Speaking in Madrid on Monday, the People’s Party leader said Ceuta needed greater security and criticised the current border arrangements.

"It needs physical certainty with a border that is not made of plastic, but is real," Feijoo said.

"It needs a migration policy that does not turn the city into the front line of the current government's mistakes. It needs economic certainty, it needs infrastructure and opportunities," he added.

Feijoo made the remarks as he introduced Ceuta President Juan Jesus Vivas at the New Economy Forum.

Spanish authorities initially estimated that around 72,000 people entered Ceuta during the July crossing. Most have since returned to Morocco, but thousands remain in the city.

The influx has triggered protests and increased political pressure on Sanchez’s government. Tensions have also spilled into violence involving migrants and local residents.

Feijoo criticised the government’s plan to accommodate more than 1,000 migrants at part of Ceuta’s port.

"Placing more than a thousand immigrants in a port just a few metres from the ships that carry passengers to the mainland is grossly irresponsible and also hinders the work of the state security forces and bodies," Feijoo said.

He also claimed residents were increasingly concerned about security in the city.

"We know you are living in fear in a Spanish city, because we know that many women return home at nightfall. I myself have witnessed that testimony. And because we know that there are those wondering what will become of the city," he added.

Spain reinforced Ceuta’s maritime frontier at the Tarajal breakwater following the crisis, installing a 500-metre pneumatic barrier supported by naval buoys and Guardia Civil patrols.

On Monday, Sanchez authorised the use of Ceuta’s port as an accommodation site for more than 1,000 migrants.

Police vans patrolled around the Loma Colmenar site as officers moved migrants away from the facility. Some people were seen sitting on the ground under police guard, while others ran past police vehicles.

The unrest erupted as authorities began allowing more migrants into the temporary facility, where many had been sleeping outside while waiting for accommodation.

One Moroccan migrant described the scramble to secure a place inside.

"As you've seen, everyone is pushing each other, fighting to the death for a spot—everyone wants to get in," he said.

"We've been coming here for a week or more, and we haven't seen any solution. We come here to sleep, and they kick us out. We don't understand any of this; we haven't seen any solution," he added.

Local media reported that order broke down when hundreds attempted to enter the centre at the same time. Police eventually dispersed the crowd and officers also fired warning shots into the air during the operation.

Some migrants were seen kneeling or lying face down during the police response, with one person crying and another having milk poured over his eyes.

Loma Colmenar is among several temporary reception sites opened after thousands of migrants entered Ceuta from Morocco on July 30 and 31, placing increased pressure on the Spanish enclave's reception system.

Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez said on Monday that more than 3,300 temporary places were already available across Ceuta. He said capacity was expected to increase to 6,000.

Colombian President Abelardo de la Espriella has ordered authorities to begin operations in Barranquilla to identify and deport foreigners living in the country with irregular status, with those involved in crimes as the first priority.

De la Espriella announced the measure during a security council meeting on Sunday, August 23, directing Migration Colombia and the Police to begin operations this week.

"We will begin the operations. This is a position I have held during the campaign and which I will implement from the Presidency of the Republic. Not only the foreigners committing offences, crimes, but also those who have broken the rules to be here," De la Espriella announced.

The president said authorities would initially focus on foreigners involved in criminal activity before targeting those who have failed to regularise their migration status.

"First, those committing crimes. Second, those who have not regularised their situation and, before long, will have to be deported," the president said.

De la Espriella also repeated his "Colombians first" position, saying he would take responsibility for the policy.

"I will not accept illegal migration here. First Colombians, second Colombians and third Colombians," De la Espriella said. "That is a political decision and I will assume it, and it is an administrative decision; I will assume it," he added.

The president said the operations would apply to irregular migrants regardless of nationality, warning that he would not accept "illegal immigrants, wherever they come from".

De la Espriella also linked organised crime with drug trafficking , illegal mining, extortion and smuggling, arguing that the activities form part of the same criminal structure.

The move signals a tougher approach to migration policy following years of regularisation programmes that largely focused on Venezuelans.

Studies estimate that about 2.8 million Venezuelans live in Colombia, with more than 500,000 remaining without regular migration status.

The scale of the late-July crossings remains disputed, with estimates ranging from around 40,000 according to Moroccan authorities to 72,000 in a later Spanish estimate. There is no established evidence that Morocco deliberately organised the crossings, while reports have pointed to online rumours and misinformation encouraging people to head towards the border. Moroccan authorities have since strengthened security around Ceuta, while Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez chaired another government coordination meeting on Monday to review security measures, migrant identification and assistance.

He left his family, university studies and home in Morocco behind with one goal: reaching mainland Europe and helping his younger brother pursue a career in football.

Nizar shares breakfast with friends inside their makeshift shelter on Playa del Trampolin before heading onto the sand to play football with other migrants.

He also walks through Ceuta to buy food, calls his worried mother and shares photos and videos of his younger brother playing football back home in Morocco.

"When I first came here, I had absolutely nothing," Nizar said. "I had to sleep on the ground with no blankets, but people in Ceuta helped us. Together we built this hut. Sometimes it gets good, sometimes it gets bad, but all we have here is patience."

For Nizar, football also provides a connection to the life he left behind.

"We lost our families, we lost our homes, but we still have this ball. It helps us forget the reality we are living in," he said.

Nizar, who studied at Mohammed Premier University in Oujda, said he swam to Ceuta 18 days ago without telling his parents.

He left university and his family hoping to reach mainland Europe, where he believes he can help his younger brother secure a place at a football academy.

"I came here with one goal in mind. I need to get my brother an opportunity [...] I left my mother, my father, I left university, I left everything back home. My dream is to see him playing on the big screen one day," he continued.

"I am surviving here just to get to Europe and maybe find him a place in an academy. As an older brother, I did all I could and I hope my work doesn't go to waste," he added.

Nizar shares the beach hut with his friend, 20-year-old Achraf Khannous from Sale, who also swam to Ceuta after studying to become a specialised technician.

The pair are now among hundreds of migrants living along the beach as they wait to find out what happens next.

Playa del Trampolin has become one of the most visible sites of Ceuta's migration crisis after mass crossings from Morocco at the end of July overwhelmed the Spanish enclave.

Hundreds of makeshift shelters now line the shoreline, with migrants sleeping rough while awaiting decisions over their future.

The beach remains under heavy security after fresh attempts to reach Ceuta led to another crackdown on both sides of the border over the weekend.

Spain reinforced National Police , Civil Guard and maritime patrols, while Morocco increased operations along its northern coast to prevent further crossings.

Moroccan authorities initially said 148 people were intercepted around Fnideq on Saturday, with later reports putting the number detained at close to 300.

The operation followed online calls for another mass attempt to enter Ceuta and Melilla. Authorities also detained dozens of people suspected of promoting irregular crossings on social media .

Spain sent additional National Police and Civil Guard personnel to Ceuta, increased maritime patrols and installed new barriers off the coast.

The measures follow the mass influx from Morocco on July 30 and 31, when tens of thousands of people entered Ceuta by land and sea.

Thousands are still believed to remain in the enclave, although estimates from Spanish and local authorities have varied.

Scores of people also died during the crossings, with Spanish and Moroccan authorities and humanitarian groups reporting different death tolls.

Mohammed Jaafar, a migrant from Nigeria, said he was trying to support his family. "I have two children. I have a wife, I have a mother and father," he said. "They are waiting for me because I am the one who takes responsibility."

Moroccan authorities increased security around Fnideq and other areas near Ceuta after calls circulated on social media encouraging coordinated crossings on August 15.

Moroccan media reported that more than 350 people had been intercepted in and around Fnideq by 16:00 local time on Saturday, most from sub-Saharan African countries.

Authorities also said 61 people had been arrested in recent days on suspicion of promoting irregular migration on social media. Spain reinforced security in Ceuta, increasing deployments and surveillance by land, sea and air.

The measures followed a mass crossing from Morocco into Ceuta at the end of July, when tens of thousands entered the Spanish territory by land and sea, and dozens died.

Turkmenistan is preparing for a major session of the Halk Maslahaty , the country’s highest representative body, scheduled for September 23, 2026, at the Maslahat Köşgi Palace in Ashgabat. The session comes immediately before celebrations marking the 35th anniversary of Turkmenistan’s independence, giving it both political and symbolic importance. The meeting was formally convened through a resolution signed on 15 July 2026 by Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, National Leader of the Turkmen people and Chairman of the Halk Maslahaty. The resolution describes the body as representing the interests of Turkmenistan’s people and says the forthcoming session is intended to strengthen public participation in decisions concerning state and public life. Regional Halk Maslahaty bodies in Turkmenistan’s provinces and Ashgabat have been instructed to submit their lists of public representatives by 1 September 2026. A separate organising committee has also been created to prepare the session, with the Halk Maslahaty apparatus and the Mejlis, Turkmenistan’s parliament, tasked with coordinating preparations at regional and local levels.

Turkmenistan and IOM deepen cooperation on migration governance and anti-trafficking measures

Turkmenistan is expanding cooperation with the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) around migration governance, border management, human trafficking and the protection of vulnerable migrants. The relationship has accelerated during 2026. On May 8, Chairman of the State Migration Service Amanmuhammet Sazakow met IOM Director General Amy Pope at the United Nations in New York. Their discussions covered migration management , humanitarian response and cooperation within the UN system. IOM also highlighted Turkmenistan’s role in providing a humanitarian transit corridor for foreign nationals displaced by instability in the Middle East. Practical cooperation has continued inside Turkmenistan. From 15 to 17 July 2026, IOM organised a three-day programme in Ashgabat to strengthen government capacity for evidence-based migration policy, strategic planning and implementation of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration. Officials were also trained to monitor migration-related Sustainable Development Goal indicators as Turkmenistan prepares its third Voluntary National Review.

