Yet symbolism has not translated into gender equality as a central pillar of Sheinbaum’s governing agenda. Instead, the early phase of her presidency has been defined by the implementation of sweeping judicial and electoral reforms originally proposed by her predecessor, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (also known as AMLO), the founder of her party, Morena (National Regeneration Movement).

These initiatives have dominated legislative activity, signalling a strategic emphasis on institutional restructuring rather than social or redistributive policies. Under Sheinbaum, Morena has recalibrated Mexico’s democratic architecture, systematically redesigning—or dismantling—institutions originally created to limit executive power.

Power without friction

This transformation is underpinned by an unprecedented concentration of political authority. In the 2024 elections, Morena dramatically expanded its control at the state level: the number of Morena governors rose from four to twenty-four of Mexico’s thirty-two states, collectively representing more than 72% of the population, often through electoral coalitions. At the federal level, Sheinbaum commands the strongest majority in the lower chamber since 1982, when the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) governed as a hegemonic force. As a result, opposition parties have been severely weakened.

This concentration of power is reshaping the mechanics of governance. Institutional friction has diminished, as seen in the swift passage of constitutional reforms to expand the military’s role in public security and the approval of the judicial reform that restructures the Supreme Court and introduces the popular election of judges—both advanced with limited cross-party negotiation.

In each case, Morena’s legislative dominance reduced the need for coalition-building, narrowing the space for pluralistic deliberation and weakening traditional checks and balances. Policy decisions are now largely settled within Morena’s internal structures rather than through open democratic contestation.

Mexico’s current political moment cannot be understood as the product of a single election cycle or reform package. The country’s long transition to democracy—unfolding over decades and culminating in the peaceful alternation of power in 2000—was widely described as the end of the PRI’s “perfect dictatorship”, a term popularised by Mario Vargas Llosa and later echoed by Mexican writers like Juan Villoro in assessing Mexico’s uneasy democratic consolidation. That transition sought to dismantle the authoritarian structures consolidated during the PRI’s late-twentieth-century dominance.

Today, however, Mexico’s power configuration increasingly resembles earlier periods, such as the presidency of Gustavo Díaz Ordaz (1965-1970), when authority operated through formal constitutional mechanisms concentrated within a centralised presidential authority, strict control over political opposition and the press, and the violent repression of dissent. The presence of prominent Morena figures such as Marcelo Ebrard, Manuel Bartlett, and Mario Delgado—all of whom built their careers within the PRI before migrating to Morena—underscores continuity rather than rupture.

The democratizing reforms of the late twentieth century rested on fragile pillars that are now under strain. Political pluralism, once gradually institutionalised through competitive elections and proportional representation, has been eroded by Morena’s overwhelming congressional dominance.

Redesigning institutional independence

The judiciary—once conceived as an independent constitutional counterweight and a guarantor of fundamental rights—was overhauled in the 2025 judicial elections. Approved by an estimated turnout of just 13% amid widespread voter confusion, the reform fundamentally alters the courts’ role as an independent arbiter.

Initiated under AMLO and supported by Sheinbaum, the overhaul politicises the judiciary and weakens the rule of law. Rather than constraining executive authority through technical and professional oversight, the judiciary now aligns more closely with the ruling party and faces heightened exposure to infiltration by organised crime through politicised judicial appointments.

This reform is not an attempt to expand her personal executive apparatus, but it does represent a structural consolidation of Morena’s long-term dominance. By reshaping the judiciary’s composition and weakening its autonomy, the governing party reduces institutional counterweights that could constrain future administrations. 

Electoral institutions, long regarded as cornerstones of Mexico’s democratic transition after the disputed 1988 elections, are also poised for transformation. Sheinbaum’s proposed reform of the National Electoral Institute (INE) would significantly reshape Mexico’s electoral system by introducing the popular election of electoral authorities, reducing legislative representation, and tightening public spending. The proposal would also shrink Congress. Most alarmingly, it would dissolve the INE altogether and replace it with a centralised electoral body that would absorb the functions of state-level electoral institutes.

These reforms are unfolding in a context where democratic rights are already fragile. According to the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI) , Mexico scores just 5 out of 10 on the indicators of freedom of expression and separation of powers. Additionally, it receives a score of only 4 points on the civil rights indicator, which barely puts Mexico in the category of a defective democracy rather than an autocracy. The trend, however, shows clear signs of deterioration.

Freedom of expression remains particularly vulnerable. Since 2000, more than 150 journalists have been murdered , while countless others face daily harassment and threats. In her morning press conferences, Sheinbaum has continued the practice of the so-called “Lie Detector,” a rebranded version of AMLO’s “Who’s Who in the Lies,” used to publicly denounce journalists accused of spreading “falsehoods” for criticising Morena.

Mexico’s internal concentration of power also shapes its external posture. Ahead of the upcoming review of the USMCA trade agreement, Sheinbaum’s administration has taken steps aimed at appeasing Washington—often at a cost to Mexican citizens. Security policy, in particular, continues to prioritise optics over justice. The transfer of ninety-two cartel members to date has been a calculated manoeuvre   that bypassed formal extradition procedures.

Controlling the optics

Narrative management lies at the heart of Morena’s governing style. With five years still ahead, Sheinbaum faces a fundamental choice: whether to dismantle organised crime and corruption or to once again rebrand impunity. The president has highlighted a sharp decline in homicide rates , attributing it to improved coordination among security forces. Yet many observers question the reliability of these figures, particularly as reported disappearances have continued to rise annually under Morena governments.

