, in the hydrocarbon transport sector, have gathered all our logistics to make it available to the State. Fortunately, the friendly countries have extended us a hand of fraternity to help us so that this crisis does not have enough negative impacts on the functioning of our country. That's why we put vehicles. SONAP, too, is making all the arrangements. Had it not been for this incident, there would not have been all this problem. Because the government, through the Sonap, has imported enough fuel,” Elhadj Nana Télico, the leader of the employers' section for oil tankers, told African Guinee .

Conakry's fire: Government creates six technical commissions

In response to the fire at Conakry's largest fuel depot, the Guinean government has created six technical commissions to effectively manage the crisis. These commissions include the Health, Safety, and Environment Committee; the Victim Support Committee; the Energy, Transport, and Logistics Committee; the Communication and Awareness Committee; the Evaluation and Compensation Committee; and the Economy, Finance, and Partner Relations Committee. Minister of Security and Civil Protection, Bachir Diallo, announced this development on Saturday, December 23, 2023, in a decree , Guinee Matin reports. Each commission is tasked with specific missions and responsibilities, and their operational budgets are sourced from the crisis management budget designated for the aftermath of the Kaloum hydrocarbon depot fire.

National team squad for Africa Cup of Nations

Guinea's national coach, Kaba Diawara, has unveiled the 25-man squad that will represent the country in the upcoming Africa Cup of Nations. The team comprises three goalkeepers, eight defenders, eight midfielders, and six attackers, Guineelive reports. The full list includes; Goalkeepers: Aly Keita, Moussa Camara, Ibrahim Koné; Defenders: Antoine Conté, Ibrahima Diakité, Issiagha Sylla, Sékou Oumar Sylla, Mouctar Diakhaby, Julien Janvier, Saidou Sow, Mohamed Aly Camara; Midfielders: Amadou Diawara, Seydouba Cissé, Aguibou Camara, Naby Keita, Aboudoulaye Touré, Mory Konaté, Moriba Kourouma, Karim Cissé; Attackers: Guilavogui Morgan, Serhou Guirassy, François Kamano, Mohamed Bayo, Facinet Conté, José Martinez Kanté. From the list, Fascinet Conté who currently plays for Bastia in the French League 2 is the only new addition to the team.

Conakry fire finally extinguished

The civil protection services, assisted by teams from Senegal, France, Ivory Coast, and other substitutes, successfully extinguished the catastrophic fire that ravaged Guinea's primary hydrocarbon depot on the night of December 17 to 18, 2023, after six days of battle, Africa Guinee reports. "The coordination was exceptional. The operation was well coordinated under the leadership of General Bachir Diallo. Huge efforts have been made. There have been many difficulties but the objective has been achieved, it is the main thing. We have an effective fire service because even before the arrival of foreign support, we had been able to organize ourselves and circumscribe the fire" Director General of Civil Protection, Colonel Mohamed Camara said. He added "When we are in extinguishing operations, we use emulsifiers prepared from chemicals. They are mixed with water to make the foaming solution to extinguish this fire. This solution was up on three firefighters, they were slightly affected. Apart from these cases, we have caused zero victims," says the Director General of Civil Protection.

ECOWAS sympathizes with Guinea

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has expressed sympathy with Guinea following the December 17th explosion at the country's major fuel depot. In an official statement, the sub-regional institution conveyed its condolences to the families of the victims and extended sympathy to the Government and People of Guinea, ActuGuinee reports. The leadership of the organisation has further member states and the international community to provide support to Guinea during these challenging times.

What they said

“As of Saturday December 23, 2023, the sale of gasoline and diesel throughout the national territory is rationed as follows: 25 liters per vehicle, 5 liters per motorcycle and tricycle, ban on serving in cans, the circulation of tanker trucks is subject to a secure escort and a mission order,” Ousmane Gaoual Diallo, government spokesperson and Minister of Telecommunications was quoted by Guinee Matin . As regards persons who were injured, the government said in a statement, "despite the efforts by medical teams, we lament four new deaths today, bringing the total to 18. Of the 212 people treated by health workers, 127 have returned to their homes and 85 people are still hospitalised, including four in intensive care.”

The ex-junta leader and 10 others were jailed after accusations of murder of several people and mass rape by Guinean security officers.

This is said to have happened on September 28, 2008, when thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators staged a protest at a stadium in Conakry, Guinea.

Presidential guards, police officers and some soldiers are said to have entered the stadium, cordoned off the exits and opened fire indiscriminately into the crowd.

Some unarmed civilians were murdered with knives and machetes while others died from the stampede that happened.

In all, more than 150 people were killed and over 100 women raped, according to the report by a United Nations-mandated commission.