Smart-well technology signals a wider digital transformation of Turkmenistan’s energy industry

Turkmenistan is increasingly applying smart-well technology, artificial intelligence, sensors and digital monitoring systems to its oil and gas industry as it seeks to raise production efficiency and modernise one of the economy’s most important sectors. A smart well uses monitoring and control systems to provide continuous information on operating conditions and allow production to be adjusted more precisely. Turkmen energy specialists argue that the technology can improve safety , extraction efficiency and the economic performance of wells while reducing the need for costly interventions. This forms part of a broader digitalisation drive. Turkmenistan’s energy strategy now includes AI-based geological analysis, digital oilfields, predictive maintenance, automation, digital twins and advanced reservoir monitoring. An official energy-sector assessment published on 30 July 2026 said AI and advanced analytics can help operators identify equipment problems before failures occur, improve production planning and strengthen environmental monitoring.

Turkmenistan pushes for stronger regional action to protect the Caspian Sea

Turkmenistan is continuing its diplomatic and environmental campaign to protect the Caspian Sea , with President Serdar Berdimuhamedov calling for deeper cooperation among the five littoral states: Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan and Russia. The government has announced plans for another high-level Caspian environmental meeting in October 2026, intended to move regional cooperation to what Berdimuhamedov described as a new stage. The initiative follows an earlier meeting hosted by Turkmenistan in August 2025 involving deputy prime ministers from the coastal states. Environmental protection is increasingly important because the Caspian faces declining water levels, pollution, pressure on biodiversity and risks associated with offshore energy development and coastal economic activity. Turkmenistan’s approach is built partly around the Tehran Convention, the regional framework signed in 2003 to protect the Caspian marine environment. It covers pollution from land, vessels and seabed activities, protection of biological resources, environmental monitoring and cooperation during emergencies.

Turkmenistan and Afghanistan reinforce economic ties through energy and transport projects

Turkmenistan and Afghanistan continue to deepen relations built around energy, transport, trade and what both governments describe as longstanding historical and cultural ties. For Ashgabat, Afghanistan is not only a neighbouring state but a crucial corridor connecting Turkmenistan’s energy resources with South Asian markets. The most important project remains the Turkmenistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan–India gas pipeline , alongside the TAP electricity transmission project, fibre-optic infrastructure and railway links. The relationship has increasingly focused on practical infrastructure. Projects include the Serhetabat–Herat section of the TAPI pipeline, known as Arkadagyň ak ýoly, the Serhetabat–Herat fibre-optic line, a warehouse complex at Torghundi dry port, railway development from Torghundi towards Afghanistan’s interior, and electricity infrastructure in Herat Province. At a UN Security Council briefing on Afghanistan on 8 June 2026, Turkmenistan’s Permanent Representative Vepa Hajiyev said stability in Afghanistan was essential to prosperity across the wider region. Turkmenistan argued that infrastructure and economic integration should be regarded as tools for long-term stabilisation rather than support for any particular Afghan political force.

Footage shows children sleeping on cardboard and makeshift bedding beside warehouses. Some said they had spent days without food, water or basic sanitation while pleading with authorities to move them into shelters.

"We sleep here on the ground. Even for the restroom, God forbid, we can't find a place to relieve ourselves, and I'm asking the authorities to take us to the shelter for minors. This is what I'm requesting," one minor said.

"We crossed the sea, and the police are harassing us. Just a few moments ago, they even beat up a journalist here. The women here are sleeping on nothing but cardboard. The suffering here is immense," another added.

Spanish authorities estimated that more than 70,000 people crossed into Ceuta in less than 48 hours between July 30 and 31, making it the largest migrant influx in the enclave's history .

Most of those who crossed have since returned to Morocco, but more than 1,000 unaccompanied children remain in Ceuta, where reception centres continue to operate beyond capacity.

By February 25, Spanish authorities had relocated 1,019 unaccompanied migrant children from Ceuta, Melilla and the Canary Islands to other parts of Spain under changes to the country's immigration system. The legislation passed without the support of the conservative People's Party or Vox.

In July, Spain approved €35 million ($41 million) to support the care of unaccompanied migrant children nationwide, including €5.5 million ($6.4 million) for Ceuta.

Under Spanish law, unaccompanied minors are protected by child welfare procedures and cannot be summarily returned across the border. Authorities must determine their status before placing them under the care of child-protection services .

Morocco’s Interior Ministry said 11 migrants had died attempting to reach Spanish territory, with media reports putting the toll at at least 71. Authorities linked the surge in crossings to misleading information online and smuggling networks, as tens of thousands moved towards Ceuta, prompting a large security operation, a state of emergency in the enclave and political tensions between Spain and other European Union countries.

Resident David blamed Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez's migration policies and accused Morocco of using the crossings to pressure Spain.

"We have a feeling inside that we are on edge, with tears, with frustration, with hopelessness," he said. Tensions resurfaced after members of the far-right group Nucleo Nacional and political activist Alvise Perez visited the city, triggering counter-demonstrations.

Another resident, Helena, criticised the visit and questioned Morocco's claim that it had no prior knowledge of the mass crossing.

Spanish authorities said at least 67 people died during the incident, with many drowning while attempting to swim around coastal barriers.

Others argued that Europe is struggling to cope with rising migration, linking the influx to concerns over crime and pressure on public services .

The developments have renewed debate across Europe over border security , migration policy and the need for a coordinated response to one of the continent's most pressing challenges.

One resident was seen throwing a lifebuoy into the water to help those struggling to reach land, while others arrived visibly exhausted and were assisted by emergency responders. Some migrants were placed in wheelchairs or recovery positions by Spanish authorities after reaching shore.

The resident said he had learned through social media that the so-called harraga — migrants who attempt the crossing by swimming — believed they could no longer be returned after arriving in Ceuta.

"When they found out about that, they all jumped into the water," he said. "To be honest, it really breaks my heart to see so many people suffering, and who knows how many have actually drowned along the way."

He also questioned the expectations many migrants have before making the dangerous journey.

"I don't understand why they're led to believe that there's a future here," he said. "When they arrive, they're faced with the harsh reality that they have nothing, and that people treat them as if they were nobody."

Among those who completed the crossing, one migrant said he had been swimming "since 6 or 7" in the morning before reaching Ceuta. Another, when asked whether many more people were waiting to cross from Morocco, replied: "Yes, a lot."

Migration from Morocco into Spain's North African enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla has long been a politically sensitive issue between Madrid and Rabat, with sea crossings continuing despite the dangers involved.

Aid organisations say the steady arrival of people is placing the camp under increasing pressure, with fears of disease outbreaks as some wait days for onward travel. Relief groups are providing food, water and essential supplies, while authorities prepare for continued inflows. The situation follows recent demonstrations targeting undocumented migrants, amid a broader pattern of xenophobic tensions in South Africa, prompting neighbouring countries to organise repatriation efforts for their citizens.

The operation saw officers detain dozens of suspected looters, recover stolen items and deploy to areas where businesses had been targeted.

Security personnel were sent to communities including Hillbrow, Jeppe and Alexandra as authorities worked to contain the unrest and prevent further attacks on closed businesses.

Private security director Yaseen Theba said officers responded quickly after receiving reports of looting in Jeppe.

"We received reports of looting in the Jeppe area. Members responded and managed to disperse the crowds that were gathering around businesses that had closed," he said.

According to Theba, although the organised demonstrations had come to an end, criminal groups continued to take advantage of the situation.

"We know that officially the marches have long ended. It's now just a question of clearing the criminal element that’s looting in these areas," he added.

He said security teams were moving to other affected communities as fresh incidents were reported.

"We are now proceeding to Alex, where we are also seeing some looting starting, and we hope to disperse the crowds there and get everything back to normal as quickly as possible," Theba said.

The unrest followed nationwide anti-migrant demonstrations after protesters declared 30 June as the deadline for undocumented migrants to leave South Africa .

Several African governments have since prepared repatriation plans for their citizens amid concerns that the violence could spread.

President Cyril Ramaphosa condemned attacks on foreign nationals, while the United Nations expressed concern over the growing violence targeting migrants.

The returnee was among hundreds of Nigerians who arrived in Lagos on Tuesday aboard a government-backed evacuation flight organised as tensions continued in parts of South Africa.

Recalling the experience, the returnee said the violence and uncertainty changed everything.

"Life has not been easy. Coupled with what is happening in South Africa. I barely managed to escape with my life. I lost everything <...> There is nowhere like home. Once you have life, you have more hope to live on to," the returnee said.

The flight landed at Murtala Muhammed International Airport, where officials received the passengers before they underwent immigration processing.

Nigeria's Director of Migrants Affairs at the National Commission for Refugees, Migrants, and Internally Displaced Persons (NCFRMI), Catherine Imaji Udida, said efforts were continuing to help Nigerians who wished to leave South Africa.

"We are all hoping that it doesn't get worse than it is now <...> President Ahmed Bola Tinubu GCFR, has promised Nigerians that every Nigerian that wants to return will be brought back and we are working on it," she said.

While some returnees spoke of fear and loss, another Nigerian said the hostility did not reflect the views of all South Africans.

"I wouldn't say all the people feel like that. It's just a group of people that are really frustrated, so they have nowhere to turn their frustration to than other people," the returnee said.

According to local media , Tuesday's Air Peace charter flight brought back 271 Nigerians. Two earlier evacuation flights had returned another 328 people, while the Nigerian Union in South Africa said more than 1,000 Nigerians remained stranded.

The evacuations followed rising tensions ahead of a self-declared June 30 deadline announced by anti-immigration campaigners calling on undocumented migrants to leave South Africa. The South African government said it neither issued nor endorsed the deadline.

Several African countries have since prepared contingency plans or launched repatriation efforts as concerns over further unrest continued.

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa condemned attacks on foreign nationals, saying criminal acts should be handled by law enforcement rather than vigilantes.

The United Nations also expressed concern over violence and intimidation targeting migrants.

The ultimatum, not officially issued by the South African government , has nevertheless spread fear among migrant communities. Several countries have already begun repatriating their citizens.

