Authorities have launched an investigation into the collapse near the Kadey River, while local leaders said miners had repeatedly been warned about the dangers of working during the rainy season. They said economic hardship had pushed some workers to continue mining despite the risks. Artisanal gold mining supports thousands of people in mineral-rich parts of Central African Republic, where miners often work in hand-dug pits and tunnels with limited safety equipment. The Zamboi disaster follows another fatal landslide at an artisanal mine in Kinyeme in June, which reportedly killed at least eight people.

Daniel Lopez, President of Spain's Professional Police Union (SPP), called for stronger diplomatic cooperation with Morocco to speed up the return of migrants without a legal right to remain.

He said Ceuta was "a long way from returning to normal" and accused the central government of failing to provide sufficient personnel and resources.

Carlos Prieto, Secretary General of Spain's Unified Police Union (SUP), also called for "extraordinary measures" to identify and process new arrivals.

Police unions further criticised conditions for some officers deployed to Ceuta, alleging they had been forced to sleep on mattresses on the floor and share limited bathroom facilities.

Aaron Rivero, General Secretary of the JUPOL police union, said officers had also faced violent incidents involving knives and machetes. "There were fights among them - with machetes and knives - and when the police showed up, they all banded together to attack us," Rivero said.

The unions said the Government Delegation in Ceuta had not responded to requests for meetings. Tuesday's talks were attended by PP representatives and Ceuta President Juan Jesus Vivas.

The scale of the late-July crossings remains disputed, with estimates ranging from around 40,000 according to Moroccan authorities to 72,000 in a later Spanish estimate. There is no established evidence that Morocco deliberately organised the crossings, while reports have pointed to online rumours and misinformation encouraging people to head towards the border. Moroccan authorities have since strengthened security around Ceuta, while Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez chaired another government coordination meeting on Monday to review security measures, migrant identification and assistance.

He left his family, university studies and home in Morocco behind with one goal: reaching mainland Europe and helping his younger brother pursue a career in football.

Nizar shares breakfast with friends inside their makeshift shelter on Playa del Trampolin before heading onto the sand to play football with other migrants.

He also walks through Ceuta to buy food, calls his worried mother and shares photos and videos of his younger brother playing football back home in Morocco.

"When I first came here, I had absolutely nothing," Nizar said. "I had to sleep on the ground with no blankets, but people in Ceuta helped us. Together we built this hut. Sometimes it gets good, sometimes it gets bad, but all we have here is patience."

For Nizar, football also provides a connection to the life he left behind.

"We lost our families, we lost our homes, but we still have this ball. It helps us forget the reality we are living in," he said.

Nizar, who studied at Mohammed Premier University in Oujda, said he swam to Ceuta 18 days ago without telling his parents.

He left university and his family hoping to reach mainland Europe, where he believes he can help his younger brother secure a place at a football academy.

"I came here with one goal in mind. I need to get my brother an opportunity [...] I left my mother, my father, I left university, I left everything back home. My dream is to see him playing on the big screen one day," he continued.

"I am surviving here just to get to Europe and maybe find him a place in an academy. As an older brother, I did all I could and I hope my work doesn't go to waste," he added.

Nizar shares the beach hut with his friend, 20-year-old Achraf Khannous from Sale, who also swam to Ceuta after studying to become a specialised technician.

The pair are now among hundreds of migrants living along the beach as they wait to find out what happens next.

Playa del Trampolin has become one of the most visible sites of Ceuta's migration crisis after mass crossings from Morocco at the end of July overwhelmed the Spanish enclave.

Hundreds of makeshift shelters now line the shoreline, with migrants sleeping rough while awaiting decisions over their future.

The beach remains under heavy security after fresh attempts to reach Ceuta led to another crackdown on both sides of the border over the weekend.

Spain reinforced National Police , Civil Guard and maritime patrols, while Morocco increased operations along its northern coast to prevent further crossings.

Moroccan authorities initially said 148 people were intercepted around Fnideq on Saturday, with later reports putting the number detained at close to 300.

The operation followed online calls for another mass attempt to enter Ceuta and Melilla. Authorities also detained dozens of people suspected of promoting irregular crossings on social media .

Spain sent additional National Police and Civil Guard personnel to Ceuta, increased maritime patrols and installed new barriers off the coast.

The measures follow the mass influx from Morocco on July 30 and 31, when tens of thousands of people entered Ceuta by land and sea.

Thousands are still believed to remain in the enclave, although estimates from Spanish and local authorities have varied.

Scores of people also died during the crossings, with Spanish and Moroccan authorities and humanitarian groups reporting different death tolls.

Mohammed Jaafar, a migrant from Nigeria, said he was trying to support his family. "I have two children. I have a wife, I have a mother and father," he said. "They are waiting for me because I am the one who takes responsibility."

Moroccan authorities increased security around Fnideq and other areas near Ceuta after calls circulated on social media encouraging coordinated crossings on August 15.

Moroccan media reported that more than 350 people had been intercepted in and around Fnideq by 16:00 local time on Saturday, most from sub-Saharan African countries.

Authorities also said 61 people had been arrested in recent days on suspicion of promoting irregular migration on social media. Spain reinforced security in Ceuta, increasing deployments and surveillance by land, sea and air.

The measures followed a mass crossing from Morocco into Ceuta at the end of July, when tens of thousands entered the Spanish territory by land and sea, and dozens died.

Alex, one of the migrants, described difficult conditions and appealed to Spanish authorities for accommodation at Ceuta's Temporary Stay Centre for Immigrants (CETI).

"At night, it is very cold... I wish they would improve our situation. To admit us to the centre, to CETI," he said. "Our situation is inhumane," he added.

Another migrant, Adnan Menfas, said he had spent six hours swimming to Ceuta and was seeking asylum in Spain.

Others described risking their lives to reach the Spanish enclave. Mohamed, from Tetouan, said migrants had witnessed people dying during their journeys and were struggling without adequate food and clean water .

Meanwhile, Moroccan authorities said they intercepted more than 148 people around Fnideq as they attempted to cross irregularly into Ceuta.

Morocco and Spain have stepped up security amid calls on social media for another mass crossing into Ceuta and Melilla.

Afloun said Faten worked and played football but felt she had no future in Morocco.

"She left to build her future, to have money, and to help her mother so that I would not have to work, to help the sick one get treatment, and to help us pay the rent and the water and electricity bills. She was the home's pillar," she said.

She added that Faten had been told she could obtain a football-related visa through a club president, although she did not know the details.

The Moroccan Professional Footballers Association expressed its sorrow over Al-Azizi's death.

Her death came during a mass attempt to reach Ceuta from Fnideq, when tens of thousands of people headed towards the Spanish enclave by land and sea. Spanish authorities estimated that between 50,000 and 60,000 people crossed into Ceuta, many by swimming around coastal border barriers, before most later returned to Morocco.

Morocco’s Interior Ministry said 11 migrants had died attempting to reach Spanish territory, with media reports putting the toll at at least 71. Authorities linked the surge in crossings to misleading information online and smuggling networks, as tens of thousands moved towards Ceuta, prompting a large security operation, a state of emergency in the enclave and political tensions between Spain and other European Union countries.

Resident David blamed Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez's migration policies and accused Morocco of using the crossings to pressure Spain.

"We have a feeling inside that we are on edge, with tears, with frustration, with hopelessness," he said. Tensions resurfaced after members of the far-right group Nucleo Nacional and political activist Alvise Perez visited the city, triggering counter-demonstrations.

Another resident, Helena, criticised the visit and questioned Morocco's claim that it had no prior knowledge of the mass crossing.

Spanish authorities said at least 67 people died during the incident, with many drowning while attempting to swim around coastal barriers.

One resident was seen throwing a lifebuoy into the water to help those struggling to reach land, while others arrived visibly exhausted and were assisted by emergency responders. Some migrants were placed in wheelchairs or recovery positions by Spanish authorities after reaching shore.

The resident said he had learned through social media that the so-called harraga — migrants who attempt the crossing by swimming — believed they could no longer be returned after arriving in Ceuta.

"When they found out about that, they all jumped into the water," he said. "To be honest, it really breaks my heart to see so many people suffering, and who knows how many have actually drowned along the way."

He also questioned the expectations many migrants have before making the dangerous journey.

"I don't understand why they're led to believe that there's a future here," he said. "When they arrive, they're faced with the harsh reality that they have nothing, and that people treat them as if they were nobody."

Among those who completed the crossing, one migrant said he had been swimming "since 6 or 7" in the morning before reaching Ceuta. Another, when asked whether many more people were waiting to cross from Morocco, replied: "Yes, a lot."

Migration from Morocco into Spain's North African enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla has long been a politically sensitive issue between Madrid and Rabat, with sea crossings continuing despite the dangers involved.

It therefore comes as no surprise that Morocco was on the favourite list even for some Ghanaian fans in New York . Cape Verde, whose performance at the tournament earned global praise, emerged as a favourite for some fans who spoke to Global South World. Senegal, on the other hand, though highly favoured by many Ghanaians to advance further in the tournament, turned out to be a disappointment for some fans. 

Jerry Adinkra, an entrepreneur and a leading member of the Ghanaian community in Brooklyn, was particularly excited about Cape Verde’s courage and focus throughout the tournament. Kwabena Nsiah, a football fan and avid player, said he did not support the Black Stars due to their often underwhelming performances at the World Cup.

His top pick, however, included Morocco and Senegal . For Peter Wiredu, a cab driver, the Ghana Football Association (GFA) should shoulder the blame for the Black Stars’ not-so-exciting performance, and not the coach.

Video features: Jerry Adinkra, Kwabena Nsiah, Peter Wiredu

About author

Nii Akrofi Smart-Abbey is an award-winning international journalist, writer, and host of the A55 Podcast. Nii Akrofi has worked with local and international media in Ghana, Congo and the United States. He has contributed to news platforms like Zenger News, Africanews, W42ndST, and foreignpresscorrespondents.com.

Ticket prices have triggered backlash. FIFA projects record revenue of $10.9 billion. Visa concerns have raised questions about whether fans from less wealthy countries will be able to attend. In Mexico, cartel-related violence and mass shootings have added another layer of unease for travelling supporters.

Yet for Ghanaian sports pundit and commentator Philip Sitsofe, the World Cup still carries a force that often survives doubt.

“The World Cup is the World Cup,” he told Global South World. “Every player wants to play there. We are going to see unknown players announce themselves. We are going to see players who are going to become world superstars after the World Cup.”

But this edition will also test football in ways previous tournaments did not.

“It’s a World Cup we’ve never seen before because the number of teams playing there are way more than what we are used to,” Sitsofe noted.

For Africa, that expansion means opportunity. CAF will have 10 teams at the tournament, giving the continent its biggest representation yet.

Morocco, ranked eighth in the world, arrives with a pedigree after their historic semifinal run in Qatar, must face record champions Brazil. Senegal, following the recent AFCON controversy, faces a major test against France. Algeria will face defending champions Argentina, Egypt, with Mohamed Salah, faces Belgium, currently ranked 9th globally, Côte d'Ivoire will play against four-time champion Germany, South Africa will face host nation Mexico, Tunisia must play the Netherlands and Japan, while DR Congo will compete against Portugal and Colombia.

Our country, Ghana, ranked 74th globally, and the lowest-ranked African nation representing at the tournament must navigate a difficult group featuring England , Croatia, and Panama. Cabo Verde, among the least populous countries on the continent, with less than 600,000 people, debuts at the tournament, also underlining the widening reach of the tournament.

Sitsofe believes Morocco remains Africa’s strongest hope.

“They’ve got what it takes,” he said. “They’ve got the potential. They can mix it up. They might be resilient at the back and still be open enough to attack.”

He also expects Senegal to trouble France , despite the quality of the French side.

“France will be favourites,” he said, “but Senegal have got it in them to cause upsets.”

For Ghana, however, his assessment was far more cautious. The Black Stars enter the tournament at a difficult moment, after failing to qualify for the 2025 AFCON and struggling with form, structure, and confidence.

“The Black Stars have more problems than those countries they are going to play against,” Sitsofe said.

He believes Ghana’s opening match against Panama could define the campaign.

“Ghana has to find a way of beating Panama and see if, in the subsequent games against England and Croatia, they can manage a draw,” he said. “The first game is crucial. We need to win to build some momentum and confidence.”

On Antoine Semenyo, arguably Ghana's best player heading into the tournament based on form, Sitsofe argued that Ghana cannot simply expect individual brilliance to rescue the team.

