Experts say the unfolding situation reflects a deeper alignment between Moscow and Caracas, particularly as Venezuela faces growing diplomatic and military tension with Washington. Analysts observe that while Venezuela’s request is likely to be framed as defensive, it may deepen Caracas’s dependence on Moscow at a time when Russia is itself facing significant global constraints.

The Russian acknowledgement of contact comes at a time when Venezuela’s government has been under heavy international scrutiny and U.S. focus. For Russia, maintaining ties with Caracas offers geopolitical benefits, including influence in Latin America and access to resources and networks beyond Western oversight.

As the situation develops, the world will be watching how Venezuela’s strategy evolves — whether it remains a diplomatic show of solidarity or translates into tangible military cooperation between Russia, Venezuela and other allied states.

“Any military force in the world knows the power of the IGLA-S,” Maduro said. “Venezuela has no more and no less than 5,000 IGLA-S in key anti-aircraft defence positions to guarantee peace, stability, and the tranquillity of our people.”

Maduro’s remarks came shortly after U.S. President Donald Trump announced plans to launch operations against drug traffickers operating on land, a move that has heightened tensions between Washington and Caracas.

The IGLA-S, similar to the U.S.-made Stinger missile, is a short-range, man-portable air defence system designed to target drones, helicopters, and low-flying aircraft. According to Russia ’s state arms exporter Rosoboronexport, the weapon has a range of up to six kilometres and can reach altitudes of 3.5 kilometres.

Venezuela first acquired the IGLA-S systems between 2005 and 2008 as part of a major arms deal with Russia under former President Hugo Chávez, aimed at modernising the country’s military. The stockpile remains one of the largest collections of such weapons in Latin America.

Across major gathering points such as La Candelaria and La Pastora, large screens broadcast the event via state-controlled channel VTV. Rather than offering the neutral liturgical feed expected at such occasions, the coverage interspersed speeches from President Nicolás Maduro and archival footage of Pope Francis.

The presence of high-profile political figures, visible security deployments and what appeared to be paramilitary “colectivo” elements marked a shift in tone. Rather than strictly religious observance, it appeared to be used as a vehicle to reinforce the government’s narrative and to signal control during a moment of national ritual.

While the Vatican described the act as a “moment of unity”, critics warn that the Venezuelan administration has repurposed what should be a spiritual event into a demonstration of political legitimacy. The selection of broadcast channels and the placement of monuments, alongside the timing of the event provisions (including a national holiday), underscore the political dimension.

For global observers, the episode raises questions about church-state relations, media control, and how symbolic events can be weaponised by governments. In an era of international scrutiny on human rights and democratic norms, the use of canonisation as a tool of state messaging carries implications well beyond Venezuelan borders.

The licence, issued by the US Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), was announced on Thursday by Trinidad’s Attorney General John Jeremie. It represents a crucial opportunity for Port of Spain to secure new gas supplies at a time when domestic production has dropped by almost 30 per cent since 2015, threatening the future of the country’s petrochemical and liquefied natural gas (LNG) industries — key pillars of its economy.

Under the six-month authorisation, Trinidad and Shell are permitted to begin talks with Venezuela’s state company PDVSA, but under strict conditions . The US has made clear that the project must not provide any “significant benefit” to President Nicolás Maduro’s government. A second Treasury document extends the deal’s potential timeline into April 2026, outlining a phased process for development that includes participation from US companies.

The Dragon field holds an estimated 4.2 trillion cubic feet of gas, making it one of Venezuela’s largest reserves. Its exploitation was halted years ago due to sanctions and political instability in Caracas. For Trinidad and Tobago, access to that resource could act as a lifeline for the country’s energy-dependent economy , described by former energy minister Kevin Ramnarine as a “salvation table” — though he warned its success depends on both political will and US flexibility.

Beyond economics, Washington’s decision reflects a pragmatic recalibration of its Caribbean strategy: maintaining pressure on Maduro while supporting regional partners facing energy insecurity. For Trinidad and Tobago, the authorisation opens a narrow but vital window — six months to turn diplomatic approval into a concrete deal, in a Caribbean increasingly shaped by energy geopolitics and great-power rivalry.

The aircraft, from Marine Fighter Attack Squadron 225 (VMFA-225) based at Marine Corps Air Station Yuma, were armed with AIM-120D and AIM-9X air-to-air missiles, as well as GBU-54 laser-guided bombs. The squadron arrived in Puerto Rico on 13 September as part of an expanded US military presence in the Caribbean, officially linked to counter-narcotics operations.

SOUTHCOM stated that the exercises are intended to enhance regional security and cooperation. However, Venezuelan authorities said the jets were detected approximately 75 kilometres off their coast, condemning the flights as a “provocation.” Washington dismissed the claim, asserting that the operations were part of “routine training.”

