No reason was given for the decision.

The move comes months after political unrest in the country. Former president Andry Rajoelina, who had been elected for a third term in a disputed 2023 poll, was removed from power following weeks of protests over persistent power and water shortages.

In October last year, Rajoelina was formally stripped of his Malagasy nationality after it emerged that he had acquired French citizenship in 2014, a step that violates the country’s nationality laws, which forbid dual citizenship for sitting presidents.

Officials argued that by obtaining French nationality, Rajoelina had automatically forfeited his Malagasy citizenship, making his presidency constitutionally invalid.

Randrianirina, the military officer who led the coup, was sworn in as head of state on 17 October. He pledged to organise elections within two years and restore civilian rule. However, his administration has faced scepticism both domestically and internationally over its legitimacy and the timeline for a return to democracy.

In December, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) directed Madagascar’s military authorities to submit a roadmap for restoring democracy, including plans for fresh elections by the end of February.

On Monday, March 9, Randrianirina dismissed the entire government and assigned permanent secretaries to oversee the day-to-day operations of ministries until a new cabinet is formed.

Randrianirina has not explained the reason for the mass dismissals. However, leaders of the Gen Z movement, whose grassroots mobilisation helped bring the military leader to power, have called for greater inclusiveness in the transition process and more representation in decision-making structures.

Activist groups known as the Gen Z and Gen Y movements recently issued a 72-hour ultimatum demanding Randrianirina’s resignation, citing frustration with his performance, according to local media reports.

Businessman Herintsalama Rajaonarivelo had been appointed prime minister in October in an attempt to bridge the divide between military leadership and civilian governance.

Leaders of the Gen Z movement rejected his appointment at the time, stating that it was made in a “non-transparent” manner and “without consultation”.

The group demanded to know how Rajaonarivelo had been selected, citing what it described as his connections to the previous administration.

They added that the decision “runs contrary to the desired structural change” the movement was seeking.

General N’Tam had previously held the rank of brigadier general. With the new designation, he now bears four stars instead of two. His promotion comes two months after the military seized power on November 26, one day before the electoral commission was scheduled to announce the results of the presidential election.

The coup led to the ousting of former president Umaro Sissoco Embalo and the suspension of the electoral process. The military announced that it would govern for one year and named N’Tam, who has been described as a close associate of Embalo, as the transitional president.

Presidential and legislative elections have been scheduled for December 6, 2026, to restore civilian leadership.

According to the military, the takeover was intended to prevent violence between supporters of rival candidates. Both Embalo and opposition contender Fernando Dias had declared victory before the release of official results. 

Embalo was aiming to become the first incumbent to secure a second term in 30 years in the West African nation.

The electoral commission later stated that it was unable to complete the vote tally after armed men seized ballot materials and destroyed servers containing the results.

The coup was part of a cycle of instability in Guinea-Bissau, which has had multiple coups and attempted uprisings since gaining independence from Portugal in 1974. It was the ninth in West and Central Africa in five years.

Authorities in Ouagadougou are pursuing Damiba over a list of serious allegations. These include misappropriation of public funds, illicit enrichment, corruption, incitement to commit crimes, aggravated receiving of stolen goods, and money laundering. However, the most significant charge involves an alleged plan to assassinate Captain Traoré.

Togo’s justice ministry said it reviewed the request and followed the country’s legal procedures for extradition. 

The statement noted that Burkina Faso gave certain guarantees, including respect for Damiba’s rights, a fair trial, protection of his physical integrity and dignity, and a confirmation that he would not face the death penalty.

“The extradition was approved after Burkina Faso provided guarantees based on reciprocity, international legal instruments Togo is a party to, and assurances that Damiba’s rights would be respected during the process, including a fair trial, protection of his physical integrity and dignity, and confirmation that he would not face the death penalty,” the statement read.

Damiba was arrested on January 16 and transferred to Burkinabè authorities the next day, January 17.

Earlier this month, Burkina Faso’s Security Minister Mahamadou Sana said in a television broadcast that a planned coup had been foiled. He said the attempt, aimed at killing Captain Traoré, was scheduled for the night of January 3. The minister accused Damiba of being the mastermind and added that 70 million CFA francs (about £92,000) had come from Côte d’Ivoire to fund the plan.

Burkina Faso officials have accused Damiba multiple times of plotting from exile. In late 2024, he was named as the head of what they called the “ military wing” of a wider conspiracy.

Damiba had seized power in January 2022 by ousting President Roch Marc Christian Kaboré, citing the government’s failure to stop Islamist violence. But eight months later, in September 2022, he was overthrown by Traoré.

Since then, Traoré’s military government has strengthened its hold on power. It has removed French troops, adopted a more nationalist direction, and reinstated the death penalty, including for high treason.

When it happened

The attempt was set to happen on the night of Saturday, 3 January 2026. On that day, some social media users started posting about a possible threat to the government, which led some people to protest in the streets. A pro-government web TV station broke the news on 5 January, and the official confirmation came on Tuesday, 7 January.