South African authorities have increased security ahead of the deadline, while President Cyril Ramaphosa has rejected the ultimatum and warned against actions that could destabilise the country.

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has called for immigration laws to be enforced while warning against vigilantism and unlawful actions against foreign nationals.

This report explores how the deadline affected those caught up in the migration debate and the real-world consequences it had for hundreds of people preparing to leave a small coastal town in South Africa .

The videos include images of shops said to belong to people from other African countries being vandalised and/or looted. There have also been videos of people said to be of other African nationalities being chased or beaten, school children demanding the removal of their foreign-born classmates, and the video of a Ghanaian national being questioned about his immigration status by a group of more than ten South Africans, including anti-immigration activist Victoria Africa. 

These xenophobic attacks, as they’re being called on digital and mainstream media, are not new to South Africa. As Africa’s most industrialised nation since the late 19th century, South Africa has always attracted people from different parts of the continent and beyond. It has, since the 1980s, been a refuge for Mozambicans fleeing the civil war in their country. And since the 1990s, it has attracted thousands of economic migrants from Zimbabwe seeking a better life.

Years of deprivation and unemployment, especially among Black South Africans, have, however, left many of them feeling less secure about their economic prospects today as migrants land jobs or start their own businesses in South Africa. 

The earliest reported cases of xenophobic attacks in South Africa, according to South African History Online, date back at least to 1994. According to the website, “In December 1994 and January 1995, armed youth gangs in the Alexandra Township outside of Johannesburg, Gauteng Province, destroyed the homes and property of suspected undocumented migrants and marched the individuals down to the local police station where they demanded that the foreigners be forcibly and immediately removed.” 

Three decades on, not much has changed when it comes to how some Black South Africans feel about their fellow Africans living and working in their country. Perhaps, the main difference today is the brazen manner in which some of them carry out their attacks or acts of intimidation against other African nationals as smartphone cameras capture the encounter. 

 Census data from Statistics South Africa indicates that there were 2.4 million international migrants in the country as of 2022. They represented a little over three percent of the country’s total population at the time of 62 million. Of the international migrant numbers, over 80 percent were from the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Out of that number, nearly 50 percent were from Zimbabwe followed by Mozambique with 18.7 percent. 

Though  international migrants make up a sliver of the populace, some of them have reportedly been involved in criminal activities, as South African journalist Kenneth Mokgatlhe told me. 

“With the social and economic issues which are obviously facing the country, most of them, especially crime, is being blamed on foreigners. This might be because some of the crimes, such as cash-in-transit, you find that it is committed largely by people from Zimbabwe. Most of the time when people are apprehended, you find that there are always foreign nationals, especially the Zimbabweans, and then you’ve got the drug trafficking, which is a huge issue at the moment,” he said. 

A commission of inquiry investigating the infiltration of criminal elements into the government heard allegations of drug cartels operating in South Africa. Kenneth says the drug trafficking ring is largely made up of foreign nationals from around the world. This discovery, he says, has heightened security concerns for many. “So that is why you are seeing this organisation coming forth because they have lost confidence in the political system.”

But as is the case with most protests, the underlying currents for the recent activities by the March and March movement are not only social and economic, but also political.

While ActionSA, founded by former Johannesburg Mayor Herman Mashaba, explicitly calls for an overhaul of the country’s immigration system to “attract skilled migrants while clamping down on the influx of undocumented migrants through our porous borders,” the Patriotic Alliance, the party to which Victoria Africa is aligned, says on its website that it has “zero tolerance for illegal immigration”. 

Though the stances of these two parties are clear, Kenneth explains that the upcoming November 4 local government elections have made it difficult for some political parties to take a clear position on the matter.

“You have the ANC, which is defending this protest because they realise that they have got huge political and electoral implications, so they don’t want to denounce the ongoing marches. The only party that is against the ongoing marches is the EFF,” Kenneth says, adding that the ANC’s general secretary, however, “has vowed to support the ongoing protest, but on government platforms, that is where they’re trying to condemn it and to call for law and order.”

 The party positions aside, the lack of enforcement of labour regulations is another major contributory factor to the recent wave of anti-migrant protests.

The government’s seeming inaction when it comes to labour laws has made it possible for some companies to employ illegal immigrants desperate to eek out a living and exploit them by paying them less than the minimum wage. It has also given room to enterprising Somalis and Ethiopians, for instance, to operate local convenience stores known as spaza shops, even if they do not have the requisite documentation, a move Kenneth says is putting spaza shops operated by South Africans at a disadvantage. All these, he notes, create tension between South Africans and the migrants. 

“I think that it is the government which is causing this conflict,” Kenneth says. “What has happened between 1994 and now is that the ANC has collapsed the state and as such, people in the last election tried to vote the ANC out but they ultimately did not get one winner, so the ANC is still presiding over the government. But people know. They understand that the ANC has run down the government and the state does not have the capacity as it used to under the white rule of the national party which is known as the apartheid system. But because of the frustrations, then they get to blame the wrong person. I think that they should be blaming and pointing their finger at the government.”

In his first address to the nation since the countries started evacuating its citizens following the anti-immigration protests, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa acknowledged the economic and immigration challenges facing his nation.  

“South Africa faces persistently high levels of unemployment, especially amongst our young people,” the president said. “Too many families are struggling to make ends meet. The cost of living is very high for many of the people of South Africa. Too many communities are experiencing poverty and inadequate access to opportunities. In such circumstances, frustration can easily be directed to those perceived to be competitors for jobs and resources.” 

With a 32.7 percent unemployment rate, 60 percent of which is people between the ages of 15 and 24, it is easy to understand why many aggrieved South Africans would buy into the idea of blaming immigrants for taking their jobs. And they are not the first to think so. With nationalism on the rise globally, immigration has become a flashpoint issue, bringing to the mainstream the belief across the US and Europe that immigrants compete with locals for jobs.  

While that may not always be the case, a recent video posted to X might explain why the South African case may not be based solely on perception but on reality.

In the video, Victoria Africa appeals to a business owner to employ “locals”. The businessman tells her that he employs locals but, “You know the struggle. Monday is a problem.” He is alluding to a widespread belief that the average South African worker would not show up for work for days once they’re paid. Victoria Africa does not dispute the fact.

Instead, she tells the business owner that, “We will take full accountability. We’ll give you the people. We’ll ensure that they comply. We’ll ensure that they come to work on time and we’re not going to interfere especially if a person comes and disrespects your business or does not follow protocol or does not want to comply. You’ve got every right to take action. And we cannot protect people that don’t want to come to work.” 

This begs the question, if the locals’ attitude to work is unsatisfactory to employers, is it fair to then blame or accuse immigrants of taking jobs meant for South Africans? The illegal immigrant’s fault in this case might be their willingness to take a job that would pay them something far less than what the average South African might be willing to take. And that is simply because they want to survive in a foreign land miles away from home. Also, businesses do not like to run at a loss. They all hope to make profits, no matter how small they are and as a result, they’ll only be interested in workers who will show up for work when they have to. 

As President Ramaphosa said in his Sunday evening address, “illegal immigration is not the cause of all our economic challenges. There are other causes.”

Unfortunately, that pronouncement has come a little too late, as the March and March movement and their supporters have already succeeded in turning the hearts of many South Africans against their fellow Africans.

Since Ghana airlifted some 300 of its citizens home, other African countries have followed suit. Malawi on Saturday, June 6, bused home 150 of its citizens from the Western Cape province. Mozambique has also shuttled over 500 of its nationals home from South Africa. Nigeria is expected to airlift between 2000 and 4000 of its citizens out of South Africa this week. Are there more countries planning to evacuate their citizens? 

For now, South Africa is back in the spotlight for a practice it has engaged in time and again for over three decades, which is anchored on the premise that immigrants, rather than the government’s failure to deliver on its promises, are responsible for the poverty and high unemployment rates they face. But immigration is a global phenomenon. Who’s to say citizens of another African country would not rise up in the days ahead against South Africans in their country or against other African nationals? 

As the push for a “borderless Africa” gains momentum, this latest episode from South Africa should serve as a teaching moment for leaders across the continent. Rwanda, Kenya, Ghana, and Benin, among others, have in recent years rolled out e-visa programs for Africans to encourage intra-continental travel. A laudable idea in principle, but when the number of visitors starts to soar, and immigration policies are tested, how many of them would survive because of their robust immigration policies and how many would have to hit the pause button? 

President Ramaphosa on Sunday listed five action points he hopes would address the issue of illegal migration: cracking down on violations of South Africa’s immigration, labour and other laws, preventing illegal entry, stamping out corruption in the immigration system, strengthening immigration policies, and engaging other African countries to “forge a broader response to migration challenges across our continent and regions”.

It would be great if the fifth point in particular is tabled at the next meeting of African leaders or their foreign ministers so that the dream of making travel across Africa easier and faster with e-visas can become true for every single country on the continent without citizens having to worry that their brothers and sisters from across the continent are coming for their jobs. 

But even as President Ramaphosa has promised to address the issue of the economy and immigration, there are still a few questions that still bug me. What happens later this month when the June 30 ultimatum issued by the protesters is up? How exactly will the South African government ensure the pressure group does not carry out whatever plans it has for that day? What security measures are in place or will be in place for legal migrants from other African nations living in South Africa? And will the South African government seek out and start deporting illegal immigrants before June 30?

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Nii Akrofi Smart-Abbey is an award-winning international journalist, writer, and host of the A55 Podcast. Nii Akrofi has worked with local and international media in  Ghana , Congo and the United States. He has contributed to news platforms like Zenger News, Africanews, W42ndST, and foreignpresscorrespondents.com.

This year alone, Togo announced visa-free access for all African passport holders. That means Africans can enter the country without going through a visa application process. Ghana also introduced a free e-visa initiative during its Africa Day celebrations.

While the policy still requires travellers to apply before arrival, the application itself comes at no cost. The distinction matters because one removes the process entirely, while the other removes the financial burden.

