In the women’s race, Ethiopia’s Tigst Assefa broke her own world record with a time of 2:15:41, finishing ahead of Kenya’s Hellen Obiri and Joyciline Jepkosgei, another clean sweep for African athletes.

When it comes to marathon running at the highest level, Africa, particularly East African runners, has dominated the London Marathon for more than two decades.

Athletes like Kenya's Eliud Kipchoge, a four-time London winner widely regarded as the greatest marathon runner in history, helped cement that legacy. Year after year, the winners’ lists have been overwhelmingly African

First held in 1981, the London Marathon has grown into one of the world’s most prestigious long-distance races, alongside events in Boston, New York, Berlin, Chicago, and Tokyo.

Founded by former Olympic champion Chris Brasher and athlete John Disley, the race was inspired by the inclusive spirit of the New York Marathon, combining elite competition with mass participation and charity fundraising.

Today, it attracts more than 50,000 runners annually and raises hundreds of millions of pounds for charitable causes, making it as much a social event as a sporting spectacle.

Footage from the capital showed groups of protesters marching through central Nairobi as police vehicles moved in and several people were detained. Residents said the anger was being driven by record pump prices and the wider cost-of-living squeeze, with transport costs rising sharply for ordinary Kenyans.

Many businesses remained open, but there were reports of blockades and clashes in parts of the central business district before police dispersed the crowds. The demonstrations came despite President William Ruto’s recent insistence that protests would not lower prices and that the focus should be on finding practical solutions.

The protests unfolded against the backdrop of a wider global energy shock linked to the war in the Middle East and restrictions on shipping through the Strait of Hormuz. The International Energy Agency has described the disruption as “the greatest threat to global energy security in history,” with oil supply and tanker movements severely affected.

The persistent hardship in Africa’s refugee communities is fuelling suicide cases, a silent crisis that requires urgent action. Figures suggest that refugees in East Africa “experience higher rates of depression (31%) and functional impairment (62%) compared to the host population (10% and 25%, respectively).” This highlights the need for targeted investment in mental-health-focused screening and rehabilitation programmes.

In Kenya’s Dadaab refugee camp, hosting nearly half a million Somalis who fled war and drought, rising suicide deaths are a cause for concern. The situation in Dadaab reflects the predicament of refugees in other camps on the African continent, who are battling hunger and pressure from inability to cope with the harsh living conditions. Suicide-related data remains scarce, creating a gap in evidence-based solutions.

Equally concerning is the complacency towards mental health conditions, which feeds stigma and leaves those affected with no support. Responding to such cases is often delayed, putting people at risk. Aid cuts have devastated healthcare access, leaving humanitarian organisations with very limited means to run awareness campaigns and offer the much-needed counselling services, especially among young refugees.

“If someone says, ‘I want to kill myself,’ nobody cares. They think you’re just joking,” reveals Jane Kireto, a school psychological counsellor with Lutheran World Federation (LWF). “If someone takes their life, it becomes important to understand the circumstances that led to it.”

She notes the worrying disparity between the relatively swift response to familiar illnesses like malaria and typhoid and the passive reaction to mental health conditions widely seen as less significant.

A report on suicide prevention and response among refugees finds that there is a limited range of suicide preventative mechanisms tailored for displaced persons. The report further reveals the existing ones tend to ignore the complex, layered nature of mental health, underscoring the need for models that address multiple layers of the problem.

“Given suicide’s complex etiology, it is incumbent upon health agencies to not only think about individual-level risk factors, but also the broader socio-ecological factors…” the authors recommend, emphasising the need for more research focused on the lives of those at risk.

On top of this, as Jane Kireto notes, the relevant stakeholders must address the underlying causes of suicide, especially socio-economic barriers, and the lack of comprehensive psychosocial services.

The article solely represents the views of Simpson Muhwezi, a Ugandan freelance writer and development practitioner.

Looking at the officials before him, the president remarked that he wondered “whether they are here by design or they were waylaid,” before adding , “The way they are dressed, they don't look like they knew they were coming to State House.”

Ruto said future guests who fail to meet the expected standard for official functions could be turned away at the gate. “The manner of dress of these people has no indication about the seriousness of this occasion. We take this occasion very, very seriously,” he said.

Also present at the ceremony were Roads and Transport Cabinet Secretary Davis Chirchir, Youth Affairs and Sports Cabinet Secretary Salim Mvurya, Housing Principal Secretary Charles Hinga and Council of Economic Advisors chair David Ndii.

Her situation came to light after she met politician Geoffrey Mosiria, who documented her story as shown in this video shared with Global South World. 

“Sir, in my house, there is hunger. We sleep on an empty stomach,” she told Geoffrey. “Begging is not a part of me,  I rebuke it in the mighty name of Jesus.” 

“The only thing that is in my house is salt and matchbox.”

Elizabeth’s case underscores broader deprivation in Kenya, with the latest available data from 2022 showing that 25.4% of the population — about 13.8 million people — are living in multidimensional poverty, with a further 26.4% considered vulnerable.

The country’s multidimensional poverty index stands at 0.113, lower than peers such as Cameroon and Tanzania , but still reflecting significant gaps in access to basic needs.

For families like Elizabeth’s, those figures translate into daily uncertainty over food, work and survival.

“I do manual jobs. I've been out for weeks trying to secure a job, all in vain.” 

Semafor reports that, Kenyan officials have approved a phased return to legal cross-border commerce, including the resumption of exports through three designated border points, following a decision ratified in February.

A major driver behind the shift has been pressure from the khat industry. Khat, a stimulant leaf grown in Kenya and widely consumed in Somalia, is legal in both countries, but the border shutdown forced Kenyan traders to rely heavily on air shipments, increasing costs and squeezing farmers’ earnings.

Producers and trade rs have argued that moving khat by road would cut transport costs, reduce reliance on middlemen and cartels that emerged around the air-export trade, and revive local economies that depend on border commerce.

The scramble comes as Iran’s actions around the Strait of Hormuz, a major global oil and fuel shipping corridor, have rattled energy markets and forced buyers to diversify supply routes and suppliers. 

Dangote refinery officials said trading firms that buy its products have been shipping fuel across the continent, including to Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Tanzania and Togo this month, with Tanzania receiving its first arrival from the refinery, according to a company representative cited in the report. 

While demand for Dangote’s output is rising abroad, the refinery has also adjusted prices at home in response to swings in crude markets. Nigerian media and market reports have described multiple price moves this month as global oil prices surged and then shifted again amid war-related uncertainty. 

Dangote, Africa’s largest refinery, plans to expand capacity further in the coming years, and the latest round of inquiries highlights how the plant is increasingly being viewed as a regional backstop when traditional import routes are disrupted. 

"The first offence is dealing with live wildlife species without a permit, and then there are other charges that have been added, particularly the third charge that relates to conspiracy to commit a felony, which carries a sentence of up to 7 years imprisonment," said David Namai, lawyer for Zhang Kequn.

According to prosecutors, the two were arrested on March 10, 2026, while in possession of approximately 2,000 ants stored in test tubes, with hundreds more concealed in tissue rolls.

On Sunday, Gachagua, who has declared he wants to block Ruto from winning a second term, mocked the President’s appearance while speaking to supporters. In the remarks, he suggested Ruto had become noticeably thinner and implied the President’s wealth was not legitimate.

Ruto responded on Tuesday with a blunt attack of his own, telling critics to “go to the gym” and accusing them of overeating, with remarks aimed at opponents that were widely interpreted as personal insults rather than political rebuttal.

The exchange has drawn concern among observers that Kenya’s political discourse is sliding further away from policy debates into ridicule and personality-driven attacks, well ahead of the official campaign period.

The country’s general elections are scheduled to be held by August 2027. Voters will elect the president, and members of the National Assembly and Senate.

They'll no longer be eligible for enlisting in the special operations," he said. A Kenyan intelligence report presented to lawmakers in February said that more than 1,000 Kenyans had been recruited to fight on Russia ’s side in the war in Ukraine, five times more than authorities had previously estimated.

“We do not want for any reason our partnership with Russia to be defined from the lenses of the special operation (in Ukraine ) agenda only,” Mudavadi said. “The relationship between Kenya and Russia is much more broader than that.”

Prosecutors allege the network fraudulently registered some medical facilities and then submitted claims for procedures that were never performed, draining about KSh 28 million  (approx. US$217,000) from public health funds.

The DPP has also recommended criminal charges against eight facilities named in the case: Kaafi Nursing Home, Dimtu Nursing Limited, Mama Nerbeel Nursing Home, Kamsihawa Medical Centre, Adfeel Kids Care Medical Centre Limited, Julun Nursing Home, Danaba Care Hospital Limited and Alati Nursing Home.

The approved charges include conspiracy to de fraud , operating unlicensed health facilities, acquisition and use of proceeds of crime, unauthorised access to computer systems, computer fraud, obtaining money by false pretence and abuse of office. Investigators believe the scheme relied on fake patient claims, questionable billing practices and access to digital health systems.

In a related case arising from the same probe, Harun Liluma has already been charged and pleaded not guilty. He was released on a KSh 1 million (approx. US$7,700 - 7,800) bond with two sureties or KSh 500,000 (between US$3,850 - 3,900) cash bail, and the matter is due back in court on March 12, 2026, as authorities continue tracing the remaining suspects over alleged offences committed between January 30 and August 25, 2025.

The court found that the Notice of Motion did not meet Order 51 Rule 13 of the Civil Procedure Rules of Kenya (2010), which requires a specific notice statement to appear at the foot of every motion application. The supporting affidavit was also found to be defective for not complying with Order 19, Rules 4 and 5.

Justice Mwamuye said both the motion and the affidavit appeared to be machine-generated, raising broader concerns about the use of artificial intelligence in legal filings.