Semonyo is having the season of his life. The Manchester City forward, who helped his side secure a domestic English cup double, could have represented England, but now has the weight of over 34 million Ghanaians resting on his shoulders to help defeat the country he has called home for most of his life.

“If you are thinking Semenyo is going to be the one man to drive the team forward, then we are mistaken,” he said. “The Black Stars lack structure, direction, habits, tactics, and platform.”

That point may be the central warning for Ghana. The expanded World Cup gives more teams a chance, but it does not erase the demands of elite football. Hope alone will not carry the Black Stars through.

Ghana must now build “a more comprehensive team” rather than waiting for individuals to save it, he said.

A French man of Algerian origin was also released on Saturday after completing a three-month sentence for throwing a water bottle during the match.

The unrest erupted after the referee awarded Morocco a late penalty shortly after ruling out a Senegal goal. Senegal’s players briefly walked off the pitch in protest , while some supporters attempted to enter the field and hurled objects onto the grass.

The match later resumed, with Moroccan forward Brahim Díaz missing the penalty. Senegal eventually won 1-0 in extra time through a goal by Pape Gueye.

The controversy has continued beyond the final. On March 17, the Confederation of African Football awarded the title to Morocco, prompting Senegal to appeal the decision to the Court of Arbitration for Sport .

In North Africa, Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia experience snowfall in mountainous regions, particularly within the Atlas range. Morocco’s Ifrane, often dubbed “Africa’s Switzerland,” regularly sees winter snow and sub-zero temperatures. Algeria’s highlands and Tunisia’s north-western elevations follow similar patterns, though less frequently.

Further south, South Africa and Lesotho stand out as the continent’s most reliable snow zones. Lesotho, in particular, is unique. Sitting entirely above 1,000 metres, it is the only country in Africa where snow falls annually across much of its territory. South Africa’s Drakensberg Mountains also see regular winter snowfall, occasionally extending into lower-lying areas during cold fronts.

Perhaps more surprising are the East African countries on the list, like Ethiopia, Kenya , Tanzania, and Uganda.

Here, snowfall is confined almost entirely to high-altitude peaks. Mount Kenya, Mount Kilimanjaro, and the Rwenzori Mountains host glaciers and seasonal snow despite their proximity to the equator. Community Literacy resources highlight that these regions maintain cold conditions due to elevation exceeding 4,000 metres, where temperatures routinely drop below freezing.

However, climate change is reshaping this reality. Glaciers on Kilimanjaro and Mount Kenya have been shrinking rapidly over the past decades, raising concerns among environmental researchers and local communities.

The visual data above also points to extreme temperature lows across these regions. Morocco has recorded temperatures as low as -23.2°C, while South Africa and Lesotho have dipped below -20°C. Even equatorial countries like Uganda and Kenya have seen sub-zero conditions in mountainous zones.

These figures, while not representative of national averages, illustrate the intensity of cold snaps in specific microclimates.

Snowfall in Africa is more than a meteorological curiosity. It has become a niche tourism driver.

Ski resorts in Morocco’s Oukaïmeden and Lesotho’s Afriski attract both local and international visitors. These destinations offer rare winter sports experiences on the continent, contributing to regional economies and diversifying tourism portfolios traditionally centred on safaris and coastal travel.

The bookmaker confirmed that all payouts will remain intact and that it will not reverse winnings already issued to Senegal backers.

After the pomp and pageantry that greeted Senegal’s national football team back home in Dakar and the extra celebration for some of the players back at their respective football clubs, the decision of CAF’s Appeal Board has rubbed many football fans the wrong way. 

The Appeal Board’s decision, published on Tuesday March 17, noted that in applying “Article 84 of the Regulations of the CAF Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON), the Senegal National Team is declared to have forfeited the Final Match of the TotalEnergies CAF Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) Morocco 2025 (“the Match”), with the result of the Match being recorded as 3–0 in favour of the Fédération Royale Marocaine de Football (FRMF).”

But the Board’s interpretation of article 84 has come under scrutiny from many analysts and fans alike. CAF’s Disciplinary Board, responsible for enforcing its regulations, investigated the outcome of the tournament and upheld the 1-0 victory, which led to Senegal being crowned continental champions. So why did the Appeal Board decide to apply article 84, and what is contained in that article?

Article 84 of the CAF regulations states: “The team which contravenes provisions of articles 82 and 83 shall be eliminated for good from the competition. This team will lose the match 3-0 unless the opponent has achieved a more advantageous result at the time the match was interrupted; in this case, the score will be maintained. The Organising Committee may adopt further measures.”

The Board’s statement also noted that it found that “the conduct of the Senegal team falls within the scope of Articles 82 and 84 of the Regulations of the Africa Cup of Nations.”

And that is where many have a problem. Former CAF Disciplinary Board member, Raymond Hack, speaking on Robert Marawa’s football show on Wednesday, March 18, pointed out that a crucial component of article 84 may have been overlooked by the Board.

“They (Appeal Board) based their decision on article 82, which says that if a team goes off the field of play without the authority of the referee, article 84 comes into play,” Hack said.

“But they didn’t read article 84 too well. Article 84 says the team that contravenes article 82 AND article 83 will be eliminated from the competition. It doesn’t say the provisions of articles 82 or 83. It says articles 82 and 83 and that’s where they award the three points or 3-0.”

Article 82 of the CAF regulations states: “If, for any reason whatsoever, a team withdraws from the competition or does not report for a match, or refuses to play or leaves the ground before the regular end of the match without authorisation of the referee, it shall be considered the loser and shall be eliminated for good from the current competition. The same shall apply for the teams previously disqualified by decision of CAF.”

Article 83, on the other hand, states: “A team that shall not be present on the ground, dressed to play at the time fixed for kick-off or at most 15 minutes later, shall forfeit the match. The referee shall register the absence of the team and shall write it in his report. The Organising Committee shall take the final decision in this respect.”

So if article 84 kicks in when articles 82 and 83 have been violated, then the Appeal Board should probably not have invoked it at all in this matter. Senegal’s walk-off was in the final minutes of the match - not at the beginning nor 15 minutes after the scheduled kick-off - therefore article 83 does not apply. So if that does not apply, what else did the Appeals Board miss which led them to invoke article 84 anyway?

“The point they’re all missing is [that] the referee’s decision in terms of article 6 of the CAF disciplinary code is final,” Hack said. “So when is final? If you look in terms of the IFAB rules, whether it be 5.2, where it talks about the referee, the game is finished when the referee blows the whistle for it being finished.”

Considering all this, it begs the question of whether the CAF Appeal Board is misinterpreting the confederation’s regulations. Sports journalist Benedict Owusu said such differences in interpretation of the law are common. So is the Appeal Board suggesting that the referee, as an arbiter of the match, no longer has the authority to make a final determination in the match he or she oversees?

Crucially, what does this all mean for African football?

Benedict Owusu has covered African football extensively, including multiple AFCON and World Cup tournaments. He says the Board’s decision puts African football in a bad light.

“There is no hiding from this, it’s an absolute embarrassment not only for football but for the continent,” he said. “AFCON is a tournament many people outside the continent have tried to downplay, and this embarrassment fuels those people to continue spreading their negativity about it. The level of attention this news has received worldwide should tell you where this has gotten to, and it is sad that it is for the wrong reasons.”

Senegal’s football federation, in a reaction to the Board’s decision, said it denounced “this unfair, unprecedented, and unacceptable decision, which discredits African football. To defend its rights and the interests of Senegalese football, the Federation will initiate an appeal as soon as possible before the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) in Lausanne.”

The fallout from the CAF Appeals Board’s decision has been swift. There are calls on social media for the nine members of the Appeal Board to be sacked. On Thursday, a video of a news conference surfaced on social media showing Djibouti’s representative on the Appeal Board, Mohamed Robleh Djama, and two others. Djama distanced himself from the decision to strip Senegal of the title, saying he was neither present nor took part in the decision-making process.

While Senegal prepares to present its case to CAS, which some fans on social media are certain will lead to an overturn of the CAF Appeal Board’s decision, Benedict Owusu says, “This will never go away, even if it gets overturned again. The damage has already been caused, and it will be hard to repair it. The tournament’s reputation and CAF’s are in tatters. At this point, you cannot begrudge anyone who talks down on the AFCON. It is a mess, a really big mess.”

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Nii Akrofi Smart-Abbey is an award-winning international journalist, writer, and host of the A55 Podcast. Nii Akrofi has worked with local and international media in Ghana, Congo and the United States. He has contributed to news platforms like Zenger News, Africanews, W42ndST, and foreignpresscorrespondents.com.

The move comes as Senegal pushes back against CAF’s appeal ruling and prepares to take the dispute to the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS). Senegal’s football federation has said it will challenge the decision after CAF overturned the result of the final against Morocco.

CAF, in a ruling issued March 17, 2026, said it upheld an appeal filed by the Fédération Royale Marocaine de Football (FRMF) relating to Match No. 52 of AFCON Morocco 2025. The CAF Appeals Jury declared Morocco’s appeal admissible and overturned an earlier decision by CAF’s Disciplinary Jury on procedural grounds, saying Morocco’s right to be heard had not been respected during the initial proceedings.

After reviewing the case, CAF said Senegal’s conduct during the final breached Articles 82 and 84 of the tournament regulations, which deal with misconduct and forfeiture. CAF ruled that Senegal forfeited the match and recorded the final as a 3 - 0 win for Morocco, effectively handing the hosts the title.

The controversy stems from chaotic scenes late in the final in Rabat on January 19, when Senegalese players briefly left the pitch after a disallowed goal and a penalty awarded to Morocco. CAF’s appeal body said the walk-off amounted to a forfeitable offence under the rules.

Senegal’s federation has rejected the ruling and vowed to seek relief at CAS. Senegalese officials have also indicated they will not return the trophy while the case is pending, insisting the matter should be settled through international arbitration.

But the football almost became a side story. Because this final had everything: tension before kick-off, drama in stoppage time, a full-on pitch walk-off.  a failed “Panenka” penalty, and a moment of leadership that stopped the whole game from falling apart.

The trouble started before the first whistle.

Senegal’s Football Federation (FSF) raised “serious concerns” about security. They claimed their team bus had been swarmed by fans, and said they were even denied access to a training pitch at Morocco’s base. That alone was enough to create a hostile build-up, but the heat didn’t stop there.

On social media , the debates grew louder by the day. People argued over referee appointments, and there were accusations that Morocco was being given favourable treatment as tournament hosts. By the time players stepped out onto the pitch, it already felt like more than just a football match.

Despite the noise around it, the game itself stayed tight for most of the normal time.

For 90 minutes, no side had drawn first blood. Although it wasn’t a match full of goals or chaos early on, it was tense, cagey, and hanging on a knife-edge.

But as the clock ran out, that pressure didn’t disappear. 

The final completely lost control in the 98th minute.

Senegal head coach Pape Thiaw was already enraged after Congolese referee Jean-Jacques disallowed a close-range goal by Crystal Palace forward Ismaila Sarr, judging there was a foul in the build-up.

Then came the moment that pushed everything over the edge.

Ndala was advised by the Video Assistant Referee (VAR) to award Morocco a penalty for a challenge by Senegalese defender El Hadji Malick Diouf on Real Madrid forward Brahim Diaz. And Thiaw snapped.

In a move Morocco coach Walid Regragui called “shameful,” Thiaw ushered his players off the field in protest. Senegal walked toward the tunnel, and for around 17 to 20 minutes, the match was suspended while the football world stared in disbelief.

Even FIFA President Gianni Infantino, watching from the stands, later condemned the scenes, calling them “ugly” and unacceptable.

For a final, it was unheard of. And for African football, it was a moment that threatened to leave a stain far beyond one night.

While Senegal walked off, Sadio Mane stayed on the pitch.

Mane was credited with persuading his teammates to come back and finish the match.

Later, he explained, “It would be crazy to not play this game because... the referee gave a penalty.”

He also said he’d rather lose than see African football damaged by abandonment.

But it wasn't to be. The match was subsequently deemed to have been abandoned by Senegal, and the Confederation of African Football awarded a 3-0 win to Morocco.

When play returned in the 20th minute of stoppage time, Morocco had the perfect chance to win the title.

Their star man, Brahim Diaz, the tournament’s top scorer, stepped up.

And instead of going safe, he must have listened to the voices in his head, afterall, he had been on fire the entire tournament, what could go wrong?