Additionally, at the African Development Bank meetings in Brazzaville, the Republic of Congo announced that from January 2027, Africans will no longer need visas to enter the country.

"As from the first of January 2027, nationals of all African countries will have visa-free access and will no longer need a visa to come to Congo," President Denis Sassou-Nguesso said .

Rwanda , Benin, Seychelles and The Gambia have already made similar moves in recent years, signalling a broader continental shift toward freer African movement.

But while many countries are opening doors, South Africa appears to be tightening its own.

In recent months, tensions surrounding African migrants and foreign-owned businesses have intensified in parts of South Africa. Groups of protesters and vigilantes have marched through cities such as Johannesburg, Durban and Pretoria, accusing other Africans of contributing to unemployment, crime and economic hardship. Some businesses owned by fellow Africans have reportedly been attacked or threatened during these demonstrations.

This contrast has created an uncomfortable conversation across the continent.

South Africa’s concerns are not entirely disconnected from reality. The country faces serious economic pressures, including high unemployment , inequality and frustration among many citizens who feel left behind. But the challenge lies in how those frustrations are directed. When economic hardship turns into hostility against fellow Africans, it raises difficult questions about continental solidarity.

Footage showed passengers arriving in buses and immigration vehicles, carrying luggage through the airport before gathering at check-in counters.

“We all know what is happening, and it’s not comfortable for us to be here anymore,” one traveller said. “Home sweet home, so we have to go.”

Another passenger said he did not intend to return to South Africa.

Despite the departures, Ghana’s High Commissioner to South Africa, Benjamin Quashie, insisted relations between the two countries remained stable.

“There is no diplomatic row,” Quashie said, adding that the repatriation process had been coordinated with South African authorities, including the Department of Home Affairs and security services.

According to the commissioner, about 326 Ghanaian nationals reported for departure, although the aircraft could only accommodate 300 passengers. Additional charter flights are expected within days.

The Ghana High Commission said more than 800 Ghanaian nationals have registered for the state-assisted return programme.

The departures come amid rising anti-migrant sentiment in South Africa, where protesters have accused foreign nationals of taking jobs, increasing crime and putting pressure on public services .

“At the same time, we have experienced a high influx of undocumented immigrants,” Ramaphosa said. “This phenomenon has intersected with economic hardship and unemployment, contributing to tensions between some local communities and foreign nationals.”

He stressed that while many migrants had integrated into South African society and contributed positively, violence against foreign nationals could not be justified.

“We have strongly condemned those of our citizens who took the law into their own hands,” he added.

The remarks came during Ramaphosa’s state visit to Botswana, where both leaders pledged to strengthen cooperation on trade , investment and regional development.

President Boko called for deeper economic collaboration between the two neighbouring countries, saying there was still significant untapped potential in trade and investment.

South Africa and Botswana are holding the sixth session of the Botswana-South Africa Bi-National Commission, with several new agreements expected to be signed.

The Atlantic route accounted for around 9,757 deaths in 2024, making it the deadliest migratory passage in the world. Caminando Fronteras also notes the increasing cases via the Algerian/Mediterranean route, which accounted for almost half of the victims.

2025 registered a drop in illegal migration along Europe’s maritime routes. A report shows that about 17,000 migrants made it to Spain’s Canary Islands in 2025, just 40% of the previous year’s numbers. Another report indicates a drop in migrant mortality, but reveals that 70 boats disappeared with everyone on board, casting a shadow on the decline.

For the families of Senegalese migrants who brave that terrifying journey across the Atlantic on wooden boats commonly known as pirogues – only to die or disappear before reaching Spain’s Canary Islands – the crisis offers numbing anxiety and despair.

Children, whose parents vanished in the sea, have been left with limited or no care, struggling with unspoken trauma , often engaging in child labour to afford their day-to-day basic necessities. Some hang onto the hope that their parents will show up one day, a longing that gradually spirals into hopelessness and nightmares.

Eleven-year-old Sokhna’s father perished in a pirogue fire in 2022 and now lives with her equally traumatised mother. “I always think about my father when I see the sea,” she confesses to AFP, adding: “When I dream about him and I’m scared because I really feel like he’s talking to me, the next day I go see my grandmother.”

Poverty is a major push factor for Africans who opt for these dreadful journeys, seeking greener pastures on the other side of the sea. Boats keep loading beyond their capacity, despite the obvious risks.

“One day, my father told my brother and me that he wanted to go to Spain and asked us what we thought. I said to him, ‘Dad, don’t go, don’t leave me alone, I only have you and Mum’,” Sokhna recalls her father’s burning desire to seek opportunities that would enable him to take care of her then hospitalised mother and the rest of the family.

This situation reflects the reality of thousands of children in Senegal and across West and North Africa who live with unanswered questions and regrets.

Europe’s attempts to patrol its waters and provide funding to African countries to help fight illegal migration are moderately succeeding in reducing the numbers, but it does not address fundamental issues like human rights concerns : arbitrary arrests, detention of innocent people, and forced returns.

Equally noteworthy, the policy does not fix the problem’s root causes, particularly the socio-economic hardship that pushes thousands to risk precious life. With widespread corruption and management gaps, the funding is largely diverted to the benefit of political actors, offering less or no relief to the masses who bear the brunt of unemployment and deprivation.

More importantly, the EU’s approach does little to provide relief to the victims’ suffering families, which deepens poverty and inequality, thereby fuelling the continuity of the risky treks.

It is commendable that Europe acknowledges that the problem should be addressed from the source. But this realisation must be backed by robust, evidence-based actions that not only prevent illegal migrants from getting to European shores, but also foster genuine collaboration with different players in African communities, both in government and civil society. The response should aim at eradicating the push factors, especially through advancing people’s human development.

The article solely represents the views of Simpson Muhwezi, a Ugandan freelance writer and development practitioner.

Somalia’s humanitarian crisis has reached a boiling point: 6.5 million people face acute food insecurity , 2 million at emergency hunger levels. Central and northern Somalia, along with Jubaland State are the worst affected. Jubaland alone hosts half a million distressed people, many of whom are still reeling from lost plantations and hundreds of livestock to prolonged drought and disease.

The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) estimates that approximately 62,000 people have been displaced by drought across five districts in Somalia since the beginning of 2026, with at least three out of every four new displacements attributed to severe climatic events.

“The positive forecasts bring hope that there will be rain in the coming weeks, but even with these rains, it is unlikely that we will see significant improvement in food insecurity and malnutrition, because this comes after multiple failed rainy seasons across the country,” notes Francesca Sangiorgi, Save the Children’s Humanitarian Director. She emphasises the damage that Somalia’s erratic rains inflict on critical infrastructure, which hampers service delivery. 

Francesca’s concerns are echoed in IOM’s projection that about 125,000 more people will likely be displaced by drought in the second quarter of 2026 despite the expected rains between April and June. 

Additionally, a Save the Children report estimates that 1.8 million children under five will suffer from acute malnutrition in 2026, including severe cases, while millions lose access to critical services like immunisation as foreign-funded programmes are suspended due to budget gaps.

Foreign aid cuts have left over 80% of humanitarian services unfunded , impeding people’s access to healthcare, nutrition and education in the camps. The US-Israel-Iran conflict has also diverted global attention and disrupted global trade routes, fuelling food insecurity, given that Somalia imports more than 70% of its food. A recent spike in fuel prices and the cost of staple foods like maize and sorghum has worsened the problem.

“There’s no assistance on the horizon. Nothing we’re expecting as of today. I don’t know tomorrow. There’s no sight of any assistance from any quarter or from any humanitarian actor,” says Ali Aden Ali, Jubaland’s Commissioner for Refugees and IDPs. 

The spectre of devastation is evident across several IDP camps in the East African country. In Kismayo, which hosts about half a million people – the majority of them women and children – a cloud of anguish and hopelessness hangs over displaced families at risk of secondary displacement in search of the basic necessities of life.

Somalia’s situation highlights the need for strategic investment in climate change mitigation. Countries facing drought-induced displacement must prioritise disaster preparedness, post-disaster management, and climate‑resilient agriculture in the hardest-hit regions. This could boost local food production and help curb forced migration and food insecurity.

The article solely represents the views of Simpson Muhwezi,  a Ugandan freelance writer and development practitioner.

Recent reporting indicates a noticeable decline in the number of Pacific Australia Labour Mobility (PALM) scheme workers seeking asylum in Vanuatu. This shift suggests tighter migration oversight and possibly changing economic incentives both within Vanuatu and in destination countries like Australia. Officials have pointed out that earlier spikes in asylum requests were often tied to labour mobility gaps and worker dissatisfaction abroad. The current drop may reflect improved bilateral coordination or stricter enforcement mechanisms. What this really means is that Vanuatu is recalibrating its position within regional labour flows. The PALM scheme has long been a critical income pipeline for households, so any contraction in asylum-related activity could signal either stabilisation or reduced access to alternative migration pathways.

Supreme Court rejects application lacking legal merit

The Vanuatu Supreme Court has dismissed a recent application on the basis that it “lacks legal merit”, reinforcing judicial scrutiny over cases perceived as weak or procedurally flawed. While specific litigants were not detailed in the brief, rulings like this typically hinge on insufficient evidence, jurisdictional issues, or failure to meet statutory thresholds. This decision underscores the judiciary’s role in maintaining procedural discipline. It also sends a clear signal to litigants and legal practitioners: the courts are not a venue for speculative or poorly grounded claims. In a small but increasingly complex legal system, these rulings help manage caseload pressure and uphold institutional credibility.

Former prime minister calls for non-alignment stance

A former prime minister has publicly urged Vanuatu to maintain its long-standing non-alignment policy , particularly amid intensifying geopolitical competition in the Pacific. The call reflects growing concern over external influence from major powers seeking strategic footholds in the region. The catch is that Vanuatu’s foreign policy has historically balanced relationships across competing blocs. The former leader’s position reinforces that “non-alignment is not neutrality, but strategic independence”, a framing often used in Pacific diplomacy. The renewed emphasis suggests internal debate about whether economic partnerships are beginning to blur political autonomy.