International concern has intensified. In April 2025, the UN Committee on Enforced Disappearances invoked Article 34 of the Convention against Enforced Disappearance with respect to Mexico—a rare step reserved for cases where there are well-founded indications of widespread or systematic disappearances. While not a final judgment, the move placed Mexico under heightened international scrutiny and underscored persistent concerns about impunity and institutional capacity.

Corruption allegations have also trailed Sheinbaum’s administration. Two flagship infrastructure projects championed by Morena—the Tren Maya and the Interoceanic Corridor —have been linked to fatal accidents. In both cases, leaked audio recordings involving AMLO’s children have suggested structural flaws and irregularities in construction processes.

On the international stage, Sheinbaum has shown greater engagement than her predecessor. She attended the G20 summit in Brazil and the G7 meeting in Canada and has strengthened Mexico’s ties with the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States. She has also managed—at least so far—to maintain a cordial relationship with U.S. President Donald Trump, keeping tariffs at bay.

Yet Washington’s renewed focus on the region, including intervention in Venezuela and threats of cross-border military operations against Mexican cartels, poses a challenge to Morena’s discourse of sovereignty. Increasingly, the administration appears more focused on framing and justifying the possibility of U.S. military intervention than on preventing it.

Optics in Mexican politics has always been a priority for the incumbent administration, regardless of the party. The PRI sought to maintain absolute political stability and secure its own, unchallenged dominance over the government, which lasted uninterrupted for 71 years. When the PAN (National Action Party) took power in 2000, the two main things they wanted to portray were “change” and “modernisation”. Now that Morena is in its second mandate, Sheinbaum must navigate competing audiences: the Mexican public, hardline Morena party members, and U.S. President Trump. 

The recent detention and ensuing death of “El Mencho”, the leader of the NGJC—the most powerful and violent cartel of the past ten years—illustrates this logic, in which the target of the optics was the U.S. government as a response to mounting U.S. pressure over fentanyl and insecurity. In Mexico, people know that the detention of high-ranking leaders rarely dismantles criminal structures: fragmentation produces further violence and instability, especially in the case of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel.

Sheinbaum governs without the unifying authority that Andrés Manuel López Obrador commanded over Morena. Internal divisions have become more visible, and controversies involving high-profile figures—like Gerardo Fernández Noroña’s expenses and Adán Augusto López’s resignation as leader of the Senate due to political issues—have exposed cracks beneath the surface of legislative dominance. 

Sustaining the perception of order, economic stability, and sovereign control—particularly in relation to the United States—helps preserve political capital even as structural problems persist. In this sense, optics are not merely a communication strategy; they are a mechanism for maintaining authority in a system where formal checks have eroded.

Whether this approach consolidates democratic stability or further normalises executive dominance will define the remainder of her term. Sheinbaum’s central challenge will be balancing internal party cohesion, public legitimacy, and external pressures.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Stephania Corpi is a journalist and documentary photographer based in Mexico. She reports on migration, human rights, gender equality, and underreported social and political issues across Latin America. Her work has appeared in The Washington Post , El País , The Guardian , NPR, Texas Public Radio, and other international outlets.

Argentine President Javier Milei released a Christmas message on Wednesday, December 24, reviewing his administration’s first year in office, highlighting the elimination of the fiscal deficit, a drop in inflation, the lifting of currency controls and recent electoral gains by La Libertad Avanza (LLA). In a video shared on Instagram, Milei said the consolidated deficit had been reduced from 15% of GDP to zero and claimed that inflation had been brought under control, lifting 12 million people out of poverty. He also praised Security Minister Patricia Bullrich for ending roadblocks, tightening crime policy and creating a Federal Directorate of Investigations. Milei celebrated the adoption of the Single Paper Ballot and LLA’s performance in the legislative elections, which made the party the largest minority in the Chamber of Deputies and secured 20 Senate seats. He closed the message by urging Argentines to “fasten your seatbelts,” signalling further reforms as Congress prepares to debate the 2026 Budget.

Government pushes for Senate approval of 2026 Budget

President Javier Milei’s La Libertad Avanza gained backing from four senators in the Convicción Federal caucus, boosting government confidence that the 2026 Budget bill will pass its first reading in the Senate. If approved, it would be the first budget sanctioned under Milei since he took office in December 2023. The main uncertainty centres on Article 30, which proposes repealing laws that earmark funding for education, science and technical schools. While the government expects broad support for the overall bill, several Peronist senators backing the budget have said they will not vote for that article. The Casa Rosada is seeking to secure more than 40 votes and avoid reopening debate after setbacks in the Chamber of Deputies, where lawmakers failed to repeal university funding and disability emergency laws.

Economy minister signals shift away from Wall Street debt

Economy Minister Luis Caputo said the government will try to avoid issuing new debt under New York law in January, as part of a strategy to reduce Argentina’s reliance on U.S. financial markets. Writing on X, Caputo said the aim is to make Wall Street only a marginal source of financing. His comments followed a recent US$1 billion bond auction that drew higher yields and weaker demand than expected. Caputo said Argentina’s market debt is equivalent to about 25% of GDP, with Wall Street exposure accounting for less than five points. He added that proposed labour reforms include a severance assistance fund that could help develop a domestic capital market of around US$4 billion per year.

San Juan launches Argentina’s first solar highway

The province of San Juan inaugurated Argentina’s first solar highway on the Avenida Circunvalación, integrating photovoltaic generation into road infrastructure. The project includes 36 solar systems mounted on metal monopoles that feed electricity into the grid during the day and power road lighting at night. Developed entirely with local labour and expertise, the initiative aims to optimise existing infrastructure without using additional land. Provincial authorities say the project reduces emissions, cuts long-term energy costs and positions San Juan as a national leader in renewable energy and sustainable urban development.