The Spanish-born forward, who switched allegiance just 3 years ago, saw himself delivering the second AFCON title to the Atlas Lions after a 50-year wait.

Brahim Diaz tried the one penalty technique that had befallen many famous footballers before him: the “Panenka”.

Senegal goalkeeper Edouard Mendy read it easily and caught it. Just like that, the chance was gone — and Morocco’s momentum went with it.

That miss didn’t just waste a penalty. It swung the entire final toward Senegal.

Senegal entered extra time with a different energy. Just three minutes into extra time, Villarreal midfielder Pape Gueye stepped up and smashed in what was described as a “piledriver” left-footed strike from the edge of the box.

It flew straight into the top corner.

Morocco tried to respond with desperate attacks, and Brahim Diaz even had a close-range effort saved by Mendy. But Senegal held firm, protected their lead, and saw out the game.

When the final whistle came, it was over. Senegal were champions again.

Back home, the reaction was immediate.

The win triggered “ecstasy” in Dakar, and celebrations spread fast. Senegal’s President Bassirou Diomaye Faye declared Monday a public holiday, giving the country space to properly celebrate the achievement.

After the dust settled, one name stood above the rest: Sadio Mane.

He was named AFCON 2025 Player of the Tournament.

And even though he wasn’t the top scorer — that honour went to Brahim Diaz, who finished with five goals — Mane was praised by the Confederation of African Football (CAF) for his leadership and calmness, especially during the final’s most volatile moments.

At 33 years old, and with speculation growing that this might be his last AFCON, the award felt like a tribute as much as a prize.

When Mane lifted the trophy — handed to him by captain Kalidou Koulibaly — it closed the curtain on a tournament that was as controversial as it was historic.

After reviewing the case, the Appeals Jury ruled that Senegal’s conduct during the final breached Articles 82 and 84 of AFCON regulations on misconduct and forfeiture. CAF said Senegal was sanctioned and the match was awarded to Morocco by forfeit, recorded as a 3-0 victory for the hosts.

The decision stems from chaotic scenes late in the final in Rabat on January 19, when Senegalese players briefly left the pitch after a disallowed goal and a penalty awarded to Morocco. CAF ruled the walk-off amounted to a forfeitable offence under the tournament rules.

Senegal’s Fédération Sénégalaise de Football (FSF) rejected the ruling, calling it “unfair, unprecedented and unacceptable” and warning it damages the credibility of African football. The federation said it will appeal to the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) in Lausanne, Switzerland, to overturn CAF’s verdict and defend Senegal’s interests.

“With the case now heading to international arbitration,” the FSF said it would keep the public informed, as the dispute escalates into one of the most controversial decisions linked to AFCON 2025.

"The CAF Appeal Board decided that in application of Article 84 of the Regulations of the CAF Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON), the Senegal National Team is declared to have forfeited the Final Match... with the result of the Match being recorded as 3–0 in favour of the Fédération Royale Marocaine de Football (FRMF)."

The ruling reverses an earlier decision by the CAF Disciplinary Board, which had dismissed a protest from the Moroccan federation and upheld Senegal’s victory.

On the field, Senegal had originally won the match 1–0 after extra time, with Pape Gueye scoring the decisive goal. Morocco had an opportunity to win during regular time, but Brahim Díaz missed a "Panenka" penalty in the final moments of the match.

Before the Appeal Board’s decision, both teams had already been sanctioned by the Disciplinary Board for "unsporting conduct" and breaches of "fair play and integrity".

Senegal head coach Pape Bouna Thiaw received a five-match suspension and a fine of USD 100,000 for bringing the game into disrepute. Players Iliman Ndiaye and Ismaila Sarr were handed two-match suspensions for their conduct towards the referee. The Senegalese federation (FSF) was also fined a total of USD 615,000 for the behaviour of supporters and staff, as well as multiple cautions during the match.

Morocco also faced penalties. Achraf Hakimi was suspended for two matches, with one suspended, while Ismaël Saibari received a three-match ban and a USD 100,000 fine. The FRMF was fined USD 200,000 for ball boy misconduct and USD 100,000 for interference by players and staff in the VAR review area.

Drawing on recommendations and destination insights from Rough Guides , alongside reporting from UNWTO, here are seven of the world ’s best places to visit in 2026.

1. Marrakech, Morocco

Marrakech continues to rank highly in Rough Guides for its intoxicating mix of history, architecture and atmosphere. The city’s UNESCO-listed medina , with its labyrinthine souks and Jemaa el-Fnaa square, remains one of North Africa’s most compelling cultural hubs. Recent investments in boutique riads, contemporary art spaces and restored palaces have added new depth to the “Red City” experience. The Yves Saint Laurent Museum and the revitalised historic quarters underline Marrakech’s blend of tradition and modern creative energy. With Morocco reporting record tourism rebounds in recent years, Marrakech stands out in 2026 as both timeless and newly invigorated.

2. Crete, Greece

Greece consistently ranks among Europe’s most visited countries, according to UN Tourism, and Crete remains one of its most diverse islands. Rough Guides highlights Crete for its layered history, from the Minoan Palace of Knossos to Venetian harbours, and its varied landscapes. The island offers more than beaches. The Samaria Gorge, White Mountains and traditional villages showcase a rugged side that balances the well-known resorts. Culinary tourism is another draw: Cretan cuisine, recognised for its olive oil-rich Mediterranean diet, continues to attract food-focused travellers. In 2026, Crete appeals to visitors seeking both authenticity and comfort without sacrificing either.

3. Bali, Indonesia

Bali’s appeal is enduring. Named regularly by Rough Guides among Asia’s most captivating destinations, the island combines Hindu temple traditions, terraced rice fields and surf beaches with a well-developed tourism infrastructure. Indonesia’s tourism authorities have promoted more sustainable travel across Bali, encouraging visitors to explore beyond hotspots like Kuta and Seminyak. Ubud’s arts scene, Mount Batur’s sunrise treks and the island’s water temples continue to define its spiritual character. As Southeast Asia’s tourism numbers strengthen post-pandemic, Bali remains a top choice for travellers seeking both reflection and adventure in 2026.

4. Tokyo, Japan

Few cities balance ultramodern design and centuries-old tradition like Tokyo. Frequently praised by Rough Guides for its food scene and neighbourhood diversity, the Japanese capital offers everything from Michelin-starred dining to intimate ramen counters. Japan National Tourism Organisation data shows sustained international interest following the country’s reopening to global travel. Tokyo serves as an ideal gateway to explore beyond the city, whether to Mount Fuji, Hakone or the historic temples of Nikko. In 2026, Tokyo’s mix of high-tech efficiency, pop culture and cultural heritage makes it one of the world’s most inviting urban destinations.

5. Rome, Italy

Rome’s appeal hardly needs explaining. With landmarks such as the Colosseum, Vatican City and the Pantheon, many recognised by UNESCO, Italy’s capital consistently appears in Rough Guides’ top European city recommendations. Italy remains among the top five most visited countries globally (UN Tourism), and Rome anchors that draw. Beyond the ancient sites, the city’s neighbourhood trattorias, espresso bars and art-filled churches keep visitors returning. As Italy prepares for major religious and cultural events in the coming years, Rome is expected to see sustained international interest through 2026.

6. Istanbul, Turkey

Straddling Europe and Asia, Istanbul remains one of the world’s great crossroads. Rough Guides frequently highlights its architectural grandeur, from the Hagia Sophia and Blue Mosque to the Grand Bazaar. Turkey has invested heavily in museum expansions and cultural restoration projects in recent years, enhancing Istanbul’s appeal to heritage travellers. According to official Turkish tourism data, the country has seen strong visitor growth, reinforcing its global standing. For travellers in 2026, Istanbul offers layered history, contemporary art districts and a food culture that bridges continents.

7. Lisbon, Portugal

Lisbon’s rise over the past decade has been notable. Portugal consistently ranks highly in European tourism satisfaction surveys, and Rough Guides praises Lisbon for its walkable neighbourhoods, historic trams and Atlantic light. The city’s culinary scene, from traditional bacalhau dishes to modern seafood restaurants, has gained international recognition. Meanwhile, nearby Sintra, a UNESCO World Heritage site, and the beaches of Cascais expand its appeal. As sustainable urban tourism becomes more important in 2026, Lisbon’s manageable scale and cultural richness position it as one of Europe’s most attractive capitals.

“Today, a rape accusation is enough to justify a ‌trial, even though I deny it and everything proves it’s false,” Hakimi said.

“This is as unjust to the innocent as it is to the genuine victims. ⁠I calmly await this ⁠trial, which will allow the truth to come out publicly.”

Hakimi’s lawyer, Fanny Colin, confirmed that a trial has been ordered but said no date has been set.

“A trial has been ordered on the basis of an accusation that rests solely on the word of a woman who obstructed all investigations, refused all medical examinations and DNA tests, refused to allow her mobile phone to be examined, and refused to give the name of a key witness,” Colin said.

Colin added that two psychological assessments of the plaintiff “revealed a lack of clarity regarding the facts she claims to denounce, as well as the absence of any post-traumatic symptoms.”

She said she will appeal the judge’s decision, which followed recommendations from the Nanterre public prosecutor’s office that called for the player to stand trial.

Rachel-Flore Pardo, who represents the plaintiff, said her client welcomed the order committing the case to trial “with relief,” adding it “is fully consistent with the evidence in the file.”

Hakimi featured in last month's controversial Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) final, where Morocco lost to Senegal. The Moroccan Federation faced US$315,000 in fines over incidents at the final. Hakimi was suspended for two matches, with one match suspended under a one-year probationary period.

The PSG right-back is expected to feature in the return leg of their Champions League knockout round playoff tie against Monaco on Wednesday.

Hakimi had a strong campaign last season as PSG won the treble, which contributed to him being named African Footballer of the Year.

The countries identified as prepared to contribute forces include Morocco, Kazakhstan, Indonesia, Kosovo and Albania, while several other states are listed as members of the wider initiative.

The proposal emerges as global leaders continue to push for a sustainable ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, alongside longer-term arrangements for security and reconstruction in Gaza.

What is the “Board of Peace”?

The “Board of Peace” appears to refer to a multilateral initiative under discussion among governments aimed at supporting post-conflict stabilisation in Gaza. While details remain fluid, diplomatic reporting indicates the concept involves a peacekeeping or monitoring presence if and when political conditions allow.

International peacekeeping operations in the region would require a mandate, most likely from the United Nations Security Council, in line with established UN procedures. The UN has previously overseen peacekeeping missions in the Middle East, including the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) and the United Nations Truce Supervision Organisation (UNTSO), which has operated since 1948 (United Nations Peacekeeping).

No formal UN mandate for a Gaza peacekeeping force has yet been confirmed publicly.

The countries reportedly willing to send the troops

Morocco

Morocco has long participated in UN peacekeeping operations across Africa and the Middle East. According to UN Peacekeeping data, Rabat consistently ranks among major troop-contributing countries, with deployments in missions such as MONUSCO in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and MINUSCA in the Central African Republic.

Its reported willingness to contribute troops to a Gaza stabilisation mission aligns with its broader foreign policy positioning as a regional diplomatic actor.

Kazakhstan

Kazakhstan has steadily expanded its international security footprint in recent years. The Central Asian state has contributed personnel to UN missions, including UNIFIL in Lebanon, according to official UN records. Kazakhstan has also sought a more prominent diplomatic role in global mediation efforts, hosting talks on Syria in Astana in previous years.

Indonesia

Indonesia is one of the world’s largest contributors to UN peacekeeping operations. The country has deployed thousands of personnel to missions in Lebanon, Congo and elsewhere, according to United Nations data. Jakarta has repeatedly expressed strong support for Palestinian statehood and humanitarian relief efforts in Gaza, positioning itself as a vocal diplomatic player in the Muslim world.

Kosovo and Albania

Kosovo and Albania, both located in Southeast Europe, have deepened cooperation with NATO and European security institutions over the past decade. Albania has previously contributed troops to international missions under NATO and UN frameworks. Kosovo, though not universally recognised as a sovereign state, has increasingly participated in international security partnerships and peace support initiatives.

Their inclusion reflects broader European engagement in any potential post-conflict arrangement.

Why Gaza Would Require an International Force

Gaza has experienced repeated cycles of conflict, most recently following the escalation that began in October 2023 after Hamas launched a large-scale attack on Israel .

Israel’s subsequent military campaign has resulted in extensive destruction and a humanitarian crisis, according to reporting by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) and Al Jazeera.