Prison sentence reforms raise capacity concerns

Proposals or trends toward longer prison sentences are triggering concerns about correctional facility capacity in Vanuatu. With infrastructure already limited, any increase in incarceration duration could quickly lead to overcrowding, resource strain, and human rights challenges. Officials and analysts are likely weighing a difficult trade-off: tougher sentencing as a deterrent versus the practical limits of the prison system. Without parallel investment in facilities or alternative sentencing frameworks, the system risks becoming unsustainable. This issue sits at the intersection of justice policy and state capacity, and it is not easily resolved.

Passport inquiry controversy and political accountability

Former prime minister Sato Kilman has not been summoned in an ongoing passport-related inquiry and has denied any allegations tied to the case. The situation points to continuing scrutiny over Vanuatu’s citizenship and passport programmes, which have faced international attention in recent years. Even without a formal summons, the political implications are significant. Allegations around passport schemes often raise questions about governance, transparency, and due diligence. Kilman’s denial adds another layer to an already sensitive issue, particularly as Vanuatu navigates external pressure to tighten oversight of its citizenship-by-investment framework.

In the footage, the man being confronted appears visibly uncomfortable. The exchange is not a conversation but a confrontation that involves intimidation.

South Africa dismantled apartheid in 1994, a system that was based on profiling and exclusion. The country has a history that reflects the effects of discrimination and being told one does not belong.

For many years, Africans have criticised restrictive migration policies in Western countries, where migrants are often labelled as illegal or a burden. These actions have been widely challenged.

Astronaut Victor Glover has also observed that from space , there are no visible borders on Earth, only one planet and one people.

If laws are being broken by immigrants, legal systems exist to address such issues. However, when individuals confront and intimidate others in public spaces, it raises concerns about harassment and the limits of civilian action.

That figure places Java ahead of major countries, including Russia, Japan, Mexico and Ethiopia, according to demographic comparisons circulating widely online and reflected in global population data.

With more than half of Indonesia’s roughly 282 million people living on Java, the island accounts for about 55% of the country’s population despite covering only a small fraction of its landmass.

Globally, this concentration is striking as roughly 1 in every 50 people on Earth lives on Java alone.

The island’s population exceeds that of Russia (around 143–146 million), Mexico (around 130 million), Japan (about 122–123 million), Ethiopia (about 132–135 million), and the Democratic Republic of Congo (over 100 million), based on recent international estimates.

Java’s outsized population is closely tied to its economic dominance. The island hosts Indonesia’s capital, Jakarta, along with major industrial hubs and infrastructure networks that draw migration from across the archipelago.

This concentration has created one of the most densely populated regions globally, with more than 1,100 people per square kilometre in some areas.

While this density fuels economic productivity, it also places strain on housing, transport systems and environmental resources. Policymakers have long attempted to ease pressure through “ transmigration ” programmes aimed at redistributing people to less populated islands, with mixed success.

The comparison between Java and sovereign nations highlights a broader demographic reality that population is increasingly concentrated in specific urban and regional clusters rather than evenly distributed across countries.

What this really means is that geographic size no longer correlates with population weight. Russia, the world’s largest country by land area, has fewer people than a single Indonesian island.

More than 110,000 Syrians acquired EU citizenship last year, making them the largest group by country of origin. Moroccans followed with just over 97,000 new citizens, reinforcing their long-standing position among the top nationalities obtaining EU passports.

The data highlights how geopolitical instability and economic migration continue to shape citizenship trends across the bloc. Syrians, many of whom arrived during the peak of the refugee crisis beginning in 2015, are now transitioning from asylum status to full citizenship in host countries such as Germany, Sweden, and the Netherlands.

Moroccan nationals, by contrast, reflect more established migration corridors, particularly into France, Spain, Belgium, and Italy, driven by historical ties and labour demand.

Albania ranked third, with around 48,000 new EU citizens, followed by Türkiye (41,300) and Romania (39,900). While Romania is itself an EU member state, the figures reflect intra-EU mobility and naturalisation processes across member countries.

Citizenship grants were not limited to Europe’s immediate neighbourhood. Venezuela (37,500), Ukraine (34,400), India (33,800), Russia (31,000), and Brazil (30,100) also featured among the top ten origin countries.

The presence of Venezuelans reflects ongoing economic and political instability in Latin America, while Ukrainians continue to move across the EU amid the ongoing war with Russia. Indian and Brazilian nationals highlight skilled migration flows, particularly into countries with labour shortages in technology, healthcare, and engineering sectors.

Eurostat data shows that 88% of new EU citizenship recipients in 2024 came from non-EU countries , underscoring the bloc’s role as a destination for global migration. Only 11% were previously citizens of other EU member states, reflecting comparatively lower rates of intra-EU naturalisation.

This distribution signals that citizenship acquisition remains closely tied to long-term settlement of third-country nationals rather than mobility within the union.

This big figure strains resources, as Nigeria battles economic hardship and rising inflation, threatening the survival of many, especially the poor and unemployed, according to  a recent study .

The displacement crisis in Africa’s most populous country is fuelled by persistent conflict, harsh climatic events, unfavourable environmental circumstances and the desperate search for economic opportunity.

Dimanche Sharon, IOM’s Chief of Mission in the West African nation, highlights their efforts to provide basics like water, shelter and protection to help the displaced cope and safely return to their homes.

However, she notes the need to address the underlying causes of internal displacement, such as building resilient communities and fostering collaborations across government institutions and development partners, for sustainability.

“When they return home, for instance, when communities receive these displaced populations... they need economic opportunities and support so they can move forward in dignity,” she adds, revealing that over 9,000 migrants from Edo State have been helped to return to their homes and that the organisation has supported approximately 8,000 to rebuild their lives.

Meanwhile, the IOM’s strategic priorities include saving lives by providing immediate humanitarian assistance, offering protection services and facilitating processes that enable displaced people to recover and reconstruct.

Internal displacement is not unique to Nigeria. According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC), about 35 million people in Africa were considered internally displaced by the end of 2023, with conflict and violence accounting for 32.5 million, including Sudan’s approximately 10.1 million .

This is deeply concerning, especially as the African Union seeks to achieve a “conflict-free continent with harmony among communities at the grassroots level and inter–state and intra-state wars eliminated and mechanisms put in place to prevent and resolve conflicts”.

Nigeria’s humanitarian situation demonstrates the need to fill gaps in the country’s response capability and strategy to address conflict-inducing factors like non-state armed violence, weak state presence, limited access to justice and exposure to harsh environmental and climatic events.

The Nigerian government must work with relevant stakeholders to strengthen inclusiveness and shield vulnerable groups like women and girls, “who face heightened exposure to violence, neglect, discrimination, abuse and exploitation” when there are protection gaps .

This aligns with the legal framework for the protection of internally displaced persons, which demands that IDPs enjoy, equally and without discrimination, the same rights and freedoms under international and national law, just like other persons in their country.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

The growing pressure on Chile’s northern border

Over the past several years, Chile’s northern frontier has become one of the main migration routes into the country. Thousands of migrants, many travelling from Venezuela, Haiti and other parts of Latin America, have crossed through Bolivia before entering Chile via remote border points in the Andean plateau.

For Kast’s government, the situation represents a serious challenge to national security and state capacity. Officials argue that irregular crossings are linked not only to humanitarian migration but also to organised crime networks, including human trafficking, smuggling and drug transport routes operating across the Andean region.

The proposed border measures, therefore, go beyond a simple wall. The plan includes trenches, high fencing, electronic surveillance systems, drones and an expanded military presence along vulnerable sections of the frontier.

A difficult border to control

The border between Chile and Bolivia runs for roughly 860 kilometres across one of the most inhospitable landscapes in the world. Much of it cuts through high-altitude desert terrain in the Atacama Desert, where temperatures fluctuate dramatically, and infrastructure is scarce.

Policing such terrain has always been difficult. Even today, large sections of the frontier remain largely unmonitored.

For critics, this raises doubts about the practical effectiveness of building walls in such an environment . They argue that migration routes tend to adapt quickly to new barriers, often shifting to more remote or dangerous paths.

Regional and diplomatic implications

The proposal has also generated discussion in Bolivia, where some officials and analysts worry about the potential diplomatic impact of a heavily fortified border.

Relations between the two countries have long been shaped by historical tensions dating back to the War of the Pacific, which left Bolivia landlocked after losing its coastline to Chile.

Although trade and cross-border movement have continued in the decades since, the idea of a physical barrier raises concerns about the future dynamics of mobility and cooperation in the region.

At the same time, migration across the Andes is rarely a purely bilateral issue. Many migrants travelling through Bolivia have already crossed several countries before reaching Chile, making the phenomenon part of a much broader regional migration system.

The difficulty of naturalisation typically depends on several factors, including minimum residency requirements, language proficiency standards, financial thresholds, cultural integration tests and restrictions on dual citizenship.

Some countries are also said to operate highly discretionary systems. Even if applicants technically meet eligibility criteria, final approval may rest with interior ministries or heads of state.

In short, strict timelines, limited approvals and political discretion combine to make certain passports exceptionally difficult to acquire.

The 10 hardest countries to get citizenship

Qatar

Qatar is widely cited as one of the most restrictive citizenship regimes in the world. Under Qatari law, foreigners must generally reside in the country for 25 years before applying, speak Arabic fluently and demonstrate good conduct. Even then, approvals are capped annually and granted at the discretion of authorities. Naturalisation numbers remain extremely low relative to the country’s large expatriate population.

Vatican City

Citizenship in Vatican City is not granted through traditional naturalisation. It is tied to employment or official roles within the Holy See. When a person’s service ends, Vatican citizenship typically ends as well, making it functionally impossible to obtain through standard residency pathways.