Report shows sharp rise in security incidents

A national report by private security firm Verisure recorded a 20% year-on-year increase in security incidents across Argentina, highlighting a fragmented and regionalised crime pattern. Tucumán topped the ranking with a 65% rise, followed by Córdoba at 50% and Mendoza at 40%. The Atlantic coast saw a 30% increase, while Buenos Aires Province registered a 15% rise overall, masking a sharp increase in violent robberies in the Greater Buenos Aires area over the past decade. Despite the rise in robberies and violent incidents, Argentina’s homicide rate stood at 3.8 per 100,000 inhabitants, the lowest in two decades. According to the report, 74% of Argentines now cite insecurity as their main concern, pointing to public safety as a key social and political challenge.

Hondurans were voting not only for a new president, but also to renew Congress and more than 290 municipal governments. The choice seemed to pivot around two visions: continuity under a leftist approach, prioritising social justice and state-led reforms, or a shift toward conservative promises of economic growth, security and reestablishing ties with foreign investors.

The left’s setback appears rooted in deep disenchantment with the current government’s mixed record. While President Castro’s administration made modest progress on reducing violence and pursuing some social policies, many Hondurans remain frustrated by persistent poverty, weak public services, and unmet promises of meaningful reform. The rhetoric around crime, economic decline and corruption dominated, reflecting widespread demand for tangible change rather than ideological continuity.

On the right, Asfura capitalised on this frustration and on international backing. As a former mayor of the capital and a pro-business candidate, he pledged infrastructure development, foreign investment and job creation. His campaign gained additional traction after he was publicly supported by Donald Trump , a factor that stirred international attention and could reshape Honduras’ foreign alliances.

But the narrow margin and the presence of just-under-20 % for Moncada leave Honduras at a political crossroads. With Congress and local governments also up for grabs, the final outcome could reshape power balances for years. The results reflect not just a defeat for the left but a broader rejection of the political status quo and unmet promises. For a country battered by economic inequality, violence and political disillusionment, the vote seems to reflect a desire for pragmatic solutions over ideological loyalties.

Qatar and Nicaragua recently held political consultations in the Latin nation's capital Managua, resulting in a Memorandum of Understanding to launch political consultations between their foreign ministries. The meeting, chaired by Qatar's Minister of State for Foreign Affairs and Nicaragua's Minister of Foreign Affairs, focused on bilateral cooperation and ways to enhance relations. Additionally, an agreement was made to exempt nationals from visa requirements, Qatar News Agency reports.

Confiscated assets of bankers

Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega has accused bankers of being "accomplices" to individuals, media outlets, and organisations whose assets were confiscated by his regime. President Ortega justifies the confiscations as seizures for the benefit of the poor and claims that the confiscated wealth was involved in money laundering, according to local media Confidencial . The Attorney General's Office also justifies the confiscations, claiming that the properties were unduly used and recovered for the people of Nicaragua. The report estimates the value of confiscated assets to be at least $250 million, and the regime has confiscated companies, homes, properties, media outlets, NGOs, universities, chambers of commerce, and churches.

Over 140 political prisoners

Nicaragua currently has over 140 political prisoners, including a teacher, a journalist, and their siblings who were kidnapped by the National Police. This is part of a systematic policy of repression by the Ortega-Murillo regime to silence critical voices. According to the Havana Times , the prisoners are subjected to mistreatment and violations of their rights, including beatings, threats, and humiliation. The list of political prisoners includes activists, students, and deputies, Havana Times reports.

Rejection of blockade and aggressions against Cuba

Nicaragua has rejected the U.S. blockade against Cuba and condemns the inclusion of countries in unilateral lists, according to TeleSur . The Latin nation defended Cuba's sovereignty and demanded the exclusion of Cuba from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. "These lists and the inclusion of the sister Republic of Cuba in them are a more widely used instrument by the United States to justify the adoption of illegal, coercive measures in order to exert economic and political pressure, in a clear violation of the sovereignty of the Cuban State," a statement released by the Nicaraguan government said. They also support UN resolutions to end the aggression against Cuba, TeleSur reports.

Russian training Centre, gold mining companies sanctioned by U.S.

The US has sanctioned a Russian training centre and two gold mining companies in Nicaragua, along with restricting visas for 250 government officials. The sanctions are aimed at targeting the Ortega-Murillo regime's repression of the Nicaraguan people and its ability to manipulate the gold sector, according to Confidencial . All U.S. citizens are prohibited from transacting with these entities, and any assets they hold in the United States will be blocked. Additionally, visa restrictions were imposed on government officials and non-governmental actors for their roles in supporting the regime's attacks on human rights and fundamental freedoms, Confidencial reports.

Officers from the FBI and the United States Secret Service carried out a raid on the residence of the Venezuelan ambassador in Washington, DC, on Thursday night. La Patilla reports that the exclusive revelation was shared by communicator and photojournalist Kyle Mazza on social networks, accompanied by several images capturing the unexpected procedure. Mazza described the intense police activity in the area, highlighting that FBI agents were equipped with bulletproof jackets and long guns during the operation. The journalist detailed that at approximately 8:50 p.m., agents shouted "surrender" after announcing their presence. As of now, the reasons behind the sudden operation at the diplomatic residence remain unclear. The residence was expected to be uninhabited since former ambassador Carlos Vecchio left his position in January 2023. The development has sparked intrigue and speculation, with the online community eagerly awaiting official statements to shed light on the motives behind the raid.