Humanitarian agencies have documented severe infrastructure damage, displacement of civilians and strain on medical services. Any post-conflict governance model would likely require security guarantees, aid coordination, and oversight of reconstruction, roles typically associated with multinational stabilisation missions.

However, peacekeeping in Gaza would face substantial political and operational challenges. Analysts note that consent from both Israel and Palestinian authorities, as well as agreement among major global powers, would be essential before deployment.

Political and legal hurdles

Under international law, UN peacekeeping missions require Security Council approval. Any deployment without such a mandate would likely need bilateral or multilateral agreements involving the relevant parties on the ground.

UN has cautioned that Gaza’s dense urban environment, the presence of armed groups and unresolved governance questions would complicate traditional peacekeeping models.

UN Spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric told reporters in New York on Tuesday, 10 February, that the UN aid coordination office, OCHA, had received new reports of airstrikes, shelling and bombing, “including from at sea”, as well as shootings in residential neighbourhoods.

He warned that the violence “puts civilians in danger and adds to the immense hardship they have endured over the past 28 months,” stressing that under international humanitarian law, “even if they cross military demarcation lines or are near them...civilians must always be protected and during military operations and constant care must be taken to spare them.”

There is also the broader geopolitical dimension. The United States, European Union, Arab League and regional powers have each floated differing proposals for Gaza’s post-war administration, ranging from strengthened Palestinian Authority control to international trusteeship arrangements.

“Tonight, I would like to announce that South Africa will be hosting the 2026 WAFCON, which we all know is a qualifying tournament for the 2027 Women’s World Cup in Brazil,” Mabe said .

Morocco hosted WAFCON in both 2022 and 2024 and was scheduled to host it once more in 2026, making it the first country to achieve this feat three consecutive times. Their exit comes just 60 days before the tournament was scheduled to begin. South Africa now has a limited timeframe to prepare for the competition, which is set to run from 17 March to 3 April 2026. 

The event will feature an expanded 16-team format and serve as a qualification pathway for the 2027 FIFA Women’s World Cup in Brazil. All four semi-finalist teams will earn automatic qualification for the global tournament.

Morocco’s exit linked to AFCON fallout

Although no formal statement has been issued by either the Confederation of African Football (CAF) or Moroccan authorities, Morocco’s withdrawal is widely believed to be related to tensions following the 2025 Men’s Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON). The men's tournament, hosted by Morocco, ended in a high-stakes final where Senegal defeated the host nation 1–0 in extra time.

The result has reportedly triggered internal pressure within Morocco to step back from hosting CAF competitions in the near term.

CAF sanctions

Following the controversial final, CAF’s Disciplinary Board has imposed a series of sanctions on both the Fédération Royale Marocaine de Football (FRMF) and the Fédération Sénégalaise de Football (FSF), citing breaches of the Disciplinary Code. These included violations related to fair play, integrity, and respect for match officials.

The FRMF faced US$315,000 in fines for the inappropriate behaviour of ball boys, players and staff interfering in the VAR review area, and the use of lasers by fans, while CAF officially dismissed Morocco's protest to overturn the final result

The FSF also received US$615,000 in fines for the improper conduct of supporters and staff, as well as team cautions; most notably, Senegal’s head coach, Pape Bouna Thiaw, was handed a five-match suspension and a US$ 100,000 fine.

Senegal, despite winning the final 1–0 after extra time, was penalised for conduct both on and off the pitch. 

The Senegalese national team head coach, Mr Pape Bouna Thiaw, received a five-match suspension from official CAF competitions. He was also fined USD 100,000 for what CAF described as “unsporting conduct in violation of the CAF Disciplinary Code principles of fair play and integrity and for bringing the game into disrepute”.

Two Senegalese players, Iliman Cheikh Baroy Ndiaye and Ismaila Sarr, were each suspended for two CAF matches for unsporting behaviour towards the referee.

The FSF received further disciplinary measures. The federation was fined USD 300,000 for the “improper conduct of its supporters, which brought the game into disrepute in violation of the CAF Disciplinary Code principles of fair play and integrity”. Another USD 300,000 fine was imposed for the “unsporting conduct of their players and technical staff in violation of the CAF Disciplinary Code principles of fair play, loyalty and integrity”. Additionally, CAF levied a USD 15,000 fine for the team receiving five cautions during the match.

The Moroccan federation also faced disciplinary actions. Star player Achraf Hakimi was suspended for two matches, with one match suspended under a one-year probationary period. Midfielder Ismaël Saibari was suspended for three matches and fined USD 100,000.

CAF sanctioned the FRMF for various conduct and organisational issues. A fine of USD 200,000 was issued due to the inappropriate behaviour of the stadium’s ball boys. The FRMF was also fined USD 100,000 after Moroccan players and technical staff entered the VAR review area and interfered with the referee’s duties, breaching Articles 82 and 83 of the CAF Disciplinary Code. A further USD 15,000 fine was imposed for the use of lasers by Moroccan supporters during the match.

CAF also dismissed a protest filed by the FRMF, which had challenged Senegal’s conduct and sought to overturn the final result. The disciplinary board ruled the appeal lacked merit, thereby confirming Senegal as the AFCON 2025 champions.

The final itself , held at the Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium in Rabat, was defined by high tension, including a missed "Panenka" penalty by Morocco's Brahim Díaz in the dying minutes of regular time before Pape Gueye secured the win for the Teranga Lions in extra time.

According to IMF projections cited and analysed by The African Exponent , Africa’s ten largest economies in 2026 reflect a mix of resource strength, population size, industrial capacity, and policy direction.

South Africa is projected to remain Africa’s largest economy in 2026, with a nominal GDP of about $401.6 billion. Despite slow growth in recent years, the country continues to benefit from its diversified economy, strong financial sector, and advanced industrial base.

Close behind is Egypt, with an estimated $399.5 billion GDP. Egypt’s rise has been driven by large-scale infrastructure investment, expansion in energy production, and aggressive economic reforms.

As The African Exponent has noted in previous coverage, Egypt’s strategic positioning as a trade and logistics hub linking Africa, the Middle East , and Europe continues to strengthen its economic weight.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, is projected to rank third with a GDP of roughly $334.3 billion. Oil and gas still play a central role, but growth in telecommunications, fintech, agriculture, and entertainment has diversified parts of the economy.

However, the African Exponent has consistently pointed out that currency instability, inflation, and policy uncertainty remain key constraints on Nigeria’s full economic potential.

Algeria is expected to rank fourth at $285.0 billion, buoyed largely by hydrocarbons and higher global energy demand. While diversification remains a challenge, state spending and energy exports continue to anchor the economy.

Morocco, at $196.1 billion, rounds out the top five. Its strength lies in manufacturing, agriculture, tourism, and the growing automotive and aerospace industries. The African Exponent frequently highlights Morocco as one of Africa’s most strategically diversified economies.

Kenya and Ethiopia signal East Africa’s growing economic relevance. Kenya has approximately $140.9 billion, driven by services, finance, ICT, and regional trade. Ethiopia is also around $125.7 billion, supported by manufacturing, agriculture, and state-led industrialisation.

Despite debt pressures and foreign exchange shortages, Ethiopia’s long-term growth fundamentals continue to attract attention across African economic commentary.

Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire, and Angola finalise the list as Ghana sits at $113.5 billion, supported by gold, cocoa, and oil, though fiscal pressures persist. Côte d’Ivoire comes in with $111.5 billion, as one of West Africa’s fastest-growing economies, driven by agriculture and infrastructure. Angola, with $109.9 billion, is heavily dependent on oil but showing gradual signs of reform.

The African Exponent has noted that Côte d’Ivoire’s steady growth contrasts sharply with more volatile commodity-dependent economies, making it one of the continent’s most closely watched performers.

These rankings are based on nominal GDP, not purchasing power or living standards. What this really tells us is where capital, infrastructure, and policy focus are currently concentrated. It also highlights Africa’s continued reliance on a handful of large economies to drive continental growth.

But the football almost became a side story. Because this final had everything: tension before kick-off, drama in stoppage time, a full-on pitch walk-off, a failed “Panenka” penalty, and a moment of leadership that stopped the whole game from falling apart.

The trouble started before the first whistle.

Senegal’s Football Federation (FSF) raised “serious concerns” about security. They claimed their team bus had been swarmed by fans, and said they were even denied access to a training pitch at Morocco’s base. That alone was enough to create a hostile build-up, but the heat didn’t stop there.

On social media , the debates grew louder by the day. People argued over referee appointments, and there were accusations that Morocco was being given favourable treatment as tournament hosts. By the time players stepped out onto the pitch, it already felt like more than just a football match.

Despite the noise around it, the game itself stayed tight for most of the normal time.

For 90 minutes, no side had drawn first blood. Although it wasn’t a match full of goals or chaos early on, it was tense, cagey, and hanging on a knife-edge.

But as the clock ran out, that pressure didn’t disappear. 

The final completely lost control in the 98th minute.

Senegal head coach Pape Thiaw was already enraged after Congolese referee Jean-Jacques disallowed a close-range goal by Crystal Palace forward Ismaila Sarr, judging there was a foul in the build-up.

Then came the moment that pushed everything over the edge.

Ndala was advised by the Video Assistant Referee (VAR) to award Morocco a penalty for a challenge by Senegalese defender El Hadji Malick Diouf on Real Madrid forward Brahim Diaz. And Thiaw snapped.

In a move Morocco coach Walid Regragui called “shameful,” Thiaw ushered his players off the field in protest. Senegal walked toward the tunnel, and for around 17 to 20 minutes, the match was suspended while the football world stared in disbelief.

Even FIFA President Gianni Infantino, watching from the stands, later condemned the scenes, calling them “ugly” and unacceptable.

For a final, it was unheard of. And for African football, it was a moment that threatened to leave a stain far beyond one night.

While Senegal walked off, Sadio Mane stayed on the pitch.

Mane was credited with persuading his teammates to come back and finish the match.

Later, he explained, “It would be crazy to not play this game because... the referee gave a penalty.”

He also said he’d rather lose than see African football damaged by abandonment.

When play returned in the 20th minute of stoppage time, Morocco had the perfect chance to win the title.

Their star man, Brahim Diaz, the tournament’s top scorer, stepped up.

And instead of going safe, he must have listened to the voices in his head, afterall, he had been on fire the entire tournament, what could go wrong?

The Spanish-born forward, who switched allegiance just 3 years ago, saw himself delivering the second AFCON title to the Atlas Lions after a 50-year wait.

Brahim Diaz tried the one penalty technique that had befallen many famous footballers before him: the “Panenka”.

Senegal goalkeeper Edouard Mendy read it easily and caught it. Just like that, the chance was gone — and Morocco’s momentum went with it.

That miss didn’t just waste a penalty. It swung the entire final toward Senegal.

Senegal entered extra time with a different energy. Just three minutes into extra time, Villarreal midfielder Pape Gueye stepped up and smashed in what was described as a “piledriver” left-footed strike from the edge of the box.

It flew straight into the top corner.

Morocco tried to respond with desperate attacks, and Brahim Diaz even had a close-range effort saved by Mendy. But Senegal held firm, protected their lead, and saw out the game.

When the final whistle came, it was over. Senegal were champions again.

Back home, the reaction was immediate.

The win triggered “ecstasy” in Dakar, and celebrations spread fast. Senegal’s President Bassirou Diomaye Faye declared Monday a public holiday, giving the country space to properly celebrate the achievement.

After the dust settled, one name stood above the rest: Sadio Mane.

He was named AFCON 2025 Player of the Tournament.

And even though he wasn’t the top scorer — that honour went to Brahim Diaz, who finished with five goals — Mane was praised by the Confederation of African Football (CAF) for his leadership and calmness, especially during the final’s most volatile moments.

At 33 years old, and with speculation growing that this might be his last AFCON, the award felt like a tribute as much as a prize.

When Mane lifted the trophy — handed to him by captain Kalidou Koulibaly — it closed the curtain on a tournament that was as controversial as it was historic.

Security concerns on arrival

The FSF said the Senegalese delegation was met with inadequate security when it arrived at the Rabat railway station, leaving players and staff exposed to unnecessary risks. 

According to the federation, the level of security did not meet the standards expected for a continental final and placed the team in close and unsafe proximity to the public.

Problems with accommodation  

Senegal also complained about delays in securing suitable accommodation. The FSF said it was only allocated a five-star hotel after submitting a formal written protest to organisers.