Liechtenstein

Liechtenstein requires long-term residence, often 30 years, though time spent as a minor may count differently, and approval at both municipal and national levels. According to Global Citizen Solutions, local community votes can influence decisions, making the process highly selective.

Bhutan

Bhutan’s citizenship framework is rooted in strict national identity laws. Applicants must meet lengthy residency requirements, demonstrate cultural assimilation and obtain government approval. The country maintains tight controls over naturalisation to preserve its demographic balance.

Saudi Arabia

Saudi citizenship is difficult to secure without lineage. While the kingdom introduced reforms allowing certain highly skilled professionals to apply, approvals remain rare. Applicants must meet residency, language and background requirements, and the process is highly discretionary.

Kuwait

Kuwait has one of the most restrictive nationality laws globally. Naturalisation is limited and often prioritises specific categories, such as long-standing residents with particular qualifications. Stateless populations in Kuwait highlight how tightly controlled citizenship remains.

Switzerland

Switzerland’s naturalisation process is rigorous and decentralised. Applicants typically need 10 years of residency, must demonstrate integration and language skills, and are assessed at federal, cantonal and municipal levels. Local authorities can reject applications based on community integration criteria.

China

China does not generally recognise dual citizenship and rarely grants naturalisation. According to official Chinese nationality law, applicants must have close relatives who are Chinese nationals or other legitimate reasons for approval, which are narrowly interpreted.

North Korea

Citizenship in North Korea is largely determined by birth and state classification systems. There is no transparent or accessible naturalisation pathway for foreign nationals.

Japan

Japan requires five years of residence for naturalisation, proof of financial stability and renunciation of previous citizenship in most cases. While not impossible, Passportivity notes that Japan’s prohibition on dual nationality and detailed background checks make the process demanding.

United Arab Emirates (UAE)

Historically, UAE citizenship was almost unattainable for expatriates. In 2021, the government introduced amendments allowing select investors, scientists and professionals to be nominated. However, approval remains invitation-based and tightly controlled.

According to a visual map analysis, the largest foreign national group varies significantly by prefecture, with Chinese, Brazilian and South Korean residents emerging as the most prominent communities depending on region.

Chinese nationals are the largest foreign national group in the majority of Japanese prefectures, especially across the northern, eastern and central regions of the country.

This aligns with official statistics from Japan’s Ministry of Justice, which show that as of mid-2025, Chinese residents represented the largest share of registered foreign nationals nationwide, numbering well over 800,000. Chinese communities have long been concentrated in urban centres such as Tokyo, Osaka and Aichi, but the map shows their influence spreading more broadly.

In several prefectures, notably parts of Aichi, Mie, Shizuoka and Gunma, Brazilian nationals stand out as the largest foreign group.

Brazilian migration to Japan has roots in the late 1980s and 1990s, when Japan’s immigration policies enabled descendants of Japanese emigrants (known as Nikkei) to return for work.

This has resulted in tight-knit Brazilian communities, particularly in manufacturing regions where labour demand historically drew migrant workers. According to Japan’s Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, Brazilians remain one of the top foreign national populations in the country.

South Korean nationals are the largest foreign group in a cluster of prefectures around the Kansai region, including Osaka and nearby areas.

The Korean community in Japan has deep historical roots, tracing back to the early 20th century. It remains one of the most established foreign groups in the country. South Koreans consistently rank among the top three foreign resident populations in national figures, and in select prefectures, they represent the single largest community.

Thailand’s gross domestic product surpassed forecasts in the fourth quarter of 2025, driven primarily by strong performance in the industrial and retail sectors. The briefing notes that full-year economic growth reached 2.4%, supported by investment momentum and targeted electric vehicle incentives. Government stimulus measures and rising exports also contributed to the stronger-than-expected performance. The data reflect a broader recovery pattern, with industrial output and domestic consumption playing central roles. Export growth and state-led economic stimulus were key pillars underpinning the expansion.

Investment momentum and EV incentives shape economic recovery

Thailand’s economy ended 2025 stronger than expected, boosting confidence in the new government. Data from the NESDC showed GDP grew 2.5% year-on-year in the fourth quarter, up from 1.2% in Q3 and above market forecasts. Investment drove the late-year rebound, jumping 8.1% in the fourth quarter, the fastest pace since 2016 and up from 1.4% in Q3. Private investment rose 6.5%, led by spending on industrial machinery and office equipment as business confidence improved. The government’s EV 3.0 incentive scheme also spurred demand, with consumers rushing to buy electric vehicles before subsidies expired, lifting durable goods spending 12.2%. Overall household consumption grew 3.3%, supported by low inflation and loose monetary policy despite high household debt.

Demographic shift towards an ageing society pressures labour and welfare systems

Thailand’s population growth has slowed to 0.42% , the lowest rate since the census began, according to preliminary results from the National Statistical Office’s 2025 population and household census. The 12th population census and sixth household census recorded 70.3 million people and 26.3 million households. While the population is still rising, growth is slowing sharply, with annual births significantly down compared with previous years.

Security operations intensify along the northern and eastern borders

Smuggling syndicates along the Malaysia–Thailand border in Kelantan have shifted tactics, using sea routes and landing along the Kelantan River after tighter security at the Golok River. PGA Southeast Brigade Commander SAC Ahmad Radzi Hussain said syndicates are now bringing illegal immigrants by boat through tributaries to remote villages away from monitoring posts. Between Jan 1 and February 13, the PGA arrested 84 illegal immigrants (75 men, nine women). The largest group were Myanmar nationals (31), followed by Bangladeshis (19), Thais (17), Nepalis (10), Indians (4), Indonesians (2), and one Nigerian.

Government sets 2026 export targets

Thailand’s Commerce Ministry is aiming for Bt142bn in exports in 2026 through about 700 initiatives. Sunanta Kangvalkulkij said the plan could support over 294,500 Thai businesses. Measures include online promotion via thaitrade.com, trade fairs, business matching, overseas outreach, and franchise support. A US trade mission will run from February 24–28, with firms such as Otis McAllister Inc. joining talks on boosting Thai exports. In March, the Thailand’s Best Friend Project will honour around 20 major global importers, while the Special Task Force Project will target new markets including China, India, Saudi Arabia, Vietnam, plus Africa and Latin America.

Bad Bunny’s use of the word “Americans” reflects a broader cultural and geographic identity that includes people across the entire American continent, not just citizens of the United States . In many parts of Latin America, “America” is understood as the landmass stretching from Canada to Argentina and Chile, a perspective that sees Latinos and others from the hemisphere as part of a shared continental identity. This contrasts with the narrower US usage of “American” to mean citizens of the United States .

His remarks resonated at a time when immigration, identity and national belonging are central issues in political and public debate in the United States. Discussions around border enforcement, deportations and the treatment of migrant communities have intensified in recent years, often accompanied by polarising language. By stressing shared humanity and a broader, continental sense of belonging, Bad Bunny positioned his message against narratives that frame immigrants as outsiders.

His appeal to love over hatred, which he described as the most powerful response to division, reflected an attempt to shift the conversation away from fear and confrontation towards empathy and inclusion.

The moment gained widespread attention not only because it was part of a historic night for Latin music, with a Spanish-language album winning major awards, but also because it highlighted how cultural platforms can intersect with social and political issues. For many viewers in Latin America and beyond, his words underscored a sense of belonging that transcends national borders and reflects deep historical and cultural connections across the Americas.

According to ICE’s data , 56 people died in ICE custody between 2009 and 2017, during the Obama administration. From 2017 to 2020, under the first Trump administration, the number was 52. Between 2021 and 2024, during the Biden administration, ICE reported 26 deaths.

What emerges from ICE records and independent investigations is a pattern of medical vulnerability. Many of those who died had chronic illnesses, mental health conditions , or were recovering from trauma linked to migration and detention.

Causes of death listed by ICE include heart attacks, suicide, COVID-19 complications, dehydration, and other untreated or poorly managed medical conditions. Reviews cited by NPR and the American Immigration Lawyers Association have repeatedly found delays in care, ignored complaints, and failures to transfer detainees to hospitals in time.

What is obvious is how little this pattern changes with political leadership. Every administration has pledged improvements to detention standards, yet deaths continue to occur.

Immigration lawyers argue that detention itself is the central risk factor. Facilities are not designed to provide long-term or complex medical care, yet they routinely hold people with serious health needs.

The American Immigration Lawyers Association and other advocacy groups continue to push for alternatives to detention, particularly for asylum seekers and medically vulnerable individuals. They point to evidence that community-based supervision is not only safer but also more cost-effective and humane.

The record shows that deaths in ICE custody are not isolated incidents tied to a single president or policy shift. They are a recurring outcome of a detention system with longstanding medical failures and weak accountability.

The most pressing question now is no longer how the numbers compare across administrations, but why preventable deaths continue to happen in the first place..

At the heart of the trend is a simple calculation many households make every day: where can work actually pay enough to build a life? Wage gaps between African economies and popular destinations such as Europe, North America and the Gulf states continue to pull skilled and semi-skilled workers across borders.

But for others, travel is not a choice — it is survival. Conflict and instability in parts of the continent have pushed families to move quickly, sometimes with little more than what they can carry. As the report notes, wars and violence in places such as Sudan, South Sudan, the Sahel and the Horn of Africa have made migration a “survival strategy” for many. 

Climate change is also accelerating movement, especially from rural communities. Drought, desertification, flooding and falling agricultural yields are disrupting farming and pastoral livelihoods, making migration an increasingly necessary adaptation.

The impact of this growing diaspora is complex. Remittances sent home have become a financial lifeline for millions, helping families afford food, healthcare, education and housing. In some cases surpassing foreign aid. Yet the same trend can deepen “brain drain”, as countries lose professionals such as doctors, engineers and teachers, weakening essential services and long-term development. 

The UN-backed ranking places Egypt, Sudan, Morocco, South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo among Africa’s largest migrant-sending nations, reflecting both economic ambition and forced displacement.