Expulsion of UN officials

Venezuela has issued an order for thirteen foreign officials of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to leave the country by Sunday. The directive also entails the suspension of the office's activities in Caracas, coming shortly after the first year of the two-year extension granted for the team's presence in Venezuela. The government has mandated that UN officials publicly rectify their perceived "colonialist, abusive, and violating attitude" towards the UN Charter within the next 72 hours, La Patilla reports. The Executive, led by President Nicolás Maduro, has announced a review of the "terms of cooperation" with the organization within 30 days. Foreign Minister Yván Gil attributed the decision to the alleged improper role of the UN Human Rights Office, accusing it of acting with bias and serving as a "private firm" for coups and terrorist groups against Venezuela. While the move is supported by the National Assembly controlled by Chavismo, it has faced widespread criticism from NGOs, activists, and opposition politicians. Various NGOs express concerns that the expulsion of UN officials will leave victims of human rights violations in a state of "total vulnerability and defenselessness."

Inflation

The Central Bank of Venezuela (BCV) has disclosed that inflation in the country reached 1.7% in January, marking a 0.7 point decrease compared to December 2023. This announcement reflects the fourth consecutive month of a slowdown in the increase in the prices of goods and services, EL Nacional reports. In the preceding months, the inflation rate was recorded at 2.4% in December, 3.5% in November, and 5.9% in October, according to official statistics. The January 2024 figure represents a notable decline of 40.4 points compared to the inflation recorded in January 2023, which stood at 42.1%. Subsequently, inflation fell to 19.3% in February 2023 and remained in the single digits for the remaining 10 months of the year. Among the sectors, communications experienced the highest price increase in January, with a rise of 3.7%. Education followed with a 3.5% increase, while alcoholic beverages and tobacco recorded a 3.3% increase. Additionally, health and household equipment saw prices rise by 2.6% during the same period.

Gold license suspension

The United States Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) recently eased sanctions on the General Mining Company of Venezuela (Minerven) until February 13, allowing limited transactions for the settlement or closure of pending operations. This decision came as a pressure tactic following the Venezuelan justice system's confirmation of the disqualification of opposition figure María Corina Machado, who aims to contest the 2024 presidential elections against Nicolás Maduro, El Nacional reports. License No. 43, granted in October, was replaced by License 43-A, which permits transactions necessary for the settlement of operations with Minerven until 12:01 am, East Standard Time (USA), on February 13, 2024. The move signifies a temporary easing of restrictions, providing a window for specific transactions. The US has utilized sanctions as leverage against the Maduro government, and further actions may be contingent on perceived democratic gestures by Venezuela. If no such gestures are observed by April, the US has signaled the possibility of revoking permits, particularly in the oil sector, posing potential challenges for the Venezuelan economy, which has seen a slight improvement due to revenue from this industry.

Special Presidential Command

President Nicolás Maduro unveiled the establishment of the Special Presidential Command for the 1×10 Good Government initiative on Thursday. This new command will focus on three pivotal components: Bricomiles, Missions, and Great Missions, marking a significant step in advancing the government's developmental goals, Ultimas Noticias reports. "I am forming a Special Presidential Command that will take the reins of the development of a new stage of 1×10 and the Bricomiles," President Maduro declared. In the Situational Chamber of the 1X10 System of Good Government, the Head of State appointed Leonardo Montezuma as the National Head of the Presidential Special Command for the 1×10 Good Government. President Maduro tasked Montezuma with integrating social programs, missions, and great missions to ensure comprehensive solutions for the Venezuelan people. This move reflects the government's commitment to addressing critical issues and promoting development through targeted initiatives.

A recent study conducted in the Plurinational Legislative Assembly of Bolivia (ALP) reveals that seven out of 10 female assembly members have experienced some form of political harassment and violence. The issue also extends to the regional level, where 54% of women members in the Regional Legislative Assemblies reported having experienced the same situation.

Despite the risks, more and more women are raising their voices to denounce this problem. Senator Andrea Barrientos is one of them. Through her social channels, the 34-year-old senator has not hesitated to speak out against the sexism rooted in Bolivian society and its political corridors. 

Global South World spoke with her to learn more about the fight against this type of violence and the challenges she faces as a political leader.

“I have experienced harassment and even physical violence on three occasions,” Barrientos told GSW. “I'm not suggesting that this doesn't happen to men, but women endure it in various ways and more frequently.”

The Bolivian senator explains that nudity, sexual harassment, and threats against the families of women in politics are some of the harassment tactics she has seen used most frequently to silence female voices.

“I have even received fake photos of colleagues in compromising situations, presumably to blackmail them or tarnish their political and moral integrity," she said.

In the interview, Barrientos also discussed the case of Juana Quispe , a councilwoman from the municipality of Ancoraimes in Bolivia, which shocked the country in 2012. It is a harrowing example of political harassment that tragically escalated into a femicide case and had to wait 12 years before receiving justice.

"It is deeply disheartening that justice took 12 years to deliver a verdict against those responsible, but it finally did. The tireless efforts of civil society, alongside councilwomen and congresswomen, were decisive for justice to prevail," said the Bolivian senator.

Recently, Barrientos, along with other congresswomen and councilwomen associations, has spoken out against the pressures faced by two councilwomen to take a leave of absence. She explained that this case is just another example of the harassment women in politics face and the various forms it can take.