The federation said the delay affected the team’s ability to recover properly ahead of the final.

Dispute over training facilities

Training arrangements have become another major point of contention. Senegal rejected plans to train at the Mohammed VI Complex, arguing that the facility is the Moroccan team’s training base and gives the hosts an unfair advantage.

The FSF said it formally informed the Confederation of African Football (CAF) of its refusal and, at the time of the statement, had not been given an alternative training venue.

Ticket allocation concerns  

Ticket distribution has also added to the tension. Senegal said it received fewer than 3,000 tickets for its supporters at the 53,000-capacity Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium.

The federation said it was allocated just two VVIP tickets and was not allowed to purchase additional VIP or VVIP seats. It warned that the limited ticket numbers would exclude many Senegalese fans and affect the atmosphere of the final.

The FSF has called on CAF and the Local Organising Committee to take urgent action to address the issues and ensure fair treatment for both teams.

The Atlas Lions might have been the nation that defeated Victor Osimhen and his cohorts in a 4-2 win on penalties in the semis, but back home, Nigerians are having a go at the Ghanaian referee, Daniel Laryea, who officiated the game.

Many Nigerians have gone online to call out Laryea, whom they think favoured the Moroccans during the fixture, which led to their defeat. 

Some have questioned the competence of Laryea, saying he should never officiate a game again.

Others have publicised the Ghanaian referee's personal social media pages, calling for others to attack him.

Ghanaians have also come out to support their compatriot, congratulating him for his performance in such a high-stakes game.

Now, Ghana and Nigeria’s rivalry goes beyond football—the West African nations have always been at it. From Jollof Wars to music , and even having banter over which nation is more developed. 

But, when it comes to football, here’s the backstory;

Nigeria has won the AFCON three times: 1980, 1994, and 2013. Whereas Ghana has won it four times: in 1963, 1965, 1978, and 1982, bettered only by Cameroon (5) and Egypt (7).

Meaning if Nigeria had qualified for the final and gone on to win it, they would have equalled the Black Stars’ tally.

In the lead-up to the tournament in Morocco, Nigeria had just failed to qualify for the 2026 FIFA World Cup to be held in the USA, Canada and Mexico. Ghana, which failed to make it to the AFCON stage, qualified for football’s biggest competition—a feat they have not been so quiet about.

The pressure on the Nigerian team to win a fourth AFCON trophy was heightened throughout this tournament, considering how they were firm favourites in the finals last time but somehow lost to Côte d’Ivoire.

Now, many in Nigeria believed this year’s trophy to be theirs because they had cleared everyone before them. Defeating nations like Algeria and Tunisia along the way.

The Super Eagles now have to battle it out for the bronze medal on Saturday, January 17, with the most successful nation in the competition, Egypt, another nation that has been chasing the AFCON trophy since completing their three-peat in 2010.

The Pharaohs lost their semi-final fixture against Senegal. Surely, this means a nail in the coffin for the hopes of talismanic captain, Mohamed Salah, to win an AFCON.

Unless he decides to try again at age 35, when the 2027 tournament is jointly hosted by Kenya , Tanzania and Uganda. 

The legendary Liverpool forward has not been in great form, and pundits suggest he might exit Anfield sooner, rather than later, after a very public falling out with Dutch manager Arne Slot.

For his former Liverpool teammate, Mane, it is a chance at immortality after winning Senegal their first trophy in 2021 against Egypt.

The West African nation faces the host, Morocco, another nation chasing its second trophy in the final on Sunday, January 18.

The last time the North Africans won the tournament was 50 years ago in 1976.

Motsepe confirmed that the 2027 edition of AFCON will proceed as scheduled in Uganda, Kenya , and Tanzania. However, the next edition, originally planned for 2029, will now take place in 2028. The subsequent AFCON will be held in 2032.

This adjustment allows room for the inaugural African Nations League to be staged in 2029. Motsepe stated that the competition will include all 54 CAF member associations, grouped into four geographical zones. Matches are expected to be played in September and October, with the final phase held in November.

“What is new is that … in Africa there’s going to be a competition every year where the best African players who play in Europe and worldwide will be with us on the continent,” Motsepe said.

CAF has not yet clarified whether the African Nations League will be held annually or every two years.

The opening fixture of the 2025 AFCON took place on Sunday, December 21, between host nation Morocco and Comoros in front of a sold-out crowd at the Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium in Rabat. 

The Atlas Lions, one of the favourites to win the competition, triumphed with a 2-0 victory over their East African counterpart.

All goals were scored in the second half. Brahim Diaz of Real Madrid opened the scoring in the 55th minute. Substitute Ayoub El Kaabi, who plays for Greek side Olympiacos, added a second goal in the 74th minute, just nine minutes after entering the field.

The tournament marks the 35th edition of AFCON and features 24 teams from across Africa. It is the second time Morocco is hosting the competition, the first being in 1988. 

The final is scheduled for January 18, 2026.

Losing the ranking means Morocco has fallen out of the group of reference countries recognised by the WHO, a setback the network described as a blow to national health security and vaccine sovereignty.

According to the network, the audit revealed weaknesses in governance , independence and regulatory performance. Morocco’s legal and regulatory index reportedly dropped to just one out of five, raising concerns about oversight and accountability within the agency. 

The group also blamed the decline on what it called a flawed pharmaceutical policy, pointing to powerful industry lobbies , weak competition enforcement and drug prices that in some cases are more than ten times higher than in countries of origin or in Europe.

Another major concern raised was a “brain drain” from the sector, with more than 200 scientific and technical professionals said to have left due to poor working conditions and lack of job stability. The network warned that replacing experienced staff with short-term contracts has undermined institutional capacity.

While several African countries have achieved WHO Maturity Level 3 status in recent years, Morocco’s downgrade risks limiting its ability to market medicines and vaccines regionally and internationally, potentially deterring investment.

The network has called for an investigation into the causes of the downgrade, reforms to strengthen the regulator’s independence, tighter controls on drug pricing, and stronger action by the Competition Council to curb monopolistic practices in the pharmaceutical market.

It also urged the government to introduce incentives to retain scientific talent and restore confidence in Morocco’s drug regulatory system.

At least 37 people were killed after torrential rains triggered flash floods in Morocco’s Atlantic coastal province of Safi, authorities said. State broadcaster SNRT News reported that at least 14 people were hospitalised, including two in intensive care, after heavy rain on Sunday swept cars and debris through the town, about 300km south of Rabat. Local authorities said more than 70 homes and businesses in the historic old city were flooded within an hour, while search and rescue operations and support efforts for affected residents remain ongoing.

Morocco positions itself at the centre of Atlantic geopolitics and long-term reform debates

Morocco is being highlighted as a central actor in discussions around geopolitics , structural reforms, and future-oriented policy planning through the “Perspectives 2030” framework. The Policy Centre’s focus places the country at the heart of the Atlantic Dialogues, underscoring Morocco’s growing role as a convening power between Africa, Europe, and the Atlantic world. This positioning reflects sustained diplomatic engagement, strategic economic planning, and an emphasis on long-term stability and influence in regional and transatlantic affairs.

Morocco–EBRD contracts set to reach a record $1 billion in 2025

Greg Guyett, first Vice-President of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, said 2025 is a record year for EBRD contract signings with Morocco, totalling about $1 billion , driven by strong government partnerships and private sector collaboration. He said the bank will continue investing to support business growth, particularly for SMEs, with a focus on energy, industry, water, renewable energy, grid upgrades, and education programs that empower youth and women.

Government explores a new framework to recognise and support women’s unpaid household work

Morocco is examining the development of a new policy framework aimed at addressing women’s unpaid household labour , a long-standing issue in social and economic policy. This initiative signals increased attention to gender equity, social protection, and the economic value of care work that has traditionally gone unrecognised. The exploration of such a framework suggests a broader reform agenda focused on inclusion, labour recognition, and social justice within national development priorities.

Morocco reiterates a firm and fair position on the Sahara issue under King Mohammed VI’s leadership

The head of government has reaffirmed Morocco’s firm and fair stance on the Sahara issue, emphasising continuity and clarity under the leadership of King Mohammed VI. This position reflects the state’s consistent diplomatic narrative, combining sovereignty claims with calls for pragmatic and realistic solutions. The reiteration underscores the centrality of the Sahara issue to Morocco’s foreign policy, national unity, and international engagement strategy.

Because of this, it has become a central focus for both the US and China in terms of economic and political influence. Prior to 2023, China gained the upper hand with its focus on non-intervention and economic collaboration, particularly through the Belt and Road programme. Following the war that erupted on October 7, China has engaged in the region much more actively, and its popularity has soared.

Since its founding, the People’s Republic of China has built its foreign policy on the “five principles of peaceful coexistence”. These principles, known as “mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty, non-aggression, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence”, have been China’s “red lines” both during the Cold War and in subsequent years. China remained outside the bipolar system of the Cold War and opted for a “third way” by supporting the emergence of the Non-Aligned Movement at the Bandung Conference in 1955. Despite the entry into a period of détente in international politics in the 1970s, China’s approach to non-alignment with any polarisation persisted, leading the country to make “non-alliance” a state policy in 1982. 

A clean record

MENA countries were among the regions where China’s fundamental foreign policy principles were practically implemented. At the aforementioned Bandung Conference, China established contact with nationalist parties in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, which were under French rule at the time, as well as in independent Libya. These initial contacts exemplified the parties’ revolutionary and anti-colonial solidarity. In the Middle East, diplomatic relations between China and the Gulf countries, in particular, began with Iraq in 1958, followed by Iran and Kuwait (1971), Oman (1978), the United Arab Emirates (1984), Qatar (1988), Bahrain (1989) and Saudi Arabia (1990). As can be seen, these countries, having gained their independence from Western colonial rule, quickly established a rapprochement with China. 

Following the end of the Cold War, relations between China and the MENA region entered a period of further development. MENA countries viewed China as a power with which to cooperate because it lacked a history of colonialism, military intervention, or regime change in the region. China, on the other hand, aimed to establish multi-layered interaction with the region to realise its interests within the emerging international system. To this end, China proactively established the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in 2000, followed by the China–Arab States Cooperation Forum (CASCF) four years later. 

The Arab Spring, which began in Tunisia at the end of 2010 and then spread throughout MENA, initiated a transformational process whose effects would last for years. People living in MENA began protesting against the authoritarian regimes in their countries that had long deprived them of economic prosperity and fundamental rights and freedoms. This wave of uprisings created the potential to fundamentally reshape the region’s “political ecology”. While historically significant developments were taking place in MENA, China’s regional strategy was embodied in the Belt and Road Initiative, which funds infrastructure aimed at bolstering international economic links. For China, the region provided an opportunity to prioritise its economic and geostrategic interests and place less emphasis on political engagement. Despite the liberal ideals of the Arab Spring, the persistence of autocratic and nationalist regimes in the region has also presented a positive picture for China. Regimes in the region have prioritised economic growth and development over democratisation. This has opened the door for China to promote an alternative to the liberal order created by the West after 1945. 

Through the Belt and Road Initiative, China has established a successful method for achieving its desired goals. In exchange for energy agreements signed with MENA countries, which represent a strong option for meeting China’s need for energy resources such as oil and natural gas, China has built infrastructure and transportation projects in the region. These partnerships, which foster a win–win relationship between the parties, have significantly contributed to China’s interaction with the non-Western world. Unlike Western powers, which lost prestige in the region, particularly for their open support of opposition movements during the Arab Spring, China is perceived as a reliable actor by governments in MENA. Driven by this momentum, China signed strategic partnership agreements with Qatar, Iraq, Kuwait and Oman, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates between 2014 and 2018. Furthermore, in addition to striving to establish partnerships with MENA countries through bilateral relations and regional forums, China has also worked to mediate conflict resolution in the region. On 10 March 2023, Iran and Saudi Arabia, mediated by China, agreed to re-establish diplomatic relations. Bringing two strategic MENA actors, who had not had diplomatic contact since 2016, to the same table strengthened China’s prestige significantly. 

During this period, China presented a position in MENA radically different from the colonialism, use of military force, and conditional aid to achieve economic interests pursued by Western powers, particularly the US. China’s MENA strategy, particularly in the post-Arab Spring period, was based on a theoretical foundation of soft power and anti-colonialism. 