“Computer-generated documents or outputs of ‘artificial intelligence’ cannot be a proper substitute for human-drawn documents,” the judge said. “A party must draw and file their documents on their own accord and by their own hand or through their legal representatives.”

While the judge noted that the defects were largely technical, he ruled they were serious enough to warrant striking out the application. However, the petitioner was allowed to file a fresh application and affidavit that meet the required legal standards.

In South Africa, markets have already shifted as traders are now pricing no chance of a rate cut at the central bank’s March 26 meeting, after a cut was still being seen as possible just days earlier.

“Until the outlook in the Iran war becomes clearer, significant policy rate decisions by African central banks may be deferred,” said Hasnain Malik, a strategist at research firm Tellimer. He said countries such as Egypt, Kenya and Morocco could be more exposed to disruption than commodity producers like Ghana, Nigeria and South Africa.

Oil has jumped as traders worry about supply and shipping risks linked to Iran and the Strait of Hormuz, a key route for global energy flows. Higher fuel costs could quickly feed into transport and food prices across the continent.

African markets have also been unsettled by investors pulling money from riskier assets and moving into the US dollar, weakening local currencies . “Borrowing and raising capital just got harder,” said Charlie Robertson, author of The Time Travelling Economist. Chatham House’s Tighisti Amare warned African economies “simply do not have the buffers for another prolonged global shock.”

Authorities say 22 victims were rescued during a police operation last September, while three other Kenyans linked to the same pipeline later returned home with injuries after landing on the front line, according to the prosecution.

The case comes amid growing scrutiny of claims that large numbers of Kenyans have been drawn into Russia’s military through recruitment networks. A recent intelligence report presented to Kenya’s parliament put the figure at about 1,000 Kenyans recruited in recent months, many allegedly lured by offers of well-paid civilian work before being pushed into military contracts.

Omwamba pleaded not guilty, while his lawyer, Bonaventure Otieno, dismissed the case as being built on “speculations” and “hearsay.”

The Russian embassy in Nairobi has denied accusations of recruiting Kenyans under false pretences, calling the claims a “dangerous and misleading propaganda campaign,” according to reports.

The response was uniform: "No vacant bed available". By 12:50 am GMT, Charles Amissah was dead —not for lack of medical expertise or a responding ambulance, but for lack of a piece of furniture.

His tragic death has reignited fury over Ghana’s "no bed syndrome," a systemic failure where emergency care is routinely denied based on physical space. 

However, a look into healthcare systems across sub-Saharan Africa reveals that Amissah’s death is not an isolated incident; it is a symptom of a continental crisis where hospital beds have become a tool of lethal exclusion.

The Ghana context

In Ghana, the "no bed syndrome" is a chronic ailment. In 2024, the Korle Bu Teaching Hospital (KBTH), the nation’s largest medical facility, had to suspend referrals to its Surgical Medical Emergency unit because it was housing 60 patients in a 36-bed unit. Photos on social media captured the dehumanising reality: patients receiving treatment in plastic chairs, wheelchairs, and on the bare floor.

The Ministry of Health, on February 18, announced that it had constituted a three-member committee to probe Amissah’s death , examining decision-making processes and contributing factors. Yet, local experts argue the problem is structural. Beyond the physical shortage, the system suffers from abandoned facilities, a lack of medicines, and a severe brain drain as medical professionals flee for better opportunities abroad. 

Despite a national health insurance scheme, the cost of emergency care remains prohibitively high for many, and the referral chain is often broken by a lack of coordinated communication between ambulances and receiving wards.

The Nigerian mirror

Nigeria faces a nearly identical "no bed" crisis, often overshadowed by the "Japa syndrome"—the mass exodus of healthcare workers. The story of Ifelola Abiona last year, a 42-year-old mother of two, mirrors that of Charles Amissah. 

Despite doctors being physically present and ready to operate at the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH), she was left to "languish" and eventually die because no bed could be found. Her husband recounted a harrowing ordeal of being referred between facilities, paying nearly a million naira (about $745) for redundant tests, only to be told again: "No bed".

The Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) blamed this on a dysfunctional referral system and a weak primary healthcare foundation.

Chairman of the NMA in Lagos, Dr Saheed Babajide, revealed that in Lagos, only 57 out of 300 primary health centres are comprehensive enough to have doctors, forcing patients to swarm tertiary hospitals for minor ailments. This over-subscription, according to reports, means that many hospitals consistently operate at over 90% occupancy.

Furthermore, the lack of space extends to the families. Informal caregivers—relatives who perform the roles of nurses due to staffing shortages—are forced to sleep on staircases , wooden benches, or bare concrete. They report being bitten by mosquitoes, shivering in the rain, and eventually falling ill themselves, creating a secondary public health risk.

The ICU crisis in South Africa

In South Africa, the crisis shifts from general ward beds to the even more critical shortage of Intensive Care Unit (ICU) beds. Reports reveal that South Africa has a mere five ICU beds per 100,000 people . In some provinces, the ratio drops to one bed per 100,000.

The consequences are visceral. In Gauteng, South Africa's economically dominant province, which houses its financial capital, Johannesburg, a 29-year-old man died after a one-hour wait for medical attention; his family attributed the delay to "corruption led by the political elite" and a lack of available ICU space. Another patient waited six weeks for an ICU bed for a bypass surgery; during that time, gangrene spread, resulting in a double amputation.

The shortage is not just about infrastructure but specialised human capital. Only 25% of ICU nurses in the country are actually trained in critical care. This deficit, combined with crumbling utilities and water/power shortages, means that even when a physical bed is available, there may be no one qualified to man it. 

There have also been reports of financial mismanagement where security budgets outweigh clinical budgets, leaving hospitals under-equipped while funds are siphoned away.

Liberia and Kenya: Crumbling walls and digital deadlocks

In Liberia, the "no bed" crisis is exacerbated by the scars of civil war and the 2014 Ebola epidemic. At Phebe Hospital, the second-largest in the country, reports from 2024 indicated that a lone surgeon had been forced to carry out operations by the light of storm lanterns because of frequent electricity cuts. 

The hospital, burdened by $300,000 in debt to vendors, often lacks basic drugs, forcing doctors to watch patients die while relatives run to local pharmacies to buy supplies. At the James Jenkins Dossen (JJ Dossen) Hospital in Harper, the coastal capital of Maryland County in southeastern Liberia, the influx of patients was so high that pregnant women and their newborn babies were forced to sleep on the floor.

Kenya offers a more modern, albeit equally frustrating, version of the crisis. Recent transitions to the Social Health Authority (SHA) portal resulted in chaotic situations where hospitals with physical beds were shown as having "zero occupancy" in the digital system. Hospital owners reported being forced to turn away women in need of maternity services because the digital dashboard "locked," preventing admissions and reimbursements. 

Officials claim this was a deliberate downgrade to protect patient safety in facilities lacking essential equipment, but providers allege it is a cost-containment strategy by a state grappling with billions in unpaid claims.

A continental death trap

The collective data across these nations paints a grim picture:

Why the bed is just the symptom

The "no bed syndrome" is rarely just about furniture. It is the end result of the "Three Delays" model, according to researchers :

Many governments in Africa still view Emergency Medical Services (EMS) as a luxury rather than an essential component of Universal Health Coverage (UHC). 

In Nigeria, for instance, only 9% of the population is covered by a formal EMS system. Governments struggle to maintain ambulance fleets, and most response is left to expensive, private hospital-owned vehicles that can cost more than a month’s wages to hire.

The path forward: Essential, not optional

The African Critical Illness Outcomes Study , which investigated about 20,000 patients from 180 hospitals in 22 countries across the continent, suggests that thousands of lives could be saved through simple, low-cost interventions that can be provided in general wards, such as ensuring oxygen availability and training staff in basic life support.

Case studies in Sierra Leone and Malawi show promise. Sierra Leone utilised ambulances from its Ebola response to create a national EMS system that now achieves national coverage with 80 ambulances and over 400 paramedics. Malawi is piloting a coordinated "118" emergency number and trauma registry along its deadliest road corridor.

According to a statement from the National Intelligence Service (NIS) presented to the House, as of February, 39 Kenyans are hospitalised, 30 have been repatriated, 28 are missing, 35 remain in military camps, 89 are on the frontline, one is detained, and another has completed his contract.

Ichung’wah said the agencies lured recruits with promises of monthly salaries of about $2,300, bonuses ranging between $6,900 and $9,200, and the possibility of Russian citizenship.

He added that some recruits initially travelled through Istanbul in Turkey and Abu Dhabi in the United Arab Emirates. Following increased interceptions at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA), others have reportedly begun routing through Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo and South Africa to avoid detection.

“For the close to over 1,000 estimated to have gone, not all have travelled from Kenya; some are already in the diaspora who have since moved to go and fight in Russia,” he is quoted by the Standard media .

The Majority Leader also alleged that some rogue airport officials and staff in immigration, investigative agencies and employment authorities may have colluded with recruiters. He further claimed that certain individuals at the Russian embassy in Nairobi and the Kenyan embassy in Moscow were involved in facilitating travel visas.

One of the agencies named in Parliament was Global Face Human Resources Limited, which is not accredited by the National Employment Authority. Authorities previously raided a holding base in Athi River, where passports, unsigned contracts and other materials were seized.

Recruits reportedly underwent about three weeks of training in Moscow before being deployed to the battlefield. Some returnees told investigators they were required to open Russian bank accounts and make payments of up to Sh975,000 (about $7,600) during the recruitment process.

Ichung’wah warned that the recruitment poses serious risks to young Kenyans and could strain diplomatic relations.