The Return to Homeland Plan was initially established by Venezuelan authorities as a mechanism to assist citizens abroad, particularly those facing legal or humanitarian challenges, to return and reintegrate. The programme has seen multiple flights in recent years, with thousands of Venezuelans voluntarily or involuntarily returned home as part of state-facilitated repatriation efforts. Venezuelan officials frame the plan as a dignified response to the hardships many nationals have endured overseas, while coordinating with foreign counterparts on deportation logistics.

Internationally, the resumption of these flights reflects broader trends in migration policy and bilateral negotiations. The U.S. has increased deportations of Venezuelan migrants amid shifts in immigration enforcement, while Venezuela’s acceptance of returnees operates within its own political and social strategy for addressing the Venezuelan diaspora. As these movements continue, the Return to Homeland Plan remains a focal point for debate over human rights , migration governance and the responsibilities of sending and receiving states.

At the centre of the phenomenon is a long-running community conservation effort. Volunteers gather daily at a designated feeding ground on the outskirts of the village, where grain is laid out to protect the birds from disturbance and village traffic.

The tradition dates back to the 1970s, when a small feeding practice gradually attracted more cranes each year. As participation grew, so did the numbers, with more than 30,000 birds recorded by 2014. Arriving as early as August and staying until March, the cranes have turned Khichan into one of India’s most unusual and well-known seasonal wildlife havens.

The decision, outlined in a recent policy update, has immediate implications for families, workers, and migrants across Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and parts of Latin America .

The suspension primarily affects immigrant visas, meaning individuals seeking permanent residence in the United States are the most impacted. This includes family-sponsored visas, diversity visas, and certain employment-based pathways.

Non-immigrant visas such as tourist, student, and short-term work visas may still be issued in some cases, but the overall message is clear that permanent migration routes into the US are being sharply narrowed.

According to the Trump administration, the move is part of a broader effort to tighten immigration controls, strengthen national security, and protect domestic employment.

The 75 countries span multiple continents, including Somalia, Iran, Russia, Afghanistan, Nigeria, Ghana, Rwanda, Yemen, Colombia, Cuba, Thailand, and Brazil.

“The State Department will use its long-standing authority to deem ineligible potential immigrants who would become a public charge on the United States and exploit the generosity of the American people. Immigrant visa processing from these 75 countries will be paused. At the same time, the State Department reassesses immigration processing procedures to prevent the entry of foreign nationals who would take welfare and public benefits,” said Tommy Pigott, Principal Deputy Spokesperson at the State Department.

This latest suspension does not exist in isolation. It follows months of restrictive measures , including travel bans, asylum limitations, and tighter vetting procedures, since Donald Trump returned to office.

Whether the policy will face successful legal opposition or be revised under political pressure remains uncertain. For now, millions of people across 75 countries are left waiting, watching, and recalculating their futures.

Full list of affected countries:

Afghanistan , Albania , Algeria , Antigua and Barbuda , Armenia , Azerbaijan , Bahamas , Bangladesh , Barbados , Belarus , Belize , Bhutan , Bosnia , Brazil , Cambodia , Cameroon , Cape Verde , Colombia , Democratic Republic of the Congo , Cuba , Dominica , Egypt , Eritrea , Ethiopia , Fiji , The Gambia , Georgia , Ghana , Grenada , Guatemala , Guinea , Haiti , Iran , Iraq , Ivory Coast , Jamaica , Jordan , Kazakhstan , Kosovo , Kuwait , Kyrgyzstan , Laos , Lebanon , Liberia , Libya , North Macedonia , Moldova , Mongolia , Montenegro , Morocco , Myanmar , Nepal , Nicaragua , Nigeria , Pakistan , Republic of the Congo , Russia , Rwanda , Saint Kitts and Nevis , Saint Lucia , Saint Vincent and the Grenadines , Senegal , Sierra Leone , Somalia , South Sudan , Sudan , Syria , Tanzania , Thailand , Togo , Tunisia , Uganda , Uruguay , Uzbekistan and Yemen .

DHS Secretary Kristi Noem explained that the temporary “departure bonus” aims to facilitate voluntary returns during the holiday period. “If you wish to return voluntarily to your country of origin and are illegally present in the US, we will provide $3,000 and a plane ticket to help you get home,” Noem told Fox News . She emphasised that the programme is valid only until the end of the year.

The initiative follows an earlier scheme announced in May, which offered $1,000 and a return flight for migrants opting for voluntary departure. Noem stressed that those who wait to be intercepted, detained, or deported through enforcement channels may lose the opportunity to return legally in the future.

Migrants seeking to participate are advised to download and use the official CBP Home app to coordinate their departures. The DHS has indicated it will prioritise ensuring participants reach their home countries in time for Christmas, framing the programme as a combination of logistical support and financial incentive aimed at encouraging voluntary compliance with immigration rules.

A total of 68 African nationals have been repatriated from Ghana’s Ashanti Region to their respective countries following court rulings over criminal activities, including involvement in the Q-Net scam and prostitution. Ashanti Regional Minister Dr Frank Amoakohene announced in a Facebook post on December 18, 2025, that those deported included 42 Nigerians, 13 Cameroonians, seven Beninese, three Ivorians, and three Burkinabe nationals. He said the repatriations were carried out in line with due process and commended the Ghana Immigration Service for its professionalism, diligence, and collaboration with the courts and other security agencies in enforcing immigration laws and maintaining public safety.

Ghana to receive additional $385m from IMF programme

Ghana is set to receive an additional $385 million under its Extended Credit Facility programme after the Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund completed the fifth review of the arrangement. The disbursement brings total IMF support under the 39-month, $3 billion programme approved in May 2023 to about $2.8 billion. In a statement issued from Washington, DC, the IMF said Ghana’s performance under the programme had been generally satisfactory, with all quantitative targets for the review met. The Fund noted that economic growth through September 2025 exceeded expectations, inflation had declined into the Bank of Ghana’s target range, and the external sector strengthened due to robust gold and cocoa exports. While acknowledging progress in financial sector reforms and debt restructuring, the IMF cautioned that vulnerabilities persist in state-owned banks and called for stronger governance and supervision.

Youth unemployment flagged as national security concern

New data from the Ghana Statistical Service show that about 1.3 million young people aged 15 to 24 were not in employment, education, or training in the third quarter of 2025, representing 21.5 per cent of that age group. Reacting to the figures on a local radio channel, Citi FM, on December 18, Youth Development and Employment Minister George Opare Addo described the situation as alarming and warned that rising youth unemployment poses a serious national security threat. He said the John Mahama-led administration would intensify efforts to reduce unemployment and re-engage young people in productive economic activities as part of broader measures to safeguard national stability.

Ghana deploys troops abroad amid regional and international crises

Ghana has deployed military personnel to Jamaica and Benin in moves that signal an expansion of its South-South cooperation and regional security role. At a send-off parade in Accra on December 17, President John Mahama said the 14 Engineer Brigade deployed to Jamaica would focus on reconstruction rather than combat following the devastation caused by Hurricane Melissa, which killed more than 45 people and displaced hundreds of thousands. Ghana is also contributing about 100 personnel to the ECOWAS Standby Force in Benin after an attempted coup earlier in December. While authorities in Benin say the situation is under control, Ghanaian troops remain part of efforts to safeguard constitutional order, even as the deployments have sparked domestic debate over costs, priorities, and executive authority.

Ghana signs WTO law advisory accession protocol in Geneva

Ghana has signed the accession protocol to the Advisory Centre on WTO Law, gaining access to specialised legal support for trade disputes. The agreement was signed on December 18, 2025, in Geneva by Ghana’s Ambassador to the WTO, Emmanuel Asiedu Antwi, making Ghana one of 39 developing countries eligible for discounted legal services and training under the centre. The Advisory Centre provides confidential legal advice, representation in dispute settlement proceedings, and capacity-building programmes. While officials say the move will strengthen Ghana’s ability to defend its trade interests, the signing comes amid longstanding concerns about the country’s regulatory capacity and compliance with WTO notification obligations, highlighted during its most recent Trade Policy Review.

This global dispersal is the result of decades of outward migration driven by revolution, economic pressure, and recurring human-rights crises.

The largest Iranian communities have taken root in the United States, home to more than one million people of Iranian ancestry, as well as in Canada, Germany, Australia, and across Western Europe. In these countries, Iranian migrants have built thriving cultural and professional networks, enriching global cities with Persian heritage while remaining closely attuned to political developments in Iran.

Large-scale migration began in the aftermath of the 1979 Iranian Revolution and continued through successive waves shaped by sanctions, economic instability, and state repression. Over time, this diaspora has evolved into a transnational force, increasingly vocal and organised, with the ability to influence public opinion and policy far beyond Iran’s borders.

That influence has become evident amid mounting global tensions. In December 2025, the Nobel Peace Prize committee publicly condemned the “brutal” arrest of Iranian laureate and women’s rights activist Narges Mohammadi, triggering protests and advocacy campaigns led by Iranian communities abroad. Her detention has become a rallying point for diaspora-driven calls for accountability and reform.

The reach of diaspora activism is also extending into international legal arenas. Survivors of Iran’s 2022 “Women, Life, Freedom” protests, an uprising that drew widespread support from Iranians overseas, recently filed criminal complaints in Argentina, accusing Iranian officials of crimes against humanity. The move underscores how diaspora networks are helping transform street-level protest into sustained legal and diplomatic pressure.

For many Iranians living abroad, distance has not weakened their connection to home. Instead, it has sharpened it.

Reports of Iranians stranded in Dubai during the regional conflict highlight the emotional toll of living between worlds, physically separated from Iran yet deeply affected by every new development. As global tensions rise, the Iranian diaspora continues to grow not only in size but in influence, shaping the international conversation around Iran’s future.