Change of approach

The events of 7 October, 2023 changed everything in the region and inevitably led to a shift in China’s approach connected to its long-standing support for Palestinian statehood. Since establishing the Special Representative for the Middle East in 2002, China has sought to host peace talks between Palestine and Israel and current Chinese President Xi Jinping has presented draft peace plans to the parties at various times. In these draft peace plans, China emphasised the importance of global recognition of the State of Palestine, the continuation of negotiations between Palestine and Israel, and the role of the international community in guaranteeing Palestinian sovereignty. These proposals were also included in the Arab Policy Paper published by China in 2016. 

Chinese officials have visited MENA to meet with all stakeholders in the region, particularly Hamas and Israel. As a result of these visits, an important mediation activity was carried out by bringing together the two major Palestinian groups, Fatah and Hamas, in Beijing in April 2024. Thus, in the face of the unconditional military support for Israel from the US and European powers, China has maintained its diplomatic stance. Even during the crisis, China has maintained its foreign policy of avoiding direct involvement in conflicts, maintaining political neutrality, and acting with caution. With these steps, which differentiate it from Western powers, China has assumed the role of a mediator seeking regional security and stability. China aims to end the regional crisis through an approach that emphasises a “two-state solution” and the role of regional organisations. 

That approach is bearing fruit, as results from the Arab Barometer reveal, although the challenge for China will be adapting to its new position in the world order on issues less binary than the conflict in Gaza.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views. This essay is based on research featured in the paper Perceptions of China in the Middle East and North Africa: an analysis in the context of Israel’s war on Gaza published in Third World Quarterly.

Other expensive countries include Cameroon, where broadband costs hover around $57 to $58 per month, largely driven by major network providers like MTN.

Kenya and South Africa follow at about $48, while Morocco averages $35 and Nigeria about $22, with names like Maroc Telecom and Spectranet leading the charge.

The high cost of internet services in Africa is mostly attributed to several interlinked factors, including weak infrastructure, limited competition among service providers, and heavy reliance on imported bandwidth.

This challenge, some analysts believe, could be subdued by Elon Musk's Starlink's presence in Africa.

"Due to Africa’s geographical size and the still weak terrestrial infrastructure, the company could play a prominent role in providing last-mile access to communities across the continent," Diplo states in its Status of Internet Access and Connectivity in Africa report .

Unlike continents with dense fibre-optic networks, much of Africa relies on satellite connectivity and undersea cables , both costly to build and maintain.

In countries such as Ghana, Nigeria, and Malawi, local internet service providers (ISPs) must pay high wholesale prices to access international bandwidth, costs that are inevitably passed down to consumers.

Monopolistic tendencies within certain markets also prevent healthy competition. In other words, in many countries, just a handful of major network providers in Africa control the market , keeping prices high and competition low.

In comparison to the West, people in Switzerland pay about $68 with Swisscom; Australians $52 with OC Broadband. Germany’s average is $36, Canada’s $58, and the UK sits around $39, all for much faster, more reliable connections.

Additionally, the World Population Review reports that "Residents of the United Arab Emirates pay the highest average internet cost at $98.84 per month worldwide, followed by nearby Qatar at $92.04 monthly. There’s a substantial drop to third place, Oman, where people spend an average of $76.99 per month on the internet. Honduras takes fourth place ($72.28), followed by Saudi Arabia ($70.75). The United States sits in sixth place at $67.57 per month. Of the ten most expensive nations, half are located in the Middle East."

“When I heard the whistle and the announcement of the end of the match, I got chills all over my body, the kind of chills Moroccans know as pure joy from the heart. Praise be to God for this victory,” said Mariam Al-Mzabri, one of the elated supporters gathered in the capital.

Morocco captured the 2025 FIFA U-20 World Cup in Chile on Monday, defeating Argentina 2–0 in the final with two first-half goals from rising star Yassir Zabiri.

The victory is Morocco’s first-ever global football title and the first time an Arab nation has won a FIFA-organised competition. It also places Morocco alongside Ghana , which won the U-20 World Cup in 2009, as the only African nations to claim the prestigious trophy.

Russia has expressed its willingness to support Morocco’s autonomy plan for the Western Sahara, signalling a notable diplomatic shift that could influence the long-standing regional dispute. Moscow stated that it views Morocco’s proposal as “a realistic framework” for resolving tensions, though it emphasised that any support would be contingent on adherence to UN resolutions and respect for all involved parties. This development is particularly significant as it aligns Russia closer to the growing list of countries endorsing Morocco’s autonomy vision, which positions Western Sahara as part of the Kingdom under a degree of self-governance. The move has been welcomed in Rabat as a sign of increasing international recognition of Morocco’s stance, potentially reshaping alliances within North Africa and the broader Sahel region.

Senegal reaffirms strong support for Morocco’s Western Sahara autonomy plan

Senegal has once again reaffirmed its support for Morocco’s Western Sahara autonomy plan, underscoring the deep and enduring diplomatic relationship between Dakar and Rabat. Senegal’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs described Morocco’s plan as “credible and serious,” reflecting the country’s consistent position in favour of territorial integrity and stability in the Maghreb. Analysts note that Senegal’s stance is not merely symbolic; it highlights a broader African consensus emerging around Morocco’s approach, particularly as more nations withdraw recognition of the Polisario Front. The reaffirmation also reinforces Morocco’s growing diplomatic influence across sub-Saharan Africa, strengthening its position as a continental leader advocating pragmatic solutions to long-standing conflicts.

How Moroccan Gen Z is reshaping politics from streets to screens

In a vivid reflection of modern political engagement, Morocco’s Generation Z is reshaping activism through both street demonstrations and digital campaigns. Movements such as GenZ 212 have leveraged social media platforms to mobilise support, voice discontent, and demand structural reform on issues ranging from unemployment to corruption. This new wave of activism combines online visibility with physical protests, marking a generational shift from traditional political engagement to dynamic, tech-driven advocacy. Political analysts argue that Gen Z’s assertiveness could become a catalyst for deeper democratisation, compelling institutions to adapt to a more transparent and participatory governance model.

Morocco promises stronger anti-corruption measures under youth pressure

Facing sustained pressure from youth-led demonstrations, the Moroccan government has vowed to intensify its fight against corruption. Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch’s administration announced new transparency initiatives and public accountability mechanisms aimed at restoring public trust. Protesters, particularly from the Gen Z movement, have accused political elites of inertia and demanded institutional reform. The government’s commitment includes reinforcing judicial independence and implementing stricter monitoring of public funds. Observers believe that while the announcement is a step forward, the success of these measures will depend on consistent enforcement and the empowerment of civil oversight bodies.

Amal Seghrouchni challenges international perceptions of Morocco’s anti-corruption progress

Amal Seghrouchni, a prominent member of Morocco’s National Commission for Integrity and Anti-Corruption, has criticised international indexes for failing to accurately reflect Morocco’s ongoing efforts to curb corruption. Speaking at a policy forum, she argued that many assessments overlook domestic reforms and progress achieved in governance transparency, data access, and judicial reform. Seghrouchni called for international evaluation mechanisms that incorporate local realities rather than rely solely on perception-based metrics. Her remarks have reignited debate over how anti-corruption success should be measured globally, and how countries like Morocco can ensure fair representation in global governance rankings.

“Major national projects and social programmes should not be in conflict or competition, as long as the objective is to advance the country and elevate people's standard of living ,” he said, adding, “This responsibility lies not only with the government but with everyone, especially you, the parliamentarians, as representatives of the citizens.” 

Referencing his previous Throne Speech, King Mohammed VI reiterated the need for a new phase in Morocco’s transformation, “the march of emerging Morocco.” He called for accelerated territorial development programmes that transcend electoral cycles and political mandates.

“We aspire that everyone benefits from the fruits of growth and equal opportunities,” he said, highlighting the importance of political, economic, and social rights for all Moroccans. 

The King further demanded targeted support for Morocco’s most vulnerable areas, particularly the mountainous regions and oases, which comprise nearly one-third of the national territory.

“What remains of the rule of law,” one might ask, “when the European Commission deliberately circumvents the rulings of its own Court of Justice?”

This is not a theoretical question — it is the current reality of the European Union’s policy toward Western Sahara.

In October 2025, the Commission signed a new trade agreement with Morocco that explicitly covers the territory of Western Sahara — despite four clear rulings by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) declaring such inclusion unlawful without the free, prior, and informed consent of the Sahrawi people through their legitimate representative, the Polisario Front.

By doing so, the EU’s executive arm has not only contradicted the Union’s legal order but has also undermined one of its most sacred principles: respect for the rule of law.

A legal framework ignored

Since 2016, the CJEU has been remarkably consistent:

Western Sahara and Morocco are “separate and distinct territories”, and Morocco exercises no recognised sovereignty over the territory.

Any EU–Morocco agreement that applies to Western Sahara is, therefore, null and void unless it receives the free, prior, and informed consent of the Sahrawi people through their legitimate representative, the Polisario Front — a principle firmly rooted in international law and in the EU’s own treaties.

Yet, instead of implementing these judgments, the European Commission has chosen to reinterpret them politically, inventing a misleading concept of “consultations” with selected local actors to simulate “consent.”

This manoeuvre is not a legal adaptation — it is institutional defiance of judicial authority.

The message is unmistakable: in the hierarchy of EU institutions, political expediency now overrides judicial independence.

The politics of selective legality

The Commission’s behaviour sets a dangerous precedent for the entire Union.

If the EU’s executive body can ignore binding court rulings in one case, what prevents others from doing the same in future disputes?

Europe cannot demand that its member states uphold judicial independence while it bends its own laws for political convenience.

Behind the diplomatic language lies a deeper truth:

Morocco has turned its relationship with the EU into a mechanism of international legitimisation,

transforming trade, fisheries, and renewable energy agreements into a political instrument to reinforce its administrative control over Western Sahara.

Each new deal signed in Brussels is presented in Rabat’s media as “recognition of sovereignty,”

even though international law and the Court of Justice clearly state otherwise.

By proceeding under these terms, the European Commission risks becoming an enabler of this narrative,

granting indirect legitimacy to a governance system that relies on security control, demographic engineering, and economic dependency to maintain dominance over the Sahrawi population.

From administration to control: Morocco’s strategy in Western Sahara

Within the territory under Morocco’s de facto control,

an intricate structure of security oversight and economic dependency has been established.

Military checkpoints, intelligence surveillance, and administrative restrictions regulate every aspect of Sahrawi civic life.

Dozens of Sahrawi activists remain detained under questionable charges and unfair trials, often facing intimidation and mistreatment.

At the same time, economic dependency is deliberately used as a tool of control:

Jobs, permits, and financial incentives are granted primarily to Moroccan settlers and businessmen,

and to a small number of Sahrawis who remain silent or cooperate in exchange for roles that serve Morocco’s narrative on the Sahrawi question.

Meanwhile, the vast majority of the Sahrawi population is excluded from meaningful economic participation and local decision-making.

Through this system, Morocco has turned the economy into an instrument of political and social domination,

where loyalty is rewarded and dissent is penalised.

What makes this reality even more alarming is that the European Commission has now become an active partner in this system.

By providing political and institutional support, it is helping Morocco evade the implementation of international legality and EU law,

thus enabling a governance model that systematically marginalises the Sahrawi people.

In doing so, the Commission is no longer a guardian of legality — it has become an actor in its erosion.

From law to morality

Europe’s institutions were built on the belief that legality and morality must coexist.

When the Commission chooses to bypass the Court’s decisions, it betrays not only the Sahrawi people but also the European citizens whose democratic legitimacy depends on trust in the rule of law.

The irony is stark: Europe promotes legality in Ukraine, in Palestine, and in Sudan,

yet tolerates a territorial exception in Western Sahara — the last unresolved decolonisation case in Africa.

How can the EU advocate for a “rules-based international order” while compromising its own legal integrity at home?

A crisis of credibility

By aligning with Morocco’s interpretation of “development,”

The European Commission has become an institutional partner in every violation occurring within the territory.

It is not merely ignoring the Court’s rulings — it is actively assisting Morocco in evading the implementation of international and European law,

thereby becoming complicit in the continued erosion of the Sahrawi people’s rights.

What makes this situation even more troubling is that Morocco has not only undermined legality in Western Sahara but has also managed to infiltrate parts of Europe’s own democratic system.

Through financial influence, lobbying, and the buying of political and media loyalty,

Rabat has built networks of influence within European institutions — a phenomenon exposed by scandals such as Qatargate and Moroccogate.