Andrea Barrientos believes that the situation has worsened in Bolivia, but highlights that other countries in the region have made significant progress. She names Brazil, Peru, Colombia, and Mexico as some of the nations where women's political leadership has seen improvements. 

Despite the efforts and determination of women from different areas, the Bolivian senator admits that the road to gender equality and a future free of violence will be long.

"In every corner of Latin America, political harassment is a serious problem that hinders our progress toward equal rights and prevents us from conquering positions of political power," Barrientos said, adding that substantial structural and social changes are urgently needed.

A lawmaker from Arévalo’s party tells GSW that allegations of impropriety are trumped up

And a campaigner who promised to fight for what she believes is the democratic will of the Guatemalan people.

In the year 2023, presidential elections transpired in Argentina, Paraguay, Ecuador, and Guatemala. In the first three countries, the transition occurred seamlessly, and the newly elected presidents were already in office. In the fourth country Guatemala, there are still doubts over whether the elected president will assume office as planned this week.

On August 20, in the second round of elections, over 60% of Guatemalans elected Arévalo of the Semilla Movement, a young political party born out of the wave of anticorruption protests that toppled General Otto Pérez Molina's government in 2015.

Arévalo and his modest party, whose primary platform was to combat the entrenched corruption in the country, barely registered above 3% in polls. Nevertheless, against all odds, they surpassed established figures of traditional politics, such as former First Lady Sandra Torres, or Zury Ríos, a right-wing icon and daughter of General Efraín Ríos Montt, who governed the country between 1982 and 1983.

Less than ten days before President-elect Bernardo Arévalo is set to assume office, his country is still not entirely certain that this will materialize. The Public Ministry accuses the Semilla Movement, the party with which Arévalo ran, of forging signatures of its affiliates before its foundation.

Additionally, they have pointed out irregularities in the vote-counting process and the procurement of software for electoral result disclosure.

Since August 20, Arévalo should have been preparing for his transition from President-elect to President. Instead, he has faced numerous attempts to thwart his ascent to power on January 14, when he should receive the presidential sash from the current incumbent, Alejandro Giammattei.

Prominent Guatemalan lawyer Edgar Ortiz explained to GSW that efforts to prevent the inauguration of the President-elect have been led by a coalition of parties that have governed for the past decade together with right-wing interest groups. Another powerful actor has joined these attempts: the Attorney General's Office (Public Ministry; MP).

Two days before the second round, Arévalo’s main rival, Sandra Torres, suggested there were signs of fraud in the first round. “I insist that the media inquire with the TSE: why did they allow and hire digitalizers from Semilla? This is grave. I genuinely call on the OAS, which has been monitoring this investigation, and also on the Attorney General’s Office to investigate. What are we going to do for Guatemalan men and women? We are going to defend the vote, and we will not allow a single vote to be stolen,” she said after a campaign rally.

The coalition has urged the MP to accuse Movimiento Semilla of illegal financing and suspend it altogether, but these efforts bore no fruit. Subsequently, they opened a new front, Ortiz explained.

After three months of alleging irregularities in the records, on December 8, the MP declared electoral fraud and requested the complete suspension of the election results. They also sought the removal of immunity from the Supreme Electoral Tribunal magistrates, who currently operate from exile.

After declaring electoral fraud, the head of the Special Prosecutor's Office Against Impunity (FECI), Rafael Curruchiche, said that elections should be nullified and that they were going to present evidence of fraud to the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE).

"We are not referring to the impact on a political party or a candidate. All parties and all candidates from all elections were affected. It is a scientific investigation, and it will be the TSE who will make the decision," Curruchiche said to Prensa Libre, after civil society sectors accused the prosecutor’s office of interfering with the election of Bernardo Arévalo.

Ortiz contends that there were no solid pieces of evidence in the documents presented by the Attorney General's Office. Furthermore, he explains that it does not have the authority to determine the outcome of an election or declare the existence of fraud. However, the faction does have the support of a number of judges who have expedited "express" arrest warrants.

Faced with these threats and the power of this coalition, Ortiz and other lawyers arranged the filing of a constitutional appeal before the Constitutional Court in early October. They requested the Court ensure the transition, respect the democratic process and defend the country's Constitution. "If Arévalo did not assume power, that would already represent a constitutional rupture: a breakdown of electoral democracy, which is the most basic form of democracy," he said.

On December 14, the court ruled in their favour and ordered a halt to attempts to obstruct the electoral outcome. Ortiz, the architect of the appeal that currently sustains the transition, believes that with the Constitutional Court's decision, "the probability of Arévalo assuming office is 95%." However, the battle does not end there and is not exclusively of a legal nature: ensuring the transition was a fundamental first step but not the only one.

The Battle on the Streets

Legal battles have been a crucial element for Guatemalans to witness the person they elected as president. However, it was not the sole front from which the fight has been waged in recent months.

Since the initial attempts by the Public Ministry to suspend the party or cast doubt on the election results, thousands of citizens have taken to the streets demanding the respect of their votes.

One of them is Andrea Reyes, who has participated in numerous demonstrations after witnessing "the little respect shown for the citizens' will expressed at the polls." This law student and women's rights activist emphasizes the diversity that has protested in cities and conducted roadblocks and legal challenges for months. "This was a demonstration of citizens' discontent with the illegal, blatant actions taking place by a group that refused to leave power, to accept electoral defeat through the ballot boxes," she told GSW.

In her view, this mobilization in urban and rural areas was crucial in motivating lawyers to present numerous legal appeals.

While this young activist acknowledges that the Constitutional Court's resolution keeps the electoral outcome alive, she believes the battle is not over. 