Mongolia Prime Minister Zandanshatar Gombojav has directed a government working group to accelerate the implementation of Mongolia’s National Anti-Corruption Program, first approved by parliament in May 2023. The directive was issued during a meeting held on December 9, 2025, at the State Palace. Chaired by First Deputy Chief of Cabinet Secretariat Munkh-Erdene Dembereltseren, the group includes state secretaries from all ministries. Discussions focused on progress in combating corruption, addressing root causes of graft, preventing conflicts of interest, and strengthening the justice system. The Prime Minister stressed leadership, transparency, and integrity across all levels of public service and announced that 2026 will be designated the “Year of Strengthening Discipline and Accountability in the Civil Service,” amid concerns over Mongolia’s declining ranking in Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index.

Parliamentary inquiry intensifies scrutiny of Oyu Tolgoi mining project

A high-profile parliamentary inquiry into the Oyu Tolgoi mining project continued last week, led by MP O. Batnairamdal. More than 300 current and former officials and company representatives have been summoned to testify over three days. The hearings are examining Mongolia’s ownership of natural resources, benefit-sharing arrangements, and the possibility of renegotiating the investment agreement. Witnesses included former presidents, senior government officials, and Oyu Tolgoi executives, who addressed issues such as classified documents, loan interest negotiations, and governance decisions. Several testimonies and statements drew public attention, and the inquiry is expected to continue with further evidence review.

Mongolia and UN discuss SDGs and desertification conference

Prime Minister Zandanshatar met with UN Resident Coordinator Jaap van Hierden on December 10, 2025, to discuss accelerating the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals and preparations for hosting the 17th Conference of the Parties to the UN Convention to Combat Desertification in August 2026. The Prime Minister reaffirmed Mongolia’s commitment to cooperation with the UN and highlighted draft reforms aimed at increasing transparency in political and election financing under the UN Convention against Corruption. The UN reiterated its support for addressing Mongolia’s social and economic challenges, reducing inequality, creating jobs, and advancing energy and digital transitions.

Mongolia recovers smuggled dinosaur fossils from France

Mongolia has successfully repatriated 29 sets of dinosaur fossils that were illegally smuggled out of the country and seized by French authorities in 2013 and 2015. The official handover ceremony took place in Paris on December 11, 2025, following a confirmed investigation establishing the fossils’ origin in the Mongolian Gobi Desert. The collection includes remains of Tarbosaurus, Theropods, Ornithomimosaurs, and Hadrosaurs, dating back 65 to 70 million years. Officials said the return concludes nearly a decade of cooperation between Mongolian and French authorities.

Mongolia participates in IOM Council session in Geneva

The Mongolian delegation took part in the 116th Session of the International Organisation for Migration Council, held from December 8 to 10, 2025, in Geneva. Led by Permanent Representative Gerelmaa Davaasuren, the delegation engaged in discussions with representatives from 175 member states and other stakeholders on global migration challenges. Mongolia highlighted cooperation with IOM on safe, orderly, and humane migration, while IOM Director General Amy Pope thanked Mongolia for its continued support and announced plans to launch an IOM Country Office in the nation’s capital, Ulaanbaatar.

The visual, which differs from census data from 1841 with figures from 2020, highlights what historians and economists describe as one of Europe’s most significant population transformations, rooted in famine, migration and the long-term pull of urban growth.

The above map serves as a reminder of the devastation caused by the Great Famine, which reduced the population by millions through death and mass emigration.

In 1841, population density was highest in rural, agriculturally dependent counties. County Cork alone recorded 855,000 residents, while Galway, Mayo, Tipperary and Donegal each exceeded 300,000.

These figures highlight how densely settled rural Ireland was before the Great Famine, a period that, according to the Central Statistics Office (CSO), resulted in more than 1 million deaths and another 1 million emigrants, beginning a population collapse from which many counties have never recovered.

By 2020, the distribution looks almost reversed. Dublin emerged as the dominant centre, with more than 1.35 million people in its greater metropolitan area, nearly triple its 1841 population and far surpassing that of any other county.

Meanwhile, rural counties that once formed the core of Ireland’s population have dramatically smaller numbers: Mayo, for example, which held over 388,000 people in 1841, recorded around 130,000 in 2020. County Cork’s population, though still high, stands around 540,000, significantly lower than its pre-famine peak.

Families reported spending nights outdoors near the border crossing, with limited access to shelter, food, and basic services . Several migrants described the journey north as their last attempt to find stability after struggling to secure work and legal status in Chile. Instead, they now face uncertainty in a space where neither country is allowing them to move freely.

The situation reflects rising tensions between Chile and Peru over migration flows, as both governments have increasingly tightened their border policies in recent months. For migrants, these shifts translate into immediate humanitarian consequences, particularly for those travelling with children, elderly relatives, or limited resources.

As entry into Peru remains restricted, some migrants have attempted to negotiate with officials, while others simply wait, hoping the authorities will eventually allow passage. Many expressed frustration at the absence of clear communication about what documents or procedures would allow them to cross, deepening their sense of abandonment in a region they do not consider home.

For those stranded at the border, the standoff has become more than a diplomatic dispute, it is a daily struggle for safety, dignity, and the chance to keep moving. With no resolution in sight, migrants remain trapped between two states, facing a humanitarian situation that neither country appears ready to fully address.

Today, states from Florida to Texas and Pennsylvania to California are home to vibrant and fast-growing Puerto Rican communities whose impact is reshaping American culture, politics, and demographics.

New York still holds the largest Puerto Rican population , with more than 1 million residents, continuing a legacy that spans decades. Florida follows closely with over 850,000, reflecting dramatic growth driven by economic opportunity and climate-driven migration.

New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, and Massachusetts also remain major centres, while emerging communities in states like Ohio, Georgia, Texas, and California highlight a broader national expansion.

These shifts align closely with findings from the U.S. Census Bureau, which documented a significant rise in Puerto Rican migration to the mainland after Hurricane Maria in 2017—an event described as one of the largest climate-related displacements in recent U.S. history.

Further analysis from the Pew Research Centre shows that the number of Puerto Ricans living in the continental U.S. surpassed the island’s population as early as 2006. That gap has continued to widen due to economic instability, prolonged recession, and more frequent hurricane devastation on the island

Economic factors remain major drivers of settlement patterns. Florida has become a preferred destination due to job availability, educational opportunities, and growing support networks, while Pennsylvania and Ohio attract families seeking affordability and stable employment.

In the South and Midwest, manufacturing, logistics, and service-sector growth have contributed to new enclaves forming in cities that historically had smaller Puerto Rican populations.

Speaking at the Santa Rosa immigration complex, Jeri said Peru’s borders have “long been known for their vulnerabilities” and stressed that the situation requires “serious reflection” as a matter of state policy . He explained that the government will pursue a coordinated, multisector response to strengthen security across border provinces, including those adjacent to Chile.

Jeri said the first step will be the declaration of a state of emergency, allowing the Army to support the National Police in securing border areas and preventing irregular activities “by individuals of other nationalities who may enter with different intentions.”

He also emphasised that only travellers with proper documentation will be allowed to enter, adding that tightening border controls is essential to ongoing efforts to tackle crime. Preventing people from entering “irregularly,” he said, is key to addressing the country’s broader security challenges.

The announcement comes shortly after Chilean presidential candidate Jose Kast visited the Chile–Peru border, where he pledged to expel Venezuelan migrants from Chile if elected. It also follows a period in which Peru has adopted increasingly forceful measures in response to rising crime rates nationwide.

From the North Atlantic’s isolation to Central Europe’s dense multilingual corridors, the Germanic languages continue to evolve in ways that mirror Europe’s ongoing transformations.

The languages are traditionally divided into two major branches: North Germanic, which is spoken largely in Scandinavia , and West Germanic, which includes English, German, Dutch, Frisian, and Scots.

On the map above, Icelandic and Faroese dominate the North Atlantic fringes, Norwegian, Danish, and Swedish sweep across Scandinavia, and German, Dutch, Frisian, Scots, and English cover much of Western and Central Europe.

According to Encyclopaedia Britannica , the Germanic language family is descended from a common Proto-Germanic ancestor emerging around the mid–1st millennium BCE.

Additionally, the world’s most widely spoken Germanic language, English, owes its global dominance to centuries of colonisation and international trade . There are over 1.4 billion English learners and speakers globally, making it a defining linguistic force in diplomacy, science, and technology.

Meanwhile, German remains the most widely spoken native language within the European Union, a fact with cultural and political implications amid ongoing debates over EU unity and economic leadership.

The North Germanic languages, though spoken by smaller populations, have some of the highest literacy rates and strongest preservation efforts in the world. Icelandic, for instance, deliberately resists borrowing from other languages, implementing unique Icelandic terms for modern concepts.

According to SCB Statistic s, Syrians make up the largest foreign-born population in many southern and central counties.

Their presence reflects migration patterns driven largely by the Syrian civil war and Sweden’s humanitarian response during the 2015 refugee influx.

Finns remain the largest foreign-born group in many northern counties, a long-standing pattern due to Sweden and Finland’s close historical, linguistic, and geographic ties.

Norway also appears as the top foreign-born group in one central county, consistent with the regular cross-border movement among Nordic citizens.

Iraqis stand out in Stockholm County, where long-term migration, family reunification, and labour opportunities have shaped the community over several decades.

Meanwhile, Eritreans form the largest foreign-born group in a key coastal county, reflecting ongoing migration from East Africa due to political instability and forced conscription.

This new data is especially relevant as Sweden engages in wider European discussions on migration management. The EU is moving forward with the Pact on Migration and Asylum, which aims to create a more balanced and predictable system for handling asylum applications.

"A new system replaces the old Dublin rules (regarding seeking asylum in the first EU country) and clarifies which Member State is responsible for the examination, and creates a fairer distribution of asylum seekers. It also introduces a new joint management of migration crises and cooperation with third countries," Migrationsverket reports.

Sweden’s own government has signalled a stricter approach to immigration while also acknowledging the country’s need for skilled labour in healthcare, technology, and manufacturing.