Despite this erosion of trust in European democracy, Morocco is today rewarded with a new, rushed, and opaque agreement,

as if the European Union were punishing its own judiciary while compensating those who defied it.

The moral and political imperative

Europe’s credibility begins — or ends — in Western Sahara.

The European Parliament, member states, and civil society must now decide whether the rule of law is a universal principle or a flexible political tool.

If the CJEU’s rulings continue to be ignored, then the very foundation of the European Union — legality, equality, and human rights — loses meaning.

The Sahrawi people have waited for five decades, believing in Europe’s conscience and its courts.

They have remained peaceful, disciplined, and faithful to the law.

If Europe chooses silence now, it will not only betray the Sahrawis — it will betray itself.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Med Elbaikam is a human rights advocate and independent Sahrawi activist based in Europe.

In Kenya, youth-led demonstrations have targeted rising costs of living and perceived government negligence, using social media to amplify grievances. The movement dates back to 2024.

Meanwhile in Senegal, young voters played a decisive role in recent elections , pushing for reform and accountability from a political class long seen as distant from everyday struggles.

In Togo, protests have been overtly youth-led and marked by demands for fair elections and political transparency. Analysts say these movements are distinct for their lack of ties to traditional parties or civil society and reflect growing frustration with entrenched rule.

Across the Mediterranean, Morocco’s “GenZ 212” protests have captured global attention . Young demonstrators are demanding economic justice, educational reform, improved healthcare, and an end to corruption, while criticising the government’s investment in infrastructure for international events over core social services.  Clashes have turned deadly in places like Lqliaa, where security forces opened fire on a crowd attempting to storm a gendarmerie post, killing two protesters.

Here are the four key issues driving the movement.

1. Collapse of public healthcare

Protesters say Morocco’s public hospitals are underfunded, overcrowded, and broken. Some described being forced to buy their own bandages and medicines from street sellers because hospitals lacked supplies. Others accused medical staff of exploiting shortages. One demonstrator said, “We are just asking for healthcare, nothing more.”

"I'm a citizen, and all I'm asking for is healthcare and education. If someone goes to Mohammed V Hospital or any hospital, they're told to bring their own medicine. My brother had his leg amputated, and another man tells me to bring bandages and medicine - even though he has them - and wants me to buy them from him. I told him I need the ones he already has, and he told me to get them from the street,” another protestor told Viory.

2. Poor quality of education  

Many protesters blame poor-quality schooling and limited access to good universities for leaving an entire generation unprepared for work. Several said degrees are worthless because qualified graduates cannot find jobs. Placards read, “Failed policies destroy the new generation.” A protestor said, “We want to go to school and actually find quality education. We want to say, 'thank God we're in our country.' We don't want to migrate."

3. Unemployment and lost futures

Youth unemployment remains stubbornly high, and many young Moroccans say they feel forced to consider migration. Protesters demanded a government “made up of the people,” accusing leaders of prioritising politics and wealth over real economic reform.

4. Corruption and inequality

Chants of “people want to bring down corruption” echoed through the streets. Demonstrators accuse officials of mismanaging public funds and enriching elites while ordinary citizens struggle to afford basic needs. The protests have become a rallying cry for freedom and dignity.

While most marches began peacefully, some gatherings turned violent. Morocco’s Interior Ministry reported 263 injured security officers, 23 civilian injuries, and damage to government buildings, banks, and vehicles. Authorities detained nearly 490 people, saying they acted to maintain public safety while protecting citizens’ rights.

Protesters carried banners asking, “Where are the hospitals?” and condemned what they called misplaced priorities.

According to Reuters , more than 260 security personnel were injured in clashes, while 23 civilians were wounded and over 400 people arrested nationwide. The Interior Ministry confirmed that two protesters were killed in Lqliaa after security forces opened fire when a gendarmerie post was attacked.

International agencies report that Morocco continues to face chronic shortages in healthcare, with just 4.4 doctors per 10,000 people, which is far below the World Health Organisation’s standard.

Protesters also point to repeated tragedies, including maternal deaths in understaffed hospitals, as evidence of state neglect.

Authorities defended the stadium projects, saying they would boost Morocco’s global profile and tourism sector. Government officials also promised to convene parliament to discuss health sector reforms in response to the protests.

Morocco has long been considered a relatively stable country in North Africa, with strong ties to Europe and the United States . But the latest protests raise concerns that deepening social discontent could undermine the country’s carefully cultivated image as a hub of modernity and reform.

For now, the question hangs in the air: are Morocco’s grand stadiums monuments to progress, or symbols of a government papering over cracks in its social fabric?

The project is designed to significantly boost employment, with the initial development phase expected to generate 2,300 jobs. Across its full five-phase plan, the gigafactory is projected to create up to 10,000 jobs. The first phase alone is expected to result in 17,000 direct and indirect job opportunities.

Production is scheduled to begin in late 2026 with an initial capacity of 20 gigawatt-hours (GWh), which is expected to scale up to 100 GWh.

What this means

Unlike many other plants that rely on imported materials, this facility will manufacture the core materials required for battery production. By producing electrode materials such as cathodes and anodes on-site, the factory offers Morocco enhanced supply chain security and cost competitiveness. This vertical integration reduces reliance on foreign imports and strengthens Morocco’s autonomy in the high-tech manufacturing space .

Around 85% of the batteries produced at the site will be exported to the European Union. This helps reduce Europe’s dependence on Asian markets and shortens supply chains for the automotive sector. Morocco is shifting from being an assembly point to a key manufacturing hub serving one of the largest consumer markets globally.

The gigafactory’s development will follow a modular roadmap. It will commence with a first stage in 2026 and expand progressively as contracts and funding are secured. This approach is designed to allow flexibility and scalability in response to evolving energy market dynamics.

Local production of essential battery components will help Morocco reduce its import dependency. The project's vertical integration is expected to stabilise regional supply chains and strengthen Morocco's competitive position amid growing global demand for battery technology.

This initiative also marks a strategic shift for Africa. By building manufacturing capabilities on the continent, the project offers a model for transitioning from raw material exportation to high-value industrial production. It allows African countries to gain more economic value from their natural resources.

China-Morocco partnership

China remains Morocco’s third-largest global trading partner and its largest in Asia. In 2024, bilateral trade amounted to $9.04 billion, with China exporting $7.74 billion and importing $1.3 billion from Morocco, China’s Foreign Affairs Ministry reported.

The partnership reflects China's expanding economic involvement in Africa. It aligns with China’s strategy of combining infrastructure investment with industrial development in the clean energy sector. 

For Morocco, the gigafactory represents a step forward into high-tech manufacturing, economic diversification, and a strengthened role as a strategic link between Africa, Asia, and Europe in the global green economy.

China's broader investment strategy in Africa

In May, China pledged to increase its investment across Africa.

Shen Xiang, Director of the West Asia and Africa Department at China’s Ministry of Commerce, stated , “African countries have seen steady economic development in recent years, with the overall business environment continuing to improve and the willingness of Chinese firms to invest in the continent significantly growing.”

According to Shen, annual direct investment from Chinese firms in Africa has exceeded $3 billion over the past five years, covering a variety of sectors.

Ghana, Cote d'Ivoire under threat as Sahel insurgencies creep south: Eigenrac analysis

Militant reach from Burkina Faso is eroding buffers to wealthier coastal states. A recent attack in northern Côte d’Ivoire highlights how extremist violence is spilling into Benin, Togo, and Ghana, fueling displacement and cross-border threats. The southward push raises wider concerns for Europe and the West over migration, humanitarian crises, and insecurity along the Gulf of Guinea. Read more here .

Emerging markets news: Morocco’s bet on digital and green energy assessed

Leveraging its position between Europe and Africa, Morocco is emerging as a centre for digital innovation and renewable energy, driven by major solar, wind, and hydrogen projects to meet local and European demand. Read more here .

Why food prices are surging everywhere

Global food prices are surging, squeezing households, straining farmers, and threatening food security worldwide. Read more here .

Asia

Xi Jinping leads China’s largest military parade in decades: Video

China marked Victory Day with its biggest military parade in decades, showcasing advanced weapons and projecting global influence. Read more here .

Japan PM Ishiba resigns after bruising election losses

Japanese PM Shigeru Ishiba resigned Sunday, raising policy uncertainty for the world’s fourth-largest economy. Read more here .

How Taiwan could revive nuclear power, step by step: Video

Taiwan closed its last nuclear reactor in August, but debate over the future of nuclear power and its impact on health, safety, and energy security continues. Read more here .

Latin America

Bolsonaro supporters rally in Brazil as coup trial nears verdict

Thousands of Bolsonaro supporters protested across Brazil on Sunday, days before his trial over alleged coup plotting after the 2022 election. Read more here .

Global South Politics: The ‘collapse’ of Bolivia’s ruling MAS party - Video

Bolivia’s ruling MAS party faced a major setback in the August 17 elections, driven by economic troubles and internal divisions. Read more here .

COP30 comes to the Amazon — But will it help the people who live there?

Amid Brazil’s Amazon’s illegal activities, the world often overlooks the harsh social and economic realities facing indigenous people. Read more here .

In the Pacific, India is making a strategic move in Fiji.

India is establishing a new defence wing at its High Commission in Suva. That comes with a defence attaché, maritime security support, equipment, training, and even a cybersecurity training cell.

It was announced during Fijian Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka’s visit to New Delhi. Both he and India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi emphasised their shared commitment to a secure Indo-Pacific.

The move isn’t just about Fiji’s security. It’s about global politics. India is stepping up in the Pacific at a time when China has been building influence in the region. By helping Fiji secure its Exclusive Economic Zone, India positions itself as a partner of choice and signals its presence in the wider Indo-Pacific security architecture.

Respect in school

Now to Central America, where El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele is back in the headlines. This time it’s about schools. A new regulation, called the “Promotion of School Courtesy,” will take effect on September 1. It requires students to use polite phrases like good morning, please, and thank you.

If they don’t, they could face penalties ranging from warnings to suspension of privileges, or in extreme cases, even being held back a grade. Though there’s also a redemption system to regain points through positive actions.

It might sound like a small cultural policy, but it speaks volumes. Bukele is pushing a vision of social order that complements his tough security agenda. He’s saying: discipline isn’t just about gangs on the streets, it’s about behaviour in classrooms too.

And it is happening while his approval ratings are sky-high. Bukele has just been ranked the most popular leader in the world, 91% approval, higher than Putin, Modi, even Trump.

His popularity is directly linked to those hardline security measures—like the mega-prison known as CECOT, but also social measures like this, which resonate with parents and teachers. The bigger question is: at what point does such overwhelming support blur the lines between democracy and authoritarianism?

Military and development

Finally, to Southeast Asia where Indonesia is planning a massive expansion of its military’s role in development.

The government wants to establish 500 territorial development battalions by 2029, with 100 already in place. These aren’t just combat units, they’ll help implement government programmes, from economic downstreaming to national self-sufficiency projects.

And they have full budget backing from the Ministry of Finance, so this isn’t just a proposal.

The move reflects how Indonesia views its military not only as a defence force but also as a tool for state-building. But it’s a double-edged sword. On one hand, it can accelerate development in remote areas; on the other, it risks entrenching military influence in civilian governance.

Morocco's green bridge

Again this week we’ve been offered some insights from Eigenrac , the security and intelligence consultancy, this time relating to Morocco.

Less than 15 kilometers off mainland Europe, Morocco is the only African country which has a land border with the European Union, thanks to the two Spanish enclaves on the coast. These facts make it an ideal bridge between the continents. And when this is coupled with Morocco’s other geographical strengths, that would allow it to become a renewable energy superpower, there’s definitely a partnership to be made.

With plenty of sun for solar, mountains for hydroelectric and empty land for wind turbines, Morocco could fill the holes which are emerging in the EU’s net zero plans as a result of domestic resistance. It also has the potential to produce significant amounts of green hydrogen and even host some of the data centres which will be needed to power Europe’s digital transformation.

However, there are some risks to this vision.

Morocco has been a largely stable country in a region that is anything but. The risks are primarily around its government failing to maintain the confidence of its citizens. Climate change is a factor here, especially if clean energy or thirsty data centres start to compete with farmland for water. Inflation and unemployment have the potential to disrupt the economy if external factors hit the standard of living of ordinary people. And if wealth from these new investments are concentrated in a few urban centres that may also provoke unrest.