President Donald Trump defended the deployment, describing it as “self-defence” against what he called “terrorist organisations” in Caracas. The exercises mark a new phase of heightened US military activity in the Caribbean, further straining relations with Venezuela.

The standoff has escalated since August, when Maduro condemned the deployment of US warships, submarines, aircraft and marines to the southern Caribbean. Washington insists the operations are part of an anti-drug crackdown, while Caracas has denounced them as a threat to sovereignty.

Earlier this month, Maduro’s letter rejected US accusations of drug trafficking as “fake news”, highlighting Venezuela’s anti-narcotics record and calling for direct talks with Trump. In response, the Venezuelan government launched military exercises and warned of possible aggression, with Defence Minister Vladimir Padrino López calling the US presence “threatening” and Maduro accusing Washington of pursuing regime change.

Maduro emphasised the need for joint efforts with global impact, describing Cuba and Venezuela as carrying forward the vision of Simón Bolívar, José Martí, Fidel Castro and Hugo Chávez. “We must elevate our project to a higher level”, he said, urging coordinated action to defend both nations’ positions on the world stage.

The initiative comes as Havana and Caracas deepen their cooperation under agreements signed in 2023 between the Communist Party of Cuba and Venezuela’s ruling Socialist Party. Morales Ojeda also held talks with Jorge Rodríguez, head of Venezuela’s National Assembly, and Rander Peña, executive secretary of ALBA, stressing the importance of legislative, political and regional coordination to counter what both governments describe as “imperialist aggression”.

Despite Cuba’s worsening economic crisis under tightened US sanctions , Morales Ojeda said solidarity with Venezuela remains a priority: “We share not what we have left over, but what we have”.

That was Venezuela’s president Nicolás Maduro pitching what he clearly believes would be a blockbuster. The project sounds like a budget nightmare - who’s going to hire 252 leading actors for one film? And besides, the title could probably use some tightening. But behind the theatrics lies a serious message.

Maduro is furious with Donald Trump . Earlier this month, Trump ordered an airstrike on a Venezuelan boat, then another, and claimed to have carried out a third. He framed it as part of a clampdown on a state-sanctioned drug smuggling operation. International reaction was swift, since such extrajudicial killings are usually reserved for the gravest terrorist threats. Venezuela, under pressure to respond, turned to fiery rhetoric.

“If life puts us on the path of having to take up arms to begin an armed struggle against imperialist aggression, our people will do it with serenity, with certainty and also with joy,” Maduro warned.

Softer targets

Despite the tough talk, the last thing Venezuela - or any country - wants is open war with the United States. But Maduro doesn’t need to look far for smaller targets. On 14 September, Venezuela’s Defence Minister, Vladimir Padrino López, warned that if aggression were launched from the territory of Trinidad and Tobago, Venezuela would respond in “legitimate self-defence.”

Why Trinidad and Tobago? The islands have aligned themselves with US efforts to fight organised crime, including drug, arms and human trafficking. Prime Minister Kamala Persad-Bissessar has denied that her country would ever host an invasion force, but Caracas appears eager to pick a fight it might plausibly win. The disparity is stark: Venezuela has nearly 29 million people and over 123,000 active soldiers; Trinidad and Tobago, with just 1.5 million people, can muster only about 4,000. Geography, too, makes the threat plausible - only 11 kilometres separate the nations.

And yet, the two countries once shared close ties. Trinidad was ruled from Caracas until 1802, and both remain members of CARICOM. But Trump is a divisive figure across the Americas, and his policies risk driving deeper wedges between neighbours.

He, for his part, seems pleased with his strategy.

“A lot of drugs are coming out of Venezuela… They send the Tren de Aragua, that’s the gang. They’re probably the worst gang in the world . We don’t like what Venezuela is sending us—whether it’s drugs or gang members. We don’t like it. Not one bit,” Trump told reporters.

Rather than dial things down, he has expanded his warnings to Colombia, Bolivia, Myanmar and Afghanistan - accusing them too of failing to block drug shipments. The prospect of US strikes in or around those countries suddenly feels less remote. International law, of course, forbids such attacks in international waters unless a vessel poses an imminent threat. A fishing boat, even if packed with cocaine, hardly qualifies. But the US has long been lukewarm about international enforcement mechanisms, recently going so far as to sanction members of the International Criminal Court.

That leaves smaller nations exposed. Venezuela has not only targeted Trinidad and Tobago but also escalated tensions with Guyana, reviving old claims to an oil-rich border region. Trinidad’s support for Guyana in that dispute has only fuelled animosity.

In all of this, it’s the ordinary people—especially fishermen—who end up losing. Boats seized, livelihoods destroyed, and lives caught in the middle of geopolitical posturing.

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.