Who is accused

The government has blamed Lt Col Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba for leading the plan. Damiba previously led Burkina Faso after taking power in January 2022. He was removed by Captain Traoré in September 2022 and has been living in Togo since then.

Minister Sana said Damiba was responsible for putting the plan together. He allegedly brought in both military and civilian supporters and received money from outside the country to carry out the plan. The minister claimed that 70 million CFA francs (£92,000) came from Côte d’Ivoire to help fund the operation.

What was planned

According to reports, the group aimed to kill Captain Traoré either directly or by using explosives at his home. After that, they allegedly wanted to:

Minister Sana said, "Our intelligence services intercepted this operation in the final hours. They had planned to assassinate the head of state and then strike other key institutions, including civilian personalities". He also added, "after this action, there was to follow an operation to put the drone base out of service, and a ground military intervention by external forces".

Current status

Several people have been arrested, and investigations are still ongoing. Sana told the public that the threat had been contained and warned them "not to be misled, out of naivety, into dangerous schemes". He said the government will release videos of confessions from those involved and that they will face legal consequences.

These two countries join a host of others, like Niger, Burkina Faso, Mali and Gabon, among others.

Madagascar

After weeks of violent and deadly protests powered by Madagascan Gen Z over alleged corruption, the country's Army Personnel Administration Centre (CAPSAT) seized the sovereign power led by Colonel Michael Randrianirina . The Gen Z demonstrations grew beyond service issues into a broader rejection of the leadership of then-President Andry Rajoelina, who became the world's youngest head of state at 34 through a coup in 2009. The situation reached a tipping point when an elite military unit defected and joined the protesters, refusing orders to fire on civilians, effectively cutting Rajoelina off from core state security support.

This shift in military allegiance significantly undermined his ability to remain in power. Facing explicit threats to his life amid the rebellion and the loss of military backing, Rajoelina left Madagascar for a “safe location,” later confirmed to be outside the country, while claiming an attempted illegal power grab was underway. Colonel Michael Randrianirina has been in power since declaring a two-year transition exercise.

Guinea-Bissau

Army officers in Guinea-Bissau announced on Wednesday, November 26, that they had deposed President Umaro Sissoco Embaló , accusing him of mismanaging the political crisis and undermining democratic stability. The officers declared that the existing government had been dissolved and pledged to restore order and constitutional governance, though details about a transition timeline were not immediately clear. The announcement came amid heightened tensions following contested elections on the 23rd and reflected longstanding military influence over the country’s political landscape.

On the same day, sustained gunfire erupted near the national election commission headquarters amidst tensions over a tightly contested presidential election, with residents fleeing the area as shots were heard near multiple government buildings. The outbreak of gunfire occurred just as provisional results were expected. However, protesters took to the streets in Guinea-Bissau on Friday, December 12, to denounce the military coup and demand the restoration of democratic governance , highlighting deep public frustration with the political instability that has plagued the country.

Benin could have become the third country, but for the swift intervention of Nigeria and the country's loyalist forces that protected President Patrice Talon's sovereignty. Armed soldiers went on national television on December 7 to declare they had taken power in a coup , but by evening, the situation had calmed, and everywhere was clear.

Since August 2020, Africa has experienced ten coups.

Experts say the pattern isn’t random. Across these countries, a mix of economic frustration, governance failures, and growing security threats has created fertile ground for military intervention. According to a policy brief by the Baker Institute for Public Policy , weak state institutions and public disillusionment with civilian governments are the most consistent precursors to coups in Africa’s recent history.

In Mali, for example, the military stepped in after the government struggled to deal with Islamist attacks that killed thousands and displaced millions. Burkina Faso followed a similar pattern: rising violence, a struggling economy, and widespread frustration pushed soldiers to act.

In Niger, where President Mohamed Bazoum was overthrown in July 2023, the junta said it acted because of “the deteriorating security situation.” That line has become a familiar justification across the region.

But it’s not just about guns and insecurity. Economic pressures have made things worse. Countries like Mali, Burkina Faso, and Guinea depend heavily on raw materials such as gold and bauxite, yet many people feel the wealth never reaches them.

High unemployment and rising food prices have made daily life harder, especially for young people. When democracy doesn’t seem to deliver results, it becomes easier for soldiers to claim they can do better.

“People see elections, but they don’t see change,” said a researcher quoted by the Georgetown Journal of International Affairs. “When the gap between promise and progress keeps widening, citizens start to see coups as a reset button.”

Foreign influence also plays a part. Many of the recent coups happened in Francophone countries that are trying to distance themselves from France. Military leaders often accuse Paris of meddling in local affairs, while openly courting new partners like Russia or China. Analysts say this shift has emboldened some juntas, giving them room to resist pressure from ECOWAS or Western governments.

Yet history suggests coups rarely bring lasting stability. Research from ISS Africa shows that countries with one coup are more likely to experience another within a few years. Promises of reform often give way to tighter media control, suspended constitutions, and extended transition periods.

People aren’t necessarily choosing the military; they’re choosing whoever promises a change they can feel.