Then there’s the risk that bets in green hydrogen may not pay off with an uncertain demand for the fuel. And finally, risks that complicated regulatory processes will deter foreign investors

So it’s far from a done deal, but on the other hand, many African countries will be looking enviously at the position Morocco has got itself into through forward thinking and relationship building. Signs that the green and digital transitions may not leave Africa behind.

Divided by religion?

Let’s talk about religion in Africa. It’s a big subject and its importance runs deeply. The map shows the biggest religion in each nation. And its a very stark division showing states which are dominated by Islam in the north and states dominated by Christianity in the south. And there is a belt between the two where both religions are common.

There are also many other religions practiced in Africa, primarily traditional religions often described as animist. But the map recalls a point made in an essay by Ethiopian academic Seifudein Adem, who has written for Global South World this week about how Africa can improve its political systems. He says that the import of Christianity into Africa helped link western values with both modernisation and moral rectitude -in other words, good things tended to be associated with western practices.

The contrast he makes is with Japan where traditional religions were not replaced by an imported religion which meant modernisation could happen without having to adopt a foreign culture. He also suggests that the polytheism practiced in Japan meant that if one god stood in the way of adopting a new practice, a different god’s guidance could simply be sought instead. That doesn’t work with the monotheistic religions of Islam and Christianity and Adem lists this among a number of other reasons for holding back Africa’s ability to pick and choose different aspects of western practices to build its own modernisation.

Who's backing Ukraine?

Our final story this week is our World Visualized graphic which shows the amounts of aid given to Ukraine by its allies since 2022. Now the top donor in dollar terms is the USA at $126 billion, although Donald Trump has signed deals which he says will allow his country to claw back some of this spending. The European Union, as an entity has given only a little more than half that at $70 billion, although if you were to add up all the EU countries as a bloc the total would exceed America’s.

Japan, at $15 billion, is only a little behind the UK’s $20 billion despite being on the other side of the world. And Canada has also topped every EU nation aside from Germany. Despite Emmanuel Macron’s very vocal support for Kyiv, in financial terms his country has offered less than Denmark and Netherlands, according to these figures from the Kiel Institute. And what’s clear from that list is that this really is a battle of the Global North, which is not to say its consequences are not acutely felt in the Global South.

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

Green transition: Rapidly expanding solar, wind , and hydrogen projects to meet domestic and European demand.

Digital pivot: Investment into data centres, submarine cables, and digital services are making Morocco the connectivity bridge between Africa and Europe.

In the near term, Morocco's stability and infrastructure advantage gives it momentum. In the medium term, success will depend on whether it can incorporate regional partners and elicit sustained buy-in from Europe.

What’s at stake?

For Morocco, it's not just about energy exports or data services. The combined effort of both renewable energy and digital infrastructure, the emphasis will be on safeguarding Morocco's future economy, while diversifying away from a reliance on agriculture and traditional manufacturing. However, it also is about safeguarding political stability through job creation.

European capitals are viewing Morocco as a stable partner within an increasingly unstable region. As EU countries desperately search for ways to lessen their reliance on Russian gas, and meet the aggressive climate targets set by their constituents, Morocco is uniquely situated within Europe’s energy security. With an abundance of renewable resources and its geographic proximity to Iberia, Morocco's vast potential in helping solve Europe’s energy issues is immense.

During this time, however, the significant investment in data connectivity, including new submarine internet cables, newly built data centres in Casablanca and Rabat, and partnerships with major tech providers means that Morocco is vying for its role in Africa’s digital economy. This matters for Europe too, with the future of controlling data and digital standards between Africa and Europe likely to become a strategic issue for the next decade.

The background

Morocco has long positioned itself as a stable entry point between Europe and Africa . Now Morocco has recast itself around two pillars: renewables and digital.

Renewables : The Noor Ouarzazate Solar Complex is already one of the largest in the world . Wind farms on the Atlantic coast from Tarfaya to Tangier are scaling up. The green hydrogen sector has recently become the flagship, with Rabat signing MoUs with German, British and Gulf investors to build electrolysis and export corridors. Morocco is aiming to fulfil 4% of Europe’s hydrogen demand by 2030.

Digital : An assortment of submarine cables connecting Morocco to Europe and West Africa (e.g. for the new EllaLink and Medusa projects) are positioning the country to become a digital crossroad. Morocco is developing some of Africa’s largest data centres, including a 500 MW renewable-powered facility near Dakhla, with supporting government policies to improve fibre connectivity, as well as fintech and e-commerce development.

The government’s overarching strategy — “Morocco Digital 2030” — brings these two corners together, along with cybersecurity, AI and e-governance alongside rollout of renewables. Each leg is backed by political stability and substantial state interest through agencies such as MASEN (Moroccan Agency for Sustainable Energy) and the Digital Development Agency.

Comment: a partner Europe cannot ignore

For European states, Morocco's course offers both opportunities and risks. Morocco is a reliable partner when many of its neighbours face varying degrees of instability (Libya, Algeria, the Sahel) and are not able to cooperate as easily. Morocco is also physically close, politically close to Western institutions, and has a proven track record of developing massive infrastructure projects.

On the other hand, dependence on Morocco brings exposure. European industries will increasingly rely on Moroccan H2, solar electricity, and digital services — particularly in Spain, Portugal, Germany and France. Should Morocco face any internal challenges (youth unemployment, water limited by drought for green hydrogen production, domestic protests over cost of living), this may create shocks to European supply chains.

Western investors are already wary of governmental bottlenecks and slow regulatory reform processes that Morocco exhibits. While the state can execute megaprojects, questions remain about the positive spillovers for smaller enterprises and rural areas, or whether wealth will be concentrated in urban areas such as Casablanca and Tangier.

Projections for the near-medium term future:

In the short-term Morocco will certainly bolster its position as North Africa’s renewable leader, with increasing solar and wind supply and at least one hydrogen export pilot to Europe. It will also build on its digital infrastructure, with new submarine cables and data centres, attracting investment from European and Gulf investors, and its European partners will increasingly view Morocco as a secure secondary supplier of green energy.

In the medium-term, there is the realistic possibility that Morocco could become the leading external hydrogen supplier to Europe if German-backed projects become fully operational, and its digital role may evolve into a continental data hub between Africa and Europe. However, risks still exist for Morocco; rising domestic discontent over water use and land allocations, competition from regional rivals, and uncertainty on global hydrogen demand. For Western states, Morocco’s path will tie European utilities and industries more closely to Rabat, making Morocco an indispensable yet strategically sensitive partner.

Significant solar and wind projects are in development or operational in Boujdour, Dakhla, and Laayoune - regions with some of North Africa's highest renewable resources potential. These projects contribute significantly to Morocco’s national green energy targets, supplying power for domestic needs and supporting the country’s ambitions for future hydrogen exports and electricity links with Europe. However, the international status of the territory within which these projects are found is disputed, and some agreements related to the area have faced legal scrutiny and challenges in European courts, such as an annulment of an EU trade deal in October 2024. Rabat views these investments as part of its broader national energy strategy and refers to these areas as the “southern provinces,” whereas the United Nations continues to list Western Sahara as a non-self-governing territory.

With Kenya, the UK, Ghana and Portugal swinging behind Morocco's proposal to resolve the situation in the past few months, there are signs that momentum is shifting in Rabat's favour. Nevertheless, multilateral backing from the European Union, African Union or United Nations remains elusive.

Conclusion

There is no guarantee of Morocco’s transformation, but the path is clear: green energy and digital infrastructure are redefining its future role in the region. Where Morocco was once identified primarily as a tourism destination or manufacturing base, it is now building leverage as a renewable power supplier and a connector for digital networks. For Europe, Morocco is no longer just a neighbour — it is quickly becoming a partner in the race for a sustainable and secure future.

The platform’s Cost of Living Index is calculated using crowdsourced price data for goods, services, rent, and utilities, submitted by residents across the globe.

Here are the top five cities:

1. Harare, Zimbabwe — Cost of Living Index: 36.6

Harare tops the list as Africa’s most expensive city to live in. Persistent economic instability and rampant inflation have pushed consumer prices to unsustainable levels, straining household budgets for basic needs such as food and utilities. Numbeo places the city at the very top, with no African city surpassing its index score.

2. Johannesburg, South Africa — Index: 33.2

As South Africa’s financial and commercial hub, Johannesburg comes in second. High costs are driven mainly by expensive housing markets, elevated utility fees, and robust demand for urban services. The city’s affluent suburbs and thriving economic activity contribute to its elevated living index.

3. Accra, Ghana — Index: 31.8

Accra claims the third position, as a rising economic centre facing rapidly increasing costs of housing, transportation , and food, largely fueled by inflation and surging consumer demand.

4. Casablanca, Morocco — Index: 31.4

Casablanca, Morocco’s largest city and main economic power centre, ranks fourth. Costs here are elevated by urban infrastructure needs, rising rents, and escalating price levels across food and services.

5. Cape Town, South Africa — Index: 31.3

Cape Town rounds out the top five, tied with Pretoria in living costs. High property prices, especially in scenic or highly desirable neighbourhoods, have kept housing and overall living costs elevated.

These rankings directly reflect the steep price of everyday life in select African cities. From housing and utilities to food and commuting, residents feel the pinch.

For example, Cape Town’s housing market has ballooned, with home prices exceeding R2.23 million (about $120,000) as of September 2024, doubling rates in other major South African cities.

Similarly, Casablanca, Rabat, and Marrakech face sustained price hikes. In 2025 alone, Rabat’s rental costs were measured 2.2% higher than Casablanca, and 34.1% more expensive than Marrakech.

A new map from The World in Maps shows that only Egypt, Morocco and South Africa host Starbucks outlets on the continent, highlighting how local coffee cultures have constrained the brand’s growth in Africa.

Egypt: the biggest African market

Starbucks entered Egypt in 2006 through a licensing agreement with Kuwait‑based retail giant M.H. Alshaya Group. Today, Egypt is by far Starbucks’ largest African market. According to Alshaya’s store locator, there are 67 Starbucks location s in Egypt in mid‑2025, with Cairo accounting for 56 stores, Alexandria 7 and Giza 4.

These outlets span affluent neighbourhoods, shopping malls and tourist districts. Egypt’s sizable middle class, large expatriate community and strong appetite for Western brands have helped sustain Starbucks’ presence. The company also offers delivery and loyalty programmes that cater to urban professionals.

Morocco: cautious expansion

Morocco, also operated by Alshaya, has a much smaller network: the franchise lists 15 locations across the country. Most are clustered in Casablanca (eight stores), with Marrakech, Rabat and Tangier hosting the remainder. Starbucks opened its first Moroccan outlet in 2011 and has expanded slowly, adapting its menus to local tastes by offering mint‑infused drinks and pastries inspired by Moroccan cuisine. Industry analysts say high import costs for coffee beans and competition from established local cafés have kept the U.S. chain from scaling quickly.

South Africa: early enthusiasm, then setbacks

Sub‑Saharan Africa’s only Starbucks stores are in South Africa, where the chain opened its first café in Johannesburg in 2016 through a licensing agreement with Taste Holdings. The venture initially generated excitement in South Africa’s growing middle class. However, the economy entered a recession and consumer spending slowed, forcing Taste Holdings to rethink its strategy.

In 2019, the company announced it would exit the food business and had sold its 13 Starbucks stores to a consortium for 7 million. Reuters noted at the time that Taste Holdings planned to focus on its luxury retail brands, effectively limiting Starbucks’ growth in the country. Since then, the brand has remained niche, operating fewer than 20 outlets in Gauteng and KwaZulu‑Natal under new franchise ownership.

Titled “ The Real Fertility Crisis : The Pursuit of Reproductive Agency in a Changing World,” the report is based on a UNFPA/YouGov survey in 14 countries, including Morocco. It found that one in three Moroccans have not had the number of children they desire, with nearly half of them citing financial reasons as the main obstacle, Le Matin reports.

“It is not the desire to have children that is lacking, but rather an abdication in the face of increasingly hostile conditions,” the report states.

Marielle Sander, UNFPA’s representative in Morocco, stressed that the declining fertility rate is “not just about the number of children I will have, but the world in which they will live,” quoting a young Moroccan interviewed during consultations.

Sander urged policymakers to look beyond statistics and address the root causes that obstruct people’s reproductive choices. She noted the importance of this year’s observance, which also marks 50 years of partnership between UNFPA and Morocco during a time of “profound demographic transformations.”

She further argued that “Morocco still has the opportunity to benefit from its demographic dividend, provided it invests in the key levers: education, particularly for girls