Lenacapavir is administered as an injection twice a year, offering six months of protection per dose. Unlike daily oral PrEP pills, the drug works by blocking critical stages of the HIV life cycle, preventing the virus from establishing infection in the body of a person at risk. It is not a vaccine or a cure and is intended strictly for individuals who do not have HIV.

Kenya has received 21,000 starter doses for the initial roll-out across 15 priority counties selected based on HIV burden and prevalence data, according to local news outlet The Daily Nation . These counties are Siaya, Homa Bay, Migori, Kisumu, Kisii, Mombasa, Nairobi, Machakos, Kajiado, Busia, Kiambu, Kilifi, Kakamega, Uasin Gishu, and Nakuru.

An additional 12,000 continuation doses are expected by April to ensure that those who begin the injections complete their course without interruption. Following the first phase, the rollout will be extended to an additional 15 counties before expanding to the remaining 17 counties nationwide.

Health Cabinet Secretary Aden Duale stated that Lenacapavir will be integrated into the existing health system, including distribution through the Kenya Medical Supplies Agency (Kemsa). The National Aids and STI Control Programme will oversee its use, safety, and commodity management.

"Let me emphasise that this medicine is for those who are HIV negative. It must be stated clearly and emphasised that Lenacapavir is neither a vaccine nor a cure for HIV, and therefore we urge all those on treatment to continue their lifelong therapy," Duale said.

"The medicine works by blocking critical stages of the HIV life cycle, preventing the virus from establishing infection in the body. Its greatest advantage is that it is administered only twice a year, offering six months of protection per dose," he added.

Lenacapavir was approved by the United States Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in June 2025 and later endorsed by the World Health Organisation (WHO) through updated guidelines released in July 2025, confirming its safety and effectiveness for HIV prevention.

In January this year, Kenya’s Pharmacy and Poisons Board (PPB) recommended the registration of Lenacapavir 300mg tablets and Lenacapavir 464mg solution for injection after a scientific assessment conducted in line with Kenyan laws and international regulatory standards.

The current batch has been funded by the Global Fund through a negotiated arrangement with the manufacturer at a cost of Sh7,800 (about $60.47) per patient per year.

Kenya is among the early adopter countries for Lenacapavir. Other countries include Eswatini, Lesotho, Mozambique, Nigeria, South Africa, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.

Earlier this month, South Africa also made positive strides in the fight against the disease, commencing the first human trials of a locally developed HIV vaccine . The trial is the first HIV vaccine study designed and led entirely by African scientists. South Africa has approximately eight million people living with HIV, the highest number globally.

According to data from the Chinese Loans to Africa (CLA) Database, managed by Boston University’s Global Development Policy Centre, Chinese institutions signed 1,319 loan commitments worth $180.87 billion with 49 African governments and seven regional bodies between 2000 and 2024. The loans came from 42 Chinese lenders, including state policy banks, commercial banks and government agencies.

It is important to note that the database tracks loan commitments, not actual disbursements, repayments or defaults, which means that the figures are not the same as total debt owed.

Chinese lending to Africa accelerated sharply in the 2010s, especially after Beijing launched the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013. In several peak years, annual commitments to Africa exceeded $10 billion, funding large-scale infrastructure projects such as railways and expressways.

More broadly, 2025 recorded the highest BRI engagement globally, with $128.4 billion in construction contracts and $85.2 billion in investments worldwide. China’s energy-related engagement alone reached $93.9 billion in 2025, more than double the level recorded in 2024, the highest since the BRI began.

Although recent lending to Africa has slowed compared to its 2016 peak, China remains deeply involved in strategic sectors.

China’s footprint in East Africa

In East Africa, Chinese loans have heavily targeted transportation and energy. Kenya has received billions for projects such as the Standard Gauge Railway, bypass highways and port-linked infrastructure.

Ethiopia has secured major financing for the Addis-Djibouti Railway, expressways and telecom expansion.

Uganda used Chinese loans to build the Kampala-Entebbe Expressway and upgrade oil-region roads.

Tanzania, Rwanda, Djibouti and Burundi have also tapped Chinese financing for roads, power projects and ICT systems.

Energy and telecom investments, especially in Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda, have been central to China’s role in the region.

Meanwhile, recent data suggest Beijing is shifting strategy. Instead of funding mega-projects, China has increasingly moved toward smaller, more commercially viable and strategic investments.

Instead, many reportedly find themselves sent to the frontlines of the war .

Promised jobs, delivered to war

Families say communication often stops shortly after the recruits arrive in Russia. Some receive brief messages saying they are being deployed to the battlefield and will not be allowed to carry phones.

“We don’t know whether he is alive or dead,” said one Kenyan relative whose brother travelled to Russia last year after being promised a job. “He told us to pray for him.”

Investigative group All Eyes on Wagner (AEOW), which tracks mercenary activity, recently published a report listing 1,417 fighters from 35 African countries who joined the Russian army between 2023 and mid-2025. According to the report, at least 316 of them have died.

Egypt had the largest number of identified recruits, while Cameroon recorded some of the highest losses. The group estimates a mortality rate of more than 22 percent among the listed fighters, not including those wounded or missing. Ukraine has also claimed that more than 1,400 Africans from 36 countries are fighting for Russia.

Recruitment network

Reports from different African countries suggest the recruitment methods are similar. In Ghana, 14 men were allegedly lured with promises of agricultural and security jobs in 2024. Only three were known to be alive a month later.

In South Africa, several individuals were charged over the alleged recruitment of young men who were reportedly promised jobs or education opportunities but ended up in combat zones.

Some recruits sign contracts written in Russian, which they may not fully understand. Ukrainian officials have described the contracts as “equivalent to signing a death sentence." 

Experts say Russia has long relied on foreign fighters and private military networks. “If those guys die, who cares?” one international relations professor in Egypt said, suggesting foreign recruits may draw less domestic attention inside Russia.

Government warnings and rescue efforts

Several African governments have warned citizens to verify overseas job offers through official channels. Kenya’s Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi recently urged young people to confirm employment opportunities with the Ministries of Labour and Foreign Affairs before travelling abroad.

Kenyan authorities say they have rescued some citizens caught up in the conflict. However, families claim the number of affected individuals could be much higher than officially acknowledged.

In Egypt, authorities have tightened travel requirements for citizens heading to Russia and warned that serving in a foreign military could carry serious legal consequences at home.

Desperation and risk

Analysts say high unemployment and economic hardship across parts of Africa make young people vulnerable to such schemes. The promise of stable income in foreign currency can be powerful, especially for families struggling with rising living costs.

But once in Russia, some recruits allegedly discover they have few options. Returning home may be difficult, and leaving a military contract can carry severe penalties.

For many families, the biggest pain is the silence.

“We just want to know the truth,” said one relative. “Is he alive? Is he coming back?”

The move followed a decision by the Counter-Financing of Terrorism Inter-Ministerial Committee, which placed the individuals on Kenya’s Domestic Terrorism Sanctions List, triggering immediate asset freezes and restrictions on access to the financial system.

According to the FRC, several of those named are linked to extremist groups, including Al-Shabaab, ISIS and the Allied Democratic Forces, with roles ranging from recruiting fighters to procuring weapons and moving funds across borders. 

Authorities said some of the money was routed through countries such as Türkiye and South Africa before reaching Kenya. Banks holding the affected accounts have been ordered to submit full details of the individuals’ assets in the coming days as investigations continue.

According to the files, investigators flagged Kenya and Somalia as locations associated with paedophile activity, while Tanzania and Senegal were identified as transit points used in Epstein’s international movements. Coastal areas such as Malindi in Kenya were mentioned as places frequented by individuals connected to the network 

Several emails contained in the files suggest Epstein coordinated travel to Kenya involving young women, some described in the correspondence as “finally turning legal.” In other exchanges, associates discussed arranging “safaris” and “internships,” language that experts say can be used to mask trafficking activity.

One email from 2013 references Epstein’s communication with a Kenyan businessman who said he was attending the inauguration of then-President Uhuru Kenyatta. While the correspondence itself does not allege criminal conduct by Kenyan officials, it illustrates Epstein’s proximity to influential figures and international events.

Other messages, some written jokingly, included disturbing references to bringing children from Kenya. Investigators say such language reflects common patterns in trafficking networks, where casual wording is used to obscure exploitation.

The documents also point to Tanzania’s role as a transit hub, with Epstein’s associates visiting high-end destinations such as Mnemba Island. Children from Ethiopia , Somalia, South Sudan and Sudan were allegedly trafficked through regional ports, including Mombasa, according to investigative records cited in the files.

The released material does not accuse governments in the region of wrongdoing.

According to IMF projections cited and analysed by The African Exponent , Africa’s ten largest economies in 2026 reflect a mix of resource strength, population size, industrial capacity, and policy direction.

South Africa is projected to remain Africa’s largest economy in 2026, with a nominal GDP of about $401.6 billion. Despite slow growth in recent years, the country continues to benefit from its diversified economy, strong financial sector, and advanced industrial base.

Close behind is Egypt, with an estimated $399.5 billion GDP. Egypt’s rise has been driven by large-scale infrastructure investment, expansion in energy production, and aggressive economic reforms.

As The African Exponent has noted in previous coverage, Egypt’s strategic positioning as a trade and logistics hub linking Africa, the Middle East , and Europe continues to strengthen its economic weight.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, is projected to rank third with a GDP of roughly $334.3 billion. Oil and gas still play a central role, but growth in telecommunications, fintech, agriculture, and entertainment has diversified parts of the economy.

However, the African Exponent has consistently pointed out that currency instability, inflation, and policy uncertainty remain key constraints on Nigeria’s full economic potential.

Algeria is expected to rank fourth at $285.0 billion, buoyed largely by hydrocarbons and higher global energy demand. While diversification remains a challenge, state spending and energy exports continue to anchor the economy.