"We know they still have many tricks up their sleeves, many strategies they can use, and surprise us with a new twist, but we also have the certainty that as citizens, we will continue the fight and continue with the resources we have, from lawyers, civil society, organized citizens – we will continue defending democracy in our country and the results we have chosen through the ballot boxes," she told GSW.

Semilla’s fight

The President-elect Bernardo Arévalo is a sociologist, former diplomat, and son of Juan José Arévalo, a historic leader of the "democratic spring" of 1944 when Guatemalans overthrew Jorge Ubico, an iron-fist dictator who led the country for thirteen years. 

Since his surprising victory on August 20, Arévalo has denounced in the streets, before local and international press, and to numerous international parties an attempted preemptive coup d'état and efforts to criminalize him personally. 

Andrea Villagrán is a deputy in the National Congress, and in 2023 she secured re-election under Movimiento Semilla. She told GSW that "political persecution against Semilla has been evidenced in systematic attacks by the Public Ministry, which has used justice as a tool to try to prevent President-elect Bernardo Arévalo from assuming as the Constitutional President of the Republic."

The Public Ministry, on its part, claims that more than 5,000 citizens have been illegally added to the party, including deceased individuals. Additionally, they assert that the party paid 7 quetzales (just under US$1) for each of the 25,000 signatures required to establish the party. This amounts to a total of 175,000 quetzales (approximately US$22,300), whose origin the Prosecutor's Office is unaware of.

These allegations by the MP are baseless and the corresponding evidence has not been presented, Villagrán insists. These actions "seek to criminalize the leaders of the Semilla Movement," whose "sole purpose is to undermine the electoral result since they intended to nullify the popular will expressed at the polls," she adds. 

According to the congresswoman, who will take office just hours before the President-elect, the Constitutional Court's ruling is clear and mandates a government transition. However, she recalls that "those who have been constantly trying to undermine the constitutional and legal order of the country do not act in accordance with the law."

In her opinion, the battle is not over, and the Congress she will be part of is also composed of "recycled actors from the coup movement and corrupt actors."

Guatemala After January 14

If, as scheduled on Sunday, the 14th, at 2:00 p.m., Bernardo Arévalo is indeed sworn in as the new president of Guatemala, lawyer Edgar Ortiz explains that the new president will immediately face a new challenge: governing with a powerful attorney general against him.

In Guatemala, the lawyer elaborates, the Public Ministry is an autonomous government body, and the attorney general, Consuelo Porras, is legally protected from removal. "It's not a discretionary decision of the president to remove her. That's a problem for Arévalo," Ortiz adds.

The President-elect has repeatedly and publicly asked her to resign, to no avail. On January 5, he announced a new attempt to do so. "I hope that Consuelo Porras resigns on the day I assume office, and I will reiterate it to her," Arévalo said to local journalists.

Another fundamental challenge, according to Edgar Ortiz, is ensuring judges are held accountable to the Constitution rather than outside influences. He believes that decisions appearing to target critics of the incumbent government or threats to its power demonstrate a weakness in the independence of the judiciary.

For Ortiz, much is at stake. Beyond defending the rule of law, which he believes has for too long been only "an ideal of intellectual elites," the new president must deliver tangible results to a country with 55% of its population below the poverty line and 46% of children suffering from chronic malnutrition. "People are tired and want changes," Ortiz points out.

However, the new president will have only 23 deputies out of 160 seats in Congress and will have to contend with a powerful bloc that has sought to thwart his mandate. If Arévalo fails, Ortiz's prediction for the country is somber: "That will be the main input for authoritarianism and for the entire mafia coalition that did not want him to win. The future of Guatemala's democracy depends on Arévalo being a good statesman."

While Arévalo and a significant portion of civil society hope for the new president to be sworn in without new surprises, on January 5, the head of the Special Prosecutor's Office Against Impunity, Rafael Curruchiche, appealed the Constitutional Court's resolution ordering a guarantee of the transition. Additionally, another congressman, Rudio Lecsan Mérida, asked this court to prevent the installation of what he sees as an illegitimate government.

Less than ten days before the new president’s inauguration, certainty is still elusive in Guatemala.

GSW attempted to obtain the Public Ministry's stance on this transition and tried to request an interview via email and a WhatsApp account listed on the institution's website. At the time of publication, there has been no response.

A multimedia special by El Comercio shows the main highlights in Peru throughout 2024. The year’s political and economic landscape will kick off with an announcement of a new economic stimulus package aimed at boosting economic growth on January 15th. The strategy involves promoting dynamism through investments in the maintenance of public infrastructure and preventive activities, says Alex Contreras Miranda, Peru's Finance minister. Four days later, something else is set to impact the country: a long-awaited Ricky Martin concert at Peru’s biggest stadium.

Domestic needs of exported natural gas

Although there are natural gas reserves to meet demand for the next 25 years, Peru currently struggles to satisfy its domestic needs, Expreso reports. The main producer, the Camisea Gas Consortium, highlights the necessity of an expensive network of pipelines to supply natural gas nationwide, and its development is progressing slowly. Paradoxically, Peru exports this hydrocarbon with minimal added value to countries such as South Korea, Japan, the United Kingdom, and Spain, contributing significantly to foreign exchange earnings.

58 ports closed due to high waves

​​The National Emergency Operations Center (COEN) reported that, based on information from the General Directorate of Harbormasters, the number of closed ports along the coastline increased to 58 on January 3. This closure, reports Correo Perú , was attributed to the presence of waves ranging from light to moderate intensity. Among the 58 closed ports, 33 are in the northern region, and 25 are in the central region. No ports have been closed in the southern region as of now. 

Mummies unearthed

The Independent reports that archaeologists have unearthed 73 strange mummies in Peru, some with carved masks, from different periods ranging from around AD800 to AD1100. These mummies were found in a “spectacular” state of preservation at Pachacamac, an ancient cemetery south of Lima, the country’s capital. Archaeologists are currently reconsidering the belief that Pachacamac served as a sacred city without interruption until the Spanish conquest. Recent excavations suggest that the site had a distinct layout and character during the era of the Wari empire, a political formation that emerged around 600 AD.

Peru’s worst mayor

On January 2, 2023, César Arturo Fernández Bazán arrived at the auditorium of the Municipal Theater riding on horseback to be sworn in as the mayor of the Provincial Municipality of Trujillo. On that day, he wore a replica of a presidential sash, adorned with the distinctive emblem of the Trujillo coat of arms. One year after his extravagant inauguration, Fernández Bazán is accused of conducting sexist rants, abusing power, and prioritizing celebrations –including his birthday– over Trujillo’s dire needs. Four months after his suspension and five days before a hearing to appeal this decision, Correo Perú named Fernández Bazán Peru’s worst mayor.

These tensions are also reflected within the family sphere, with many people experiencing serious disputes and even rifts with relatives. One year after Lula's inauguration, the wounds have not healed.

“Family love no longer exists”

“We used to have a mom and a dad who gathered all of us around them. But in their absence, and under Bolsonaro’s influence, it ended. This family love no longer exists”, said Sonia Lacerda, a 77-year-old member of Lula da Silva’s Workers’ Party.

Sonia is the eldest of a family of 15 children raised in the northeastern state of Paraíba. Nine of her siblings support Jair Bolsonaro. She recounted having suffered threats from one of them.

“When we were still in touch, he would tell me: 'You'll see what happens to you when the military returns to power,' implying that I might lose my job,” said this retired nurse. Jair Bolsonaro is a former army captain known for defending Brazil's 1964-1985 military dictatorship. “It makes me very sad, especially at this time of the year when we used to all be together,” she regretted.

Luciano Sant'Anna, a 54-year-old van driver who voted for Bolsonaro, shared that he experienced "contempt" from his leftist relatives. He recalled an incident when he met his brother and some friends in a bar, and his brother introduced him as his "pet Bolsonarista". Although Luciano still communicates with his brother, he admitted to having cut off relations with several uncles and cousins: "I don't feel very good about it, but it's better not to talk than to fight".

While not all family disputes end so badly, the wounds are not always easy to heal.

Mariana Romanelli, 28 years old, believes that she and her mother are the only ones in her family to have voted for Lula in the last elections. She explained that she has been progressively distancing herself from most of her relatives since the electoral period.

“I don't think it's only about politics. The main reason is that, ultimately, my lifestyle and values are just too different from theirs,” said this carioca, native of Rio de Janeiro, with a cup of coffee in her hand.

She mentioned her vegetarianism as an example. “They would tease me a lot for that, saying things like: 'Mariana doesn't eat meat because she wants to save the trees.’ I felt like a hippie in the middle of a party full of metalheads”.

Maycon Torres, a psychology professor at the Fluminense Federal University (UFF), explained that these tensions within families arise due to the expectations that members have of each other.

"Most people expect their families to be affectionate and understanding. That's why family disputes often take ugly turns. These disputes can quickly enter a mechanism of rejection and become unbearable," he told Global South World in an interview. 

Virtual tensions 

Brazil is the world’s second-biggest market for WhatsApp after India. Many of the disputes only take place behind screens, particularly in family WhatsApp groups.

"My cousins would randomly send comments on political things in our group, and then fights would happen," said Rodrigo Silva, a 22-year-old journalism student who voted for Lula.

For some, virtual discussions are the best option for managing family tensions. “I prefer to argue with my family over the phone”, confessed Ethelvina Ferreira, a 25-year-old who moved to Paris a few months  before the elections. “When I talk on the phone, I have the option to say I have to go and just end it there”, she explained, adding that she has to deal with homophobic comments, among others.

Bolsonaro voter Luciano Sant'Anna agrees. "During discussions, I've been told to 'go f*** myself' and faced other insults. It's better that they said it on WhatsApp because if they had said it to me in real life, they would have gone home with no teeth," he said.

For others, like Sonia Lacerda, WhatsApp messages leave more room for misunderstanding. “I feel like speaking through screens makes everyone more aggressive,” she said. 

Will these family tensions last for another three years, until the next Brazilian general elections?

Guatemalan prosecutors announced on Friday, December 8, that their investigations concluded that the elections won by Bernardo Arévalo were 'null and void,' citing irregularities in the vote counting process. The country's tribunal says results are 'unalterable,’ and critics condemn the situation as an "attempted coup." The President-elect is set to take office on January 14.

The EU “ready to adopt restrictive measures”

The European Union announced possible “restrictive measures against those responsible”, due to the political situation in Guatemala.

Josep Borrell, the EU's High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, tweeted : "EU condemns attempts to nullify Guatemala election, based on spurious fraud allegations: an attempted coup d’etat that will impact EU-Guatemala relations. We have decided in principle to adopt a framework allowing for targeted restrictive measures against those responsible”. 