Morocco, at $196.1 billion, rounds out the top five. Its strength lies in manufacturing, agriculture, tourism, and the growing automotive and aerospace industries. The African Exponent frequently highlights Morocco as one of Africa’s most strategically diversified economies.

Kenya and Ethiopia signal East Africa’s growing economic relevance. Kenya has approximately $140.9 billion, driven by services, finance, ICT, and regional trade. Ethiopia is also around $125.7 billion, supported by manufacturing, agriculture, and state-led industrialisation.

Despite debt pressures and foreign exchange shortages, Ethiopia’s long-term growth fundamentals continue to attract attention across African economic commentary.

Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire, and Angola finalise the list as Ghana sits at $113.5 billion, supported by gold, cocoa, and oil, though fiscal pressures persist. Côte d’Ivoire comes in with $111.5 billion, as one of West Africa’s fastest-growing economies, driven by agriculture and infrastructure. Angola, with $109.9 billion, is heavily dependent on oil but showing gradual signs of reform.

The African Exponent has noted that Côte d’Ivoire’s steady growth contrasts sharply with more volatile commodity-dependent economies, making it one of the continent’s most closely watched performers.

These rankings are based on nominal GDP, not purchasing power or living standards. What this really tells us is where capital, infrastructure, and policy focus are currently concentrated. It also highlights Africa’s continued reliance on a handful of large economies to drive continental growth.

Justice Bahati Mwamuye rejected an oral request by Rastafarian representatives who asked the court to protect their members from house searches, arrests and repeated police stop-and-search operations. Instead, the judge directed them to file a formal application supported by evidence showing continued harassment by police across the country.

Rastafarian leaders say increased media attention around the court case has made their members easy targets. Through their lawyer, Shadrack Wambui, they told the court that Rastafarians are often stopped, searched or questioned simply because of their appearance, even when they are not in possession of cannabis.

They argue that such encounters are driven by stereotypes linking their faith to bhang use rather than reasonable suspicion, and that the repeated searches violate their dignity, privacy and freedom of religion.

“We pray that members of the community be allowed to operate without constant searches and stereotyping,” Wambui told the court.

However, the Attorney General opposed the request for interim protection, arguing that the Rastafarians had not provided concrete evidence of harassment or unlawful arrests. The court agreed that formal affidavits and documented cases would be required before any protective orders could be considered.

The petition at the centre of the dispute was first filed in 2021. It seeks legal recognition of the Rastafari faith and a declaration that cannabis use for worship, meditation and spiritual growth should not be criminalised.

Until the case is decided, with a key hearing scheduled for March 19, 2026, Kenya’s existing drug laws remain in force.

Fredrick Aloo, national chairman of the Kenya International Freight and Warehousing Association (Kifwa), said modern logistics rely heavily on constant internet connectivity. “Cargo cannot move without communication. Tracking, document submission and coordination all depend on internet access,” he told the Nation.Africa .

Cargo handlers said messaging platforms such as WhatsApp, Telegram and SMS, which are widely used to communicate with drivers and clients, have become inaccessible. In addition, GPRS tracking systems that rely on mobile data to monitor transit cargo have been disrupted, making it harder to ensure security and timely delivery.

The internet shutdown has also affected customs and logistics platforms used in cargo clearance, raising concerns about congestion at key border points such as Busia and Malaba. Transporters say the suspension of outbound data roaming has further limited drivers’ ability to navigate routes and receive real-time updates.

Some transporters have also begun scaling back operations. Roy Mwanthi, a transporter based in Mombasa, said his company was prioritising local cargo until the situation stabilises. “Cleared transit cargo will move to the border, but to avoid losses and safety risks, we are focusing on local deliveries for now,” he said.

Uganda’s communications regulator ordered mobile network operators to block public internet access from Tuesday evening, with the reason that the shutdown was intended to prevent misinformation and protect national security during the election period.

Footage from Nairobi shows graffiti artists painting detailed portraits of global music and pop culture icons, including Barbadian singer Rihanna and reggae legend Bob Marley, across the sides of the vehicles. Others draw inspiration from films and gaming culture, with buses themed around The Matrix or branded with names such as “NeoOne” and “MoneyFest”.

Inside, the experience goes well beyond a typical commute. Large digital screens, neon lighting and high-powered sound systems turn the buses into what many passengers describe as moving nightclubs, pulsing with music as they navigate the city’s busy roads.

Commuter Dennis Machwani said matatus stand out for their speed, energy and cultural significance. “They are fast. They are entertaining, and they represent our Kenyan culture ,” he said.

For graffiti artists, the matatu scene is also an economic lifeline. One artist said painting the buses helps cover school fees and rent, while also benefiting vehicle owners by attracting more passengers. The more striking the artwork, the more popular the bus tends to be.

Regular riders say the designs capture the realities and aspirations of Nairobi’s youth. Matatu enthusiast Praise Mwangi said the graffiti reflects lived experiences. “It explains who we are as youth. What we go through is kept as graffiti,” he said.

Matatus remain the backbone of public transport in Kenya’s major cities, carrying millions of commuters each day.

In a statement released on Monday, December 22, the State Department for Diaspora Affairs confirmed the successful return of the individuals.

"A total of 119 Kenyans have been successfully repatriated following recent raids by Myanmar authorities and rebel groups, with efforts ongoing to secure the return of the remaining Kenyans amid complex regional dynamics," the department said.

The ministry noted that more than 200 other Kenyans remain stranded in the region. "Over 200 Kenyans were left behind and sought refuge in military shelters in Myawaddy and Shwe Kokko, while another group of over 100 Kenyans crossed into Thailand," the statement read.

The September 2025 raids reportedly led to arrests, seizures, bombings, and demolitions of the illegal camps, triggering violent confrontations between Myanmar government forces and rebel factions. As a result, many of the criminal operators fled, abandoning hundreds of foreign workers.

According to the Kenyan government, it responded promptly upon receiving an initial list of 126 affected citizens. It activated several measures through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Kenyan Embassy in Bangkok. The government also facilitated transportation and airport arrangements for the returnees.

Currently, 198 Kenyans are still in the region. This includes 66 individuals at Thailand’s Immigration Detention Centre, 129 in shelters inside Myanmar, and three in a Catholic safe house in Cambodia, the government disclosed.

Southeast Asia has increasingly become a hotbed for online scam networks estimated to generate billions of dollars. 

British journalist David Whitehouse, who has investigated cybercrime in the region, expressed concern about trafficking operations targeting African youth. “African youth, particularly English-speaking job seekers, are being increasingly targeted by traffickers linked to scam compounds,” Whitehouse told Global South World .

A report by Amnesty International, released in June and titled “I Was Someone Else’s Property” , documented 53 scamming compounds in Cambodia. It featured testimonies from 58 survivors of eight different nationalities, including nine children.

“Survivors of these scamming compounds describe being trapped in a living nightmare – enlisted in criminal enterprises that are operating with the apparent consent of the Cambodian government,” Amnesty International’s Secretary General Agnes Callamard said .

“Jobseekers from Asia and beyond are lured by the promise of well-paid work into hellish labour camps run by well-organised gangs, where they are forced to scam under the very real threat of violence.”

Despite persistent and systemic challenges, 2025 has delivered meaningful victories in the fight against gender-based violence (GBV) across the Global South.

Landmark legal reforms, policy shifts, regional coordination, and grassroots wins have shown that sustained advocacy and political pressure continue to yield results.

South Africa

Gender-based Violence elevated to a national emergency

In November 2025, South Africa reached a critical policy milestone when the government formally declared gender-based violence a national disaster .

The immediate catalyst was mass mobilisation in the lead-up to the G20. Women For Change coordinated a nationwide “Women’s Shutdown,” including silent lie-down protests, deliberately timed to coincide with heightened international attention.

The action amplified domestic demands while placing South Africa’s GBV crisis squarely under global scrutiny, increasing political pressure on the state to respond decisively.

This declaration means gender-based violence issues are formally recognised as a cross-government priority. Greater public accountability for the implementation of the National Strategic Plan on GBV and Femicide, which says governments and society that respond to GBV issues have strengthened accountability and bold leadership.

Over one in three women in South Africa have experienced physical violence at some point in their lives, while nearly one in ten have been subjected to sexual violence, figures that translate into millions of women navigating daily life under the persistent threat of harm within their homes and communities.

Brazil:

Strengthened Legal Protections for Survivors

Brazil’s president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, has signed a new law aimed at strengthening protections for women facing gender-based violence, a response to public anger over record levels of violence and a series of high-profile cases that sparked demonstrations across the country.

The law enhances judicial powers to protect victims by allowing judges to suspend or restrict an alleged abuser’s access to firearms, remove them from the victim’s home and impose no-contact orders. It also requires offenders subject to protective measures to wear ankle monitors, with associated technology to notify victims if the offender approaches.

In addition, the legislation increases maximum sentences for the rape of children under 14 and substantially raises penalties where a child is raped and killed.

Feminist activists have welcomed the measures as positive but have emphasised the need for greater funding for prevention, support services, and broader systemic and cultural change to reduce violence.

Kenya

Historic State Compensation for Survivors of Sexual Violence

In 2025, Kenya marked a historic breakthrough for gender-based violence accountability by issuing its first-ever state compensation to survivors of conflict-related sexual violence linked to the 2007–2008 post-election crisis.

Following a landmark High Court ruling, the government paid a compensation of 16 million Kenyan shillings (approx. USD $124,000) to survivors who had waited more than a decade for recognition and redress, signalling an important, if overdue, acknowledgement of state responsibility.

While the payments covered only part of what survivors are owed and excluded those harmed by non-state actors, the move set a powerful precedent: sexual violence in times of political crisis is a matter of state accountability, not private suffering.

Civil society organisations framed the moment as a partial but critical victory, renewing calls for a comprehensive national reparations framework, full implementation of victim protection laws, and broader compensation for survivors across regions and periods.

India

Expanded survivor support and digital safety measures

In 2025, India strengthened its institutional response to gender-based violence through the nationwide expansion of One-Stop Centres under the Mission Shakti framework. With more than 800 centres now operational across states and union territories, survivors of violence can access medical care, legal aid, psychosocial counselling, police support and temporary shelter through a single, coordinated entry point.

The scale-up reflects sustained advocacy for survivor-centred services that reduce fragmentation and barriers to justice. Fully funded by the central government and implemented at the state level, the centres also benefit from targeted capacity-building for frontline staff to improve case management and survivor care.

While gaps in access and quality remain, the expansion represents a significant structural win for GBV activism, embedding survivor support more firmly within public service delivery across the Global South.

Much of the online discussion focused less on how the man evaded traffic police and more on why he felt compelled to take such a risk. 

“It’s an act of survival,” wrote Kobia Muki, a sentiment echoed repeatedly across social media platforms.

Others criticised what they saw as a lack of collective care. 

“No one gave him a ride when the bus stopped or paid his fare, that’s the problem with us,” said Carol CM, shifting the focus from the individual to society at large.

Several commenters connected the incident to wider economic pressure. “Survival tactics in a harsh economy ,” Bobby Issa wrote, while Francis Odiango added: “Honestly Kenyans are undergoing hell…not because of one person but the system, bad policies and hired parliament.”

Economic woes

The reactions came against a backdrop of deepening economic strain. 

Kenya’s economic growth slowed to 4.0% in the third quarter of 2024, down from 6.0% a year earlier, after underperformance across most sectors, according to the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics. 

Construction activity contracted by 2.0%, while mining and quarrying shrank by 11.1%, adding pressure to already fragile job prospects.

Although growth in agriculture, transport, financial services, real estate, trade and hospitality helped cushion the slowdown, many households continue to feel the strain. Nationwide protests against proposed tax increases at the end of the second quarter disrupted major towns and turned violent in some areas, underscoring widespread public frustration.

For many online, the image of a man hanging onto a bus was not shocking so much as familiar — a stark snapshot of how far some are pushed simply to earn a living .

An IGAD regional analysis in the 2025 Global Report on Food Crises shows that the number of people facing high levels of acute food insecurity across the Horn of Africa has tripled over the past decade, rising from about 14 million in 2016 to more than 41 million this year. Kenya is among the countries most affected.

Forecasts from IGAD’s Climate Prediction and Applications Centre indicate drier-than-normal conditions in parts of eastern Kenya, with some areas already experiencing below-average rainy seasons. Another failed season could deepen food shortages and accelerate malnutrition.

The crisis is being compounded by funding cuts to humanitarian programmes. Across the region, more than 11 million children under five are acutely malnourished, with over three million needing urgent, life-saving treatment. Aid agencies warn that reduced funding could leave up to one million people without access to critical nutrition services.

The Red Cross says the scale of need in Kenya continues to grow and has called for increased resources to sustain food, water and health interventions. Without urgent support and improved rainfall, humanitarian groups warn that the country could slide further into a full-scale hunger emergency.

“This peaceful protest is important because it bypasses all differences. It triggers humanity and reminds us of our shared responsibility to protect nature,” she told local media.

Her supporters gathered throughout the challenge, encouraging her when fatigue set in and helping to cover the costs required for Guinness World Records officials to observe the attempt. At one point, Muthoni nearly fell asleep but was kept alert by those cheering her on.

She said the protest was aimed at emphasising the growing risks posed by climate change and the continued loss of forest cover in Kenya and across Africa. Despite contributing relatively little to global carbon emissions, Africans are among the most vulnerable to climate-related shocks such as droughts and extreme weather.

She explained that her black clothing represented African resilience and protest , green stood for regeneration and reforestation, red symbolised indigenous resistance, and blue symbolised the struggle to protect water sources and oceans.

Kenya’s High Court on December 11 issued temporary orders halting the implementation of the $1.6 billion Kenya–US Health Cooperation Framework. The ruling came after the Consumers Federation of Kenya filed a petition warning that the agreement could permit the transfer of confidential medical and epidemiological data belonging to citizens. The orders suspend any steps to operationalise the pact “insofar as it provides for or facilitates the transfer, sharing or dissemination of medical, epidemiological or sensitive personal health data.” The legal challenge, filed under HCCHRPET/E809/2025, marks the first major attempt to scrutinise the deal signed on December 4. 

AfDB and KCB sign $150m green financing package

The African Development Bank Group and KCB Bank Kenya have entered a $150 million partnership to expand climate-smart investments and green lending in Kenya. The deal includes a $100 million subordinated debt facility to strengthen KCB’s Tier II capital and a $50 million transaction guarantee to cover non-payment risks on letters of credit. The collaboration supports KCB’s commitment to allocate 25% of its portfolio to green initiatives by 2031, targeting renewable energy, infrastructure and agriculture. AfDB East Africa Director General Alex Mubiru praised the partnership as a boost for Africa’s green transition. KCB Managing Director Annastacia Kimtai said the bank aims to deepen its role in financing energy transition, e-mobility and climate adaptation. Last year, KCB issued $402 million in green loans, increasing its green portfolio to 21.32%.

Danish Queen begins three-day state visit to Kenya

Denmark’s Queen Mary arrived in Nairobi on the night of December 9 for a three-day official visit, her second trip to Africa in two months. She was received at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport by Prime Cabinet Secretary and Foreign Affairs Minister Musalia Mudavadi, alongside Tourism and Wildlife Cabinet Secretary Rebecca Miano. During her visit, the Queen will tour conservation projects for endangered species at the coast, inspect waste-management and circular-economy initiatives, and attend meetings at the United Nations Office in Nairobi. The trip aims to strengthen cooperation between Kenya and Denmark in renewable energy, climate action and environmental protection.

Study reveals most homicide victims in Kenya killed by people they knew

A National Crime Research Centre study has found that Kenya recorded more than 1,000 homicides over the past year, with most victims killed by people they knew. Of the 1,011 cases analysed, eight in ten victims had a prior relationship with their attackers. Men were often killed in disputes involving land, cattle rustling, mob justice and alcohol, while women were mostly victims of domestic conflicts and intimate-partner violence. Nairobi recorded the highest number at 80 cases, concentrated in informal settlements such as Starehe, Mathare, Kayole, Embakasi and Kariobangi. Rural counties, including Kilifi, Homa Bay, Narok and Trans-Nzoia, also reported high levels of fatal violence linked to land and inter-communal disputes. The report warns that economic pressures, substance abuse and weakened community support systems are fuelling preventable confrontations.

Kenya launches National Plastics Action Partnership

Kenya has formally joined the Global Plastic Action Partnership (GPAP), establishing the Kenya National Plastics Action Partnership (NPAP Kenya) in a deal presided over by Principal Secretary for Foreign Affairs Korir Sing’Oei on December 10. The collaboration positions Kenya within a 25-country network advancing solutions to plastic pollution affecting more than 1.5 billion people. The partnership aims to accelerate Kenya’s transition to a circular plastics economy, building on the country’s environmental milestones, including the 2017 ban on plastic bags—which eliminated an estimated 6.2 billion bags—and the 2020 prohibition on single-use plastics in protected areas. Kenya has also championed the EAC Single-Use Plastics Bill, which seeks to harmonise environmental regulations across the region to curb cross-border plastic leakage.

Laurent Saint-Cyr, President of the Haitian Presidential Transitional Council (PTC), welcomed the officers during an official ceremony, stating that the new arrivals will work alongside Haiti’s National Police and the Armed Forces to help secure the planned 2026 elections . “Haiti needs this support. The restoration of security is an imperative to allow the holding of elections,” he said, pledging visible results for the population.

The arrival of the new contingent coincided with the departure of another group of 100 Kenyan officers who completed their mission and returned home. Saint-Cyr thanked them for their service, expressing “eternal gratitude” on behalf of the nation and wishing them a safe return to their families.

The reinforcements come as Haiti awaits the full deployment of the Gang Repression Force (GRF), which is expected to reach 5,500 personnel. According to the UN, the GRF is intended to significantly weaken gang control and improve living conditions within a year of its full mobilisation.

The scale of the challenge remains immense. In 2024 alone, gang violence in Haiti reportedly left at least 5,600 people dead, more than 2,200 injured, 1,494 kidnapped, and over one million internally displaced. Between April and June 2025, authorities recorded a further 1,520 killings and more than 600 injuries, underscoring the country’s ongoing security emergency.

Article 143 of Kenya’s constitution states that neither civil nor criminal proceedings can be “instituted in any court against the President or the person performing the functions of that office during their tenure of office in respect of anything done or not done in the exercise of their powers under this Constitution.”

The case was filed in 2024 by 13 activists and the Kenya Bora Tuitakayo Citizens Association, who want the electoral commission compelled to hold a referendum on whether Ruto should be removed for alleged incompetence, abuse of power and violations of the Constitution. They accuse the president of more than 30 breaches, including ethnically skewed appointments, misuse of executive authority and the controversial deployment of the Kenya Defence Forces during the June 2024 Gen-Z protests .

Ruto’s legal team, led by Senior Counsel Fred Ngatia, argued that the petition was unconstitutional because a sitting president cannot be sued directly. The court agreed, striking out Ruto as a respondent and transferring his representation to the Attorney General. Ngatia also insisted that the Constitution provides only one legal route for removing a president, impeachment by Parliament and warned against what he called attempts to “bypass structured constitutional processes”.

The petitioners dispute that view, saying the Constitution also grants citizens sovereign power to seek political accountability through direct democratic means, including a referendum. Their lawyer, Kibe Mungai, said the activists were not asking the court to oust the president but to declare whether he violated the Constitution, a finding they argue could justify a public vote.