Arévalo receives support from countries in the region, the West and the UN

Costa Rica, Ecuador, Panamá, and the Dominican Republic, members of the Alliance for Development in Democracy, expressed "deep concern" about the current political situation in Guatemala in a joint statement. They explained that recent actions "jeopardize the independence of powers and the sovereign will of the Guatemalan people." The U.S. and other Western countries have also expressed their support for Arévalo, stating that the investigations are a coordinated effort to undermine him and democracy in Guatemala. The United Nations human rights chief, Volker Turk, also condemned "persistent and systematic" attempts to undermine Guatemala’s elections and called for the results to be respected.

OAS to meet this Tuesday

The Organization of American States (OAS) has called for a meeting on Tuesday, December 12, to discuss the situation in Guatemala for the seventh time since Bernardo Arévalo was elected president in August 2023, as reported by Prensa Libre .

Dengue epidemic intensifies

The dengue epidemic persists in Guatemala, with the country now surpassing 64,000 cases and nearing a hundred deaths from the disease, reports Prensa Libre . The rainfall expected in December could worsen the situation. Dr. Ricardo Menéndez, head of the Pediatric Emergency Department at Roosevelt Hospital, said that 10% of the cases they are treating involve children. In previous years by this season, the epidemic had already subsided. According to the latest report from the Ministry of Health, as of November 25, there were 64,316 cases, marking an increase of 13,430 compared to the entire year of 2019, the last year with a spike in cases. When comparing the impact of dengue between 2022 and 2023, the increase is six times greater.

The Ecuadorian National Assembly has approved the Private Security and Surveillance Law, a provision that allows private security workers the license to carry weapons as part of their job to protect people and property, and also to defend themselves. The rule, the second in the new legislative period following the approval of the rule that guarantees equal gender pay, is expected to be reviewed by Ecuador’s President Daniel Noboa and published in the Latin nation’s Official Registry if approved. “One of its purposes is to guarantee the regulation of the sector and its coordination with State entities, to contribute to comprehensive security,” a legislator from Ecuador’s Commission on Sovereignty and Comprehensive Security is quoted by local media El Universo .

Presidential trip to Argentina

Ecuador President Daniel Noboa is expected to make his first official trip as president of Ecuador to Buenos Aires to witness the inauguration of Argentina's incoming president, Javier Milei which is scheduled for December 10. The Ecuadorian President Noboa assumed office on November 23 in a ceremony held at the Latin nation’s capital, Quito where the only head of state present was Gustavo Petro of Colombia, local media Expresso reported.

Appointed governors

The President of Ecuador Daniel Noboa appointed on December 5, governors from several provinces across the Latin American nation. These governorate appointments come as the 36-year-old Ecuadorian president continues to appoint representatives of his government after being sworn in as president of the Latin nation in November.  “Governance is not about dividing up a territory; governance is working together for a new country; It is to give peace to families and return the institutionality that Ecuador so desperately needs,” Noboa in a statement said.

Popular consultation

The vice minister of the Ecuadorian government has said that the government of the Latin nation will hold a popular consultation to decide the long-term plans of the government. The government official in a televised interview said that details of the questions for the popular consultation will be disclosed at the beginning of 2024. He added that the government of Ecuador envision the consultation as a chance to analyse various aspects of government such as issues related to employment, security and the justice system.

Corruption risks detector

Ecuador’s Universidad San Francisco de Quito (USFQ) received an award for designing a portal that uses artificial intelligence to determine corruption risks in public procurement at the Prototypes for Humanity conference in Dubai, El Universo reported. The Kapak, a transparency portal created by the USFQ Colleges of Jurisprudence and Polytechnic is based on the specific line of business and the reverse auction as the two contracting mechanisms. The Latin American university participated in the conference alongside institutions such as Egerton, Hongik, Oxford and Princeton, El Universo reports.

What they said

Sergio Massa, in a television interview on November 15 said, “Argentina has a problem, the programme with the IMF, which is inflationary, which needs to be re-discussed. We want to re-discuss the programme on the basis of the result of exports." Javier Milei in a speech in August also said, “We will put an end to the parasitic, stupid, useless political caste that is sinking this country."

Professor Evans describes the shocking and calculated strategy of disappearance as a technique that rationalises violence, instilling emotional fear within populations, and creating a climate of suspicion and betrayal.

The report traces the origins of the disappearance to the School of the Americas, now known as the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation, located at Fort Benning in Columbus, Georgia. This facility, operated by the US Defence Department, played a pivotal role in honing the techniques of disappearance.

Evans details Operation Condor, a covert campaign coordinated by the CIA that propagated the use of disappearance as a normalised practice of state terrorism across South American countries.

The fight for truth and memorialisation of the missing is explored, highlighting the challenges even leftist leaders face when confronting the state's willingness to address this issue.

The report shifts the focus to Mexico, which has seen a surge in disappearances since 2006. State-sponsored disappearance strategies have proven effective in quelling resistance and governing through fear.

The psychological impact of disappearance is investigated, emphasising the unbearable suffering it inflicts on those affected and the guilt it imposes on family members.

The culture of impunity in many countries is identified as a significant obstacle to addressing these crimes, perpetuating cover-ups and reproductions of disappearances.

Notably, the report mentions the groundbreaking conviction of Guatemala's former dictator, Efraín Ríos Montt, for genocide and crimes against humanity in 2013. This marked the first instance of a domestic court in Latin America convicting a former head of state for genocide.

According to Evans, the State of Disappearance project, co-directed by Chantal Meza, a Mexican abstract artist, offers a fresh perspective on disappearance. Meza's 75 artistic works delve into themes of obscurity, mental anguish, and the voiding of existence, using art to confront this dark legacy.