The judge declined to stop the case, leaving open the question of whether a popular referendum can supplement or override parliamentary impeachment procedures. The petitioners now plan to request a larger bench to hear the matter, citing its constitutional relevance.

Nyeri County Director of Medical Services , Dr Nelson Muriu, said diabetes prevalence in some sub-counties has reached alarming levels.

“Nationally, diabetes stands at around eight per cent, but some areas here are recording up to 75 per cent,” he said. “This is a serious burden we cannot ignore.”

Doctors also noted that men are far more likely to delay seeking care, contributing to higher mortality rates. Census data shows women in Nyeri live nearly 10 years longer than men. 

Cardiovascular diseases, including hypertension, stroke and heart attacks, now make up roughly 80 per cent of NCD cases at Tumutumu Hospital, while cancers such as breast, cervical, prostate, stomach and oesophageal are steadily rising. Many patients seek help only when their disease is already at an advanced stage. 

Oncologist Dr George Oguta said most cancer patients arrive at stage three or four, when treatment options are limited and costly. “Many cannot even afford basic screening,” he added. Health officials link the surge to tobacco use, heavy drinking, poor diets, physical inactivity and increasingly westernised eating habits.

The county is developing programmes aimed at improving health-seeking behaviour, especially among men, as NCDs continue to outpace communicable diseases in the region.

Habiba Abdullahi Wabera said seed-sharing not only helps farmers cut the cost of buying commercial seeds but also creates economic opportunities. “We can save money and even earn some by selling our seeds,” she said.

The ruling is also being welcomed as a boost for young people entering agriculture. “It's a good opportunity for the upcoming generation and even the youth without jobs,” said Abdi Nassir. “They will embrace farming and benefit for years to come.”

On Tuesday, November 2, the High Court declared key sections of the Seeds and Plant Varieties Act unconstitutional, effectively decriminalising the saving and sharing of indigenous seeds. Under the previous law , farmers risked up to two years in prison and fines of up to 1 million shillings ($7,700) for exchanging seeds through community seed banks.

Activists argued that the 2012 law, intended to regulate seed production and processing, favoured multinational seed companies while undermining traditional farming systems and biodiversity.

Mudavadi, who represented President William Ruto at the event, stated that the funding is necessary to support over 1.3 million people currently living with HIV in Kenya and to ensure the continued health and safety of future generations.

"With 1,326,336 people living with HIV in Kenya, our nation requires Ksh30 billion to secure vital commodities for prevention, care, and long-term management," he said .

He highlighted recent progress in the HIV response, noting that 87% of people living with HIV in Kenya are on antiretroviral treatment (ART). Additionally, Prevention of Mother-to-Child Transmission (PMTCT) coverage has reached 90.1%, contributing to healthier mothers and HIV-free newborns.

World AIDS Day 2025 was marked by various national activities, including a symbolic half-marathon, public mobilisation campaigns, and the launch of the Kenya AIDS Integration Strategic Framework (KAISF) 2025–2030. The new policy framework aims to end AIDS as a public health threat in Kenya by 2030.

KAISF 2025–2030 introduces an integrated, people-centred approach to care, combining HIV services with other health areas such as tuberculosis (TB), sexually transmitted infections (STIs), mental health, reproductive health, and noncommunicable diseases. The framework also focuses on strengthening domestic health financing and improving equitable access across all counties.

During the event, concerns were raised over a 19% rise in new HIV infections in Kenya, from 16,752 cases in 2023 to 19,991 cases in 2024. The increase reverses recent gains and poses new challenges to the national HIV response.

The most significant increase occurred among adolescents aged 10 to 19, who recorded a 34% rise in new infections. Mudavadi described this trend as alarming and urged urgent national action.

"The resurgence needs to be checked before it finishes our young generation," he warned.

Dr Douglas O. Bosire, Acting CEO of the National Syndemic Diseases Control Council (NSDCC), attributed the rise to the broader Triple Threat of HIV infections, teenage pregnancies, and sexual and gender-based violence. These issues continue to disproportionately affect adolescents and young women.

As of 2024, Kenya, with 1.3 million HIV-positive people, ranked sixth in Africa with the highest number of people living with HIV , behind South Africa (7.8 million), Mozambique (2.5 million), Nigeria (2 million), Uganda (1.5 million), and Zambia (1.4 million). 

While South Africa has the highest number of people living with HIV on the continent, Eswatini holds the highest HIV prevalence rate in Africa and the world, with nearly 26% of its population living with the virus.

Egypt

With SDR 6.73 billion still outstanding, Egypt is by far Africa’s largest debtor to the IMF and one of the biggest globally. Egypt is currently under a 46-month Extended Fund Facility (EFF), complemented by an arrangement under the Resilience and Sustainability Facility (RSF), approved in March 2025. The program supports a far-reaching adjustment that includes currency flexibility, subsidy reforms and fiscal consolidation.

IMF staff project that Egypt’s obligations to the Fund will gradually decline over the life of the program, but for now the country remains heavily exposed. In the November snapshot alone, Cairo repaid more than SDR 164 million, trimming but not transforming its outstanding stock. 

Côte d’Ivoire

Côte d’Ivoire is the second-largest African borrower, with SDR 3.08 billion in IMF credit outstanding as of 12 November. Abidjan is covered by twin arrangements under the Extended Fund Facility and Extended Credit Facility, plus an RSF program aimed at climate and resilience spending. In June 2025 the IMF Board completed the fourth review of these programs and the third RSF review.

Kenya

In third place, Kenya has SDR 2.96 billion outstanding. Since 2021, Nairobi has been under a blended EFF/ECF program supplemented by an RSF arrangement, aimed at stabilising debt, raising revenue and creating space for social and climate spending. The IMF Board concluded the seventh and eighth reviews in October 2024, approving further disbursements.

In 2025, Kenya and the IMF opted not to proceed with a planned ninth review; the government has instead requested a new lending arrangement , seeking to roll over about US$800 million in undrawn funds while grappling with high debt-service costs and public anger over tax hikes.

Angola

Angola, fourth on the list with SDR 2.66 billion in IMF credit. An oil-dependent economy is still living with the legacy of earlier shocks. The country has no recent repayment history yet. Between 2018 and 2021, Luanda undertook an EFF-backed program that pushed through heavy fiscal consolidation, a value-added tax, exchange-rate liberalisation, partial debt reprofiling and steps toward inflation targeting.

Ghana

Ghana, fifth on the list, owes SDR 2.58 billion, equivalent to roughly US$3.5 billion at current SDR rates.  Accra is in the middle of a US$3 billion, three-year Extended Credit Facility approved in May 2023, designed to pull the country out of its worst economic crisis in decades. The IMF completed a third program review in late 2024, allowing a further disbursement of SDR 269.1 million (about US$360 million), while insisting on continued fiscal tightening, restructuring of domestic and external debt, and reforms in areas such as tax administration and state-owned enterprises.  

By mid-2025, Ghana’s parliament had also approved a US$2.8 billion debt relief deal with official bilateral creditors, pushing out payments due between 2022 and 2026 to the 2039–2043 period and helping keep the IMF program on track.

Kenya initially imposed restrictions on Ugandan dairy products in 2023 to protect local farmers. Though these measures were later relaxed under regional trade rules, the Kenyan government reintroduced a ban on powdered milk last month. Officials cited unfair competition and the need to protect the domestic supply as justification for the renewed ban.

In response, Uganda has turned to Nigeria to diversify its export markets. The Monitor reports that the shipment to Nigeria, facilitated with the support of former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, positions Nigeria as Uganda’s second-largest dairy export destination after Algeria, which currently imports about 20,000 tonnes annually.

Despite having one of Africa’s largest cattle populations —over 20 million head of cattle, Nigeria produces limited quantities of milk and depends on imports for around 60% of its dairy needs. 

The country is now working to increase local milk output, including importing dairy cattle from Denmark , as part of a strategy to reduce dairy imports that cost the country $1.5 billion annually.

“Our goal is ambitious but achievable; to double Nigeria's milk production from 700,000 tonnes to 1.4 million tonnes annually in the next five years," said Livestock Minister Idi Maiha in June.

Before the imposition of trade barriers, Kenya was Uganda's largest milk buyer. However, a 10% import levy on dairy products reduced the competitiveness of Ugandan goods. Uganda contested the tax under the East African Community (EAC) Common Market Protocol, which supports the free movement of goods within the region.

While Egypt leads Africa’s dairy production with an estimated 5.7 billion kilograms of annual production in 2025, East Africa remains the continent’s dairy hub . In 2023, East Africa contributed 48% of Africa’s total milk production, amounting to 25.4 million tonnes. The region also recorded a 26% growth in production between 2013 and 2023. Key producers include Kenya, Ethiopia, Sudan, Tanzania, and South Sudan, with Uganda becoming a notable exporter of milk powder.

Uganda’s dairy industry continues to grow, with an expected annual production of 5.3 billion litres in 2025. The Dairy Development Authority (DDA), established in 1998, plays a central role in regulating and promoting the industry. It has implemented policies to improve milk quality, boost production, and increase market access.

The rumours spread widely on TikTok, X, and Facebook, prompting Kenya’s Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi to travel to Kampala this week to seek clarification. Museveni said he assured the Kenyan official that Uganda was not planning any form of confrontation.

“How can I be hostile to Kenya when I am promoting economic integration?” Museveni said. “When Ugandans produce goods and Kenyans buy them, and vice versa, we all prosper.”

What Museveni actually said in Mbale

The misunderstanding stems from a section of Museveni’s Mbale address in which he discussed long-term regional security planning, not territorial conflict.

He argued that landlocked countries like Uganda face strategic limitations, particularly in building naval capacity, and said political federation within the East African Community (EAC) would allow member states to combine resources and strengthen collective defence.

According to Museveni, this point was twisted into claims that Uganda intended to wage war for sea access. “What I said in Mbale is exactly what I have said here,” he explained. “I spoke about political federation, not hostility to Kenya.”

He added that separate national defence systems within the EAC limit the region’s ability to confront global powers with advanced naval, air, and space capabilities. “Some of the big powers plan to dominate in land forces, air force, navy, and even in space. If they gain overwhelming strength, where does that leave us? How can Uganda build a navy without access to the ocean?” Museveni said.

The plan envisions a large‑scale underground mine roughly 55 km northwest of Kisumu, with ore processed through a 1,500‑tonnes‑per‑day plant powered by a 12‑megawatt station, and tailings stored on site.

Capital costs are estimated at US$170 - 208 million (Sh22 - 27 billion), with annual operating costs of about US$19 million. The company projects royalties of US$4.3 - 4.7 million (Sh560 - 610 million) a year for the state, plus US$1.5 million (Sh195 million) via the Mineral Development Levy. Under Kenya’s Community Development Agreement rules, 1% of the value of gold produced would be shared directly with host communities. Initial mine life is eight years, with potential extension subject to further drilling.

“Our focus is to develop a world ‑class underground operation that meets global safety and sustainability standards,” said Jiten Divecha, general manager of Shanta Gold Kenya Ltd, who signed the EIA. 

The company proposes Long Hole Open Stoping (LHOS), a mechanised method designed to minimise surface disturbance. Mined-out voids would be backfilled with cemented aggregate to reduce the risk of subsidence, the EIA states. Key infrastructure includes a tailings storage facility, waste rock dumps and administrative buildings.

The project would require about 337 acres, mainly private land, potentially displacing around 800 households. Shanta has identified six resettlement sites totalling 1,932 acres, offering cash compensation or relocation within the region.

Under the ICJ Statute, judges are chosen by concurrent, secret ballots in both the UN General Assembly and the UN Security Council. A candidate must secure an absolute majority in each chamber to be elected.

This contest drew four candidates; Okowa prevailed after three rounds of voting in the Security Council and four rounds in the General Assembly.

Who is Phoebe Okowa?

Okowa is a Kenyan lawyer and professor of public international law at Queen Mary University of London. Since 2023, she has served as a member of the UN International Law Commission (ILC), the expert body that studies and codifies developments in international law. Her academic and advisory work has focused on the doctrines that underpin the ICJ’s docket, state responsibility, the law of treaties, and the peaceful settlement of international disputes. Okowa graduated top of her class with an LLB (First Class Honours) from the University of Nairobi. On a UK Foreign & Commonwealth Office scholarship, she completed the Bachelor of Civil Law (BCL) at the University of Oxford, where she also earned her D.Phil under the supervision of the late Ian Brownlie QC, the Chichele Professor of International Law.

Her Oxford University Press monograph, State Responsibility for Transboundary Air Pollution, is widely regarded as a definitive study of how environmental harm challenges traditional accountability in international law. She co‑edited Environmental Law and Justice in Context (with Jonas Ebbesson, Cambridge University Press, 2009), and her work on the admissibility of claims in international adjudication has been cited with approval by domestic courts grappling with questions of international law.

Okowa serves on the International Advisory Board of the Stockholm Centre for International Law and sits on the Executive Committee of the International Society of Public Law (ICON‑S).

What the ICJ seat entails

The ICJ is the UN’s principal judicial organ, composed of 15 judges elected to nine‑year terms (with judges eligible for re‑election). When a judge dies or resigns, the UN conducts a special election to fill the unexpired portion of the term, as in this case.

By statute, the 15 judges must be nationals of 15 different countries, and the Court’s overall composition must reflect the main forms of civilisation and the principal legal systems of the world.

As with all ICJ judges, she will participate in hearing contentious cases between states and in drafting advisory opinions requested by UN organs and specialised agencies.

This year, all nations are expected to submit their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) outlining their strategies for cutting greenhouse gas emissions to help meet the global goal of limiting temperature increases to 1.5ºC and preparing for the effects of climate change. The NDCs are revised every five years in accordance with the Paris Agreement.

However, Jusper Machogu, a 30-year-old farmer from Kisii, Kenya , questions the morality and fairness of rich countries, asking Africa to abstain from the very path they used to industrialise.

Machogu, a prominent advocate for the use of fossil fuels in Africa through his social media, presents a counter-narrative—one he says is grounded in the lived experiences of many Africans and shaped by a critique of international climate policy dynamics.

 “Why should Africa stop exploring fossil fuels?" he questioned. "There is no country that has developed using solar and wind. Every developed country is literally burning a lot of oil, coal, and natural gas,” Jusper told Global South World.

He suggests that Africa be given a century-long window to use its fossil fuel resources to lift itself out of poverty before committing to a full transition.

 “We can listen to them once we beat poverty and hunger in Africa—maybe by 2100. That is when we should stop burning fossil fuels, after ensuring every other person in Africa is fed, housed, and has access to water and energy.”

Africa contributes just 4% of the world's total greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, both in absolute and per capita terms.

Machogu points out the global inequality in energy consumption, highlighting the stark gap between Africa and developed nations.

“The US consumes about 20 million barrels of oil per day. Their population is 330 million people. Africa consumes 4 million barrels per day—our population is 1.5 billion people.”

 “Why should those people expect me to care about the climate?” he questions.

This imbalance, he argues, disqualifies the moral authority of developed nations to lecture Africa on its energy choices.

While renewable energy dominates global discussions, he argues that most of Africa already uses "renewable" sources—but not the kind typically promoted.

 “Almost 90% of our energy in sub-Saharan Africa is from biomass—cow dung, firewood, charcoal, crop residue. That is it.”

He distinguishes between real energy needs and electricity, arguing that the conversation around solar and wind often misses the point.

 “When they say renewable energy, they’re referring to solar and wind. But solar and wind only produce electricity. They cannot run industries, they cannot power transportation... Our energy needs are far broader.”

Africa has historically made much larger investments in fossil fuel infrastructure than in renewable energy initiatives. In the region, solar and wind projects received only $1 USD for every $3 USD invested in fossil fuel power plants between 2015 and 2024. But for the first time in Sub-Saharan Africa's history, investments in wind and solar energy exceeded those in fossil fuels in 2023. 

Leaders set a goal last year to raise $1.3 trillion a year from all international sources to support climate action in developing nations by 2035.

It is pledges like this that he says have fuelled African leaders into chasing green funds for political gain. 

“The green energy industry has got a lot of money... Of course, African leaders are going to say, 'we want solar and wind'—that is what gives them funds. But they’re not doing it for the people.”

On May 24, 1991, Eritrean forces captured their capital, Asmara, a victory which effectively marked the end of decades of war and ultimately secession from Ethiopia. This was the first such case in post-colonial Africa. Just six days earlier, the Somali Republic, which was created in 1960, split as Somaliland (a former British colony) declared independence from Somalia (a former Italian colony). 

Eritrea seceded from a union with Ethiopia, which had been imposed on it in 1962, but Somaliland seceded from a greater Somalia to which it had consented.

Ethiopia’s own government ultimately facilitated Eritrea’s recognition as a sovereign state by the international community.

Thirty-four years after its secession, Somaliland is still in search of international recognition in the face of fierce opposition from Somalia. And then, suddenly, Ethiopia suggested on January 1, 2024, that a quid pro quo may be possible after all: diplomatic recognition in return for access to the sea. If the deal were carried through as planned, it would be the most consequential international event in the Horn of Africa in decades. The hope was that Ethiopia’s recognition would pave the way for similar actions by other states, eventually leading to the birth of the world ’s newest state, the Republic of Somaliland.

So, to recap the two scenarios:

Inter-state and inter-ethnic conflicts continue to define the Horn of Africa.

Blinded by post-colonial logic

Even if Ethiopia and Somaliland had been able to execute as planned without any negative repercussions, their solution would have fallen short of addressing the seemingly intractable problem of the Horn of Africa. But why is the region so chronically unstable, and what can be done about it for the long term? All parties have an interest in the prosperity that a more stable region would generate.

The challenge, as so often, is about history. Ethiopia, alone among the states in the Horn of Africa, was never colonised.”. But its borders were nevertheless a product of struggles and arrangements made in capitals thousands of miles away. The ultimate consequence of the partition of the Horn of Africa was that cohesive nations of people who should have been governing themselves found borders separating them into different states. Conversely, those who should have been separated found themselves on the same side of the line as people with conflicting cultures, histories and traditions. 

This is the fundamental root of the political instability of the Horn of Africa.

What came into being in the region in the post-colonial period was Ethiopia, a state in search of a nation, and Somalia and Djibouti, nations in search of a state. Eritrea is neither a state nor a nation—it is an entity in search of both.

The political concept of state denotes administrative structure and control, and the sociological concept of nation denotes collective identity. 

Over the years, several proposals have been put forward for addressing the challenge of political instability in the Horn of Africa. One element that these proposals had in common was the need to maintain existing colonial borders, even if the countries in the region were to form some kind of union. The logic of avoiding the inevitable disputes and wrangling over a redrawing of boundaries is understandable. But is it compatible with a solution to the underlying problems?

What if our fixation with national borders with customs points, and fences is merely entrenching the errors of the past? What if we look instead at governance and decision-making and consider a framework that can support the needs of people without simply recreating existing problems in new locations? In fact, this formula is consistent with what is seemingly being practised in Ethiopia at the moment—ethnic federalism. But this approach also transcends it. The autonomy of different ethnic regions should be disproportional or asymmetric, reflecting the distinctive historical experiences of various regions. Some areas have greater cohesion and more unity, others need more independence.

It should be noted that such a concept is not new to Eritrea: Eritrea enjoyed a special status between 1952 and 1962. It was granted a federal status in an otherwise unitary Ethiopia. After a decade, however, Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia abrogated the federal treaty with the support of the US, which, because of the Cold War, had a significant geostrategic interest in the region.

Such a special status should be extended not only to Eritrea but also to other regions in the Horn of Africa, including particularly Somaliland. If this type of asymmetric constitutionalism is implemented, the result could be the United States of the Horn of Africa. In theory, this would also become a stepping stone toward the realisation of the long-dreamt United States of Africa.

Author’s note: In this essay, I have referred to the Horn of Africa as Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti, and Eritrea. The Greater Horn of Africa clearly also encompasses Sudan, South Sudan, Kenya, and Uganda.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Seifudein Adem is a visiting professor at the Institute of Advanced Research and Education at Doshisha University, Kyoto, Japan. He has taught in Ethiopia, the US, Japan and China and is the author of several books on international relations.

Seme warned that any government seen to be relying on opaque conditional loans would face relentless protests. “We are not ready as a population to support another regime that will go back, banking on hopes of being given money by the IMF under unclear conditions … We are not with you, protests will always be here,” he added.

Salim Mghanga, a local resident, accused successive administrations of borrowing and then siphoning funds offshore. “They borrow money from these institutions, then they steal it, take it back to London and Switzerland, leaving the people wallowing in poverty,” he said.

Fadhili Owino, another Nairobi resident, described international lenders as “business-oriented” and argued their programmes ignore the livelihoods of ordinary people. “IMF & World Bank don’t understand the reality of the situation in Kenya… They only give out loans because they are business-oriented,” he said, adding calls for greater self-reliance. “Africa is the richest continent in the world, yet it is the poorest in the world… We should exploit our mineral resources for the benefit of our people.”

In the 1960s, during a time when newly independent African nations were investing in education, Wangari was selected for the Kennedy Airlift, a program that sent promising students from East Africa to study in the United States . She left Kenya and enrolled at Mount St. Scholastica College in Kansas, where she studied biology. It was a huge cultural shift, but she thrived.

While in the U.S., she saw something she hadn’t experienced before, large-scale civic movements. The civil rights movement, environmental campaigns, and anti-war protests were all in full swing, and it left an impression.

Wangari returned to Kenya in the late 1960s and earned a PhD from the University of Nairobi, becoming the first woman in East Africa to achieve that milestone.

But the more she saw of her country, the more worried she became. Forests were being cleared at an alarming rate. Rivers were drying up. Soil was eroding. And it was the rural women, women just like the ones she’d grown up around who were feeling it most. They were walking longer distances to find firewood. Their crops were failing. Their families were going hungry.

So in 1977, she started something small. She asked women to plant trees. One by one.

That small idea grew into the Green Belt Movement , a grassroots environmental organization that would go on to plant tens of millions of trees across Kenya.

As her work expanded, she began to challenge the Kenyan government, particularly around issues of land grabbing, deforestation, and corruption. Her protests against illegal developments in public green spaces, like Uhuru Park in Nairobi, made headlines which got her arrested.

In 2002, after years of activism, Wangari was elected to Kenya’s Parliament and later appointed Assistant Minister for the Environment. Two years after that, she received one of the highest honors in the world: the Nobel Peace Prize . She was the first African woman to receive it.

The Nobel Committee praised her for her “holistic approach to sustainable development,” linking environmental conservation with human rights and political freedom. For Wangari, it was never just about the trees. It was about justice, dignity, and giving people the tools to improve their own lives.

Even after receiving the Nobel, she didn’t slow down. She travelled constantly, speaking around the world on climate change, women’s rights, good governance, and peace. She met world leaders and rural farmers with equal respect.

Wangari Maathai passed away in 2011 after a battle with cancer, but her work is far from over. The Green Belt Movement continues.

Wangari once said, “It’s the little things citizens do. That’s what will make the difference. My little thing is planting trees.”

In Kenya, youth-led demonstrations have targeted rising costs of living and perceived government negligence, using social media to amplify grievances. The movement dates back to 2024.

Meanwhile in Senegal, young voters played a decisive role in recent elections , pushing for reform and accountability from a political class long seen as distant from everyday struggles.

In Togo, protests have been overtly youth-led and marked by demands for fair elections and political transparency. Analysts say these movements are distinct for their lack of ties to traditional parties or civil society and reflect growing frustration with entrenched rule.

Across the Mediterranean, Morocco’s “GenZ 212” protests have captured global attention . Young demonstrators are demanding economic justice, educational reform, improved healthcare, and an end to corruption, while criticising the government’s investment in infrastructure for international events over core social services.  Clashes have turned deadly in places like Lqliaa, where security forces opened fire on a crowd attempting to storm a gendarmerie post, killing two protesters.

In India, shoes were again used as a protest tool. Rakesh Kishore, a 71-year-old lawyer, made headlines after he attempted to throw his shoe at Chief Justice B.R. Gavai in a courtroom.

His outburst, which was a reaction to comments made about a sensitive religious case, cost him his license to practice law but earned him notoriety as one of the few Indians to challenge authority in such an unconventional way.

In 2016, a shoe was thrown at Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal during a public event, which eventually became one of India’s most talked-about acts of political dissent.

President William Ruto has made a passionate appeal to Kenya’s young population, urging them to take an active role in shaping the country’s future by registering as voters ahead of the 2027 general elections. Speaking at a national youth forum, Ruto emphasised that the youth form the largest demographic block and, therefore, have the power to redefine Kenya’s political destiny. He highlighted that political apathy among young people undermines their ability to influence governance and economic policy. The President encouraged youth to rise above frustration and scepticism, asserting that meaningful change can only come through democratic participation. He also promised to address the systemic barriers preventing youth registration, such as limited access to national identification cards and logistical challenges in remote areas.

Matiang’i now formally declares joining Jubilee Party

Former Interior Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i has formally joined the Jubilee Party, marking his official entry into partisan politics after months of speculation. Matiang’i’s move is seen as a significant development in Kenya’s evolving political landscape, especially given his past reputation as a technocrat and public service reformer. During his declaration, he expressed his commitment to revitalising Jubilee’s grassroots structures and contributing to national unity through policy-based politics. His entry has been welcomed by sections of the party leadership who view him as a capable organiser with a strong administrative background. Political analysts, however, note that his decision may also be a strategic step toward positioning himself for a larger political role in the run-up to the 2027 elections. Matiang’i assured supporters that his focus remains on governance, integrity, and service delivery.

Kenya losing billions annually to graft and state capture, says AfDB

A new report by the African Development Bank (AfDB) has revealed that Kenya continues to lose billions of shillings annually to corruption and entrenched systems of state capture. The findings paint a grim picture of systemic inefficiencies, fraudulent procurement practices, and misuse of public funds that have eroded economic progress. The AfDB warned that corruption remains one of the greatest obstacles to sustainable development and foreign investment in Kenya. It urged the government to strengthen institutional accountability, improve transparency in public spending, and enforce anti-graft laws with greater consistency. The report further recommended empowering oversight bodies such as the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) and enhancing judicial independence to ensure that corruption cases are prosecuted effectively. The revelations have reignited public debate about governance reforms and the government’s political will to address corruption at the highest levels.

Kenyan President William Ruto told the UN General Assembly on Wednesday that Africa’s absence from permanent membership of the Security Council is “unacceptable, unfair, and grossly unjust.” He called for reforms granting Africa at least two permanent seats with veto power and two additional non-permanent seats. Ruto noted that Africa dominates much of the Council’s agenda, contributes significant peacekeeping forces, and bears the greatest costs of instability, yet remains the only continent without permanent representation.

Ex-UN official extradited to US

Kenya has extradited Bile Jean Philippe Assemian, a former United Nations employee, to the United States to face charges in an international firearms trafficking case linked to West Africa. Assemian, an Ivorian national who previously worked with the UN Support Office in Somalia (UNSOS), was handed over to US authorities on Thursday and flown to Cleveland, Ohio, for a federal court appearance. Kenya’s Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions confirmed the extradition in a statement on X, sharing images of Assemian boarding a flight under police escort while using crutches.

Traffic ring busted by Kenya Police

Kenyan police have broken up a trafficking network accused of recruiting citizens to fight for Russia in the war in Ukraine. Authorities said a raid in Nairobi uncovered recruitment materials, forged travel documents, and fake job offers used to lure victims. The operation highlights how criminal networks exploit vulnerable youth and reflects the growing use of foreign nationals in Russia’s military campaign.

Kenya pushes for US trade deal

Kenyan President William Ruto said on Wednesday, September 24, that his country expects to conclude a trade agreement with the United States by the end of the year and will press Washington to extend the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) for at least five years. Speaking on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York, Ruto said AGOA, which grants duty-free access to U.S. markets for eligible African countries, is set to expire this month and remains critical to addressing trade deficits and strengthening U.S.-Africa ties. He is scheduled to meet U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio to advance discussions on both the bilateral trade deal and the renewal of AGOA.

IMF to visit Kenya

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) will send a mission to Kenya from September 25 to October 9 to discuss a possible new programme with lending provisions, the Fund announced on Wednesday. Kenya’s previous $3.6 billion IMF arrangement expired in April, and officials, including Central Bank Governor Kamau Thugge, have expressed interest in a fresh deal. IMF mission chief Haimanot Teferra confirmed that talks will begin “in the coming days.” News of the planned discussions lifted Kenya’s dollar bonds, with the 2048 maturity rising 0.7 cents to 89.88 cents on the dollar, according to Tradeweb data. Analysts say a new IMF programme is critical for Kenya to manage external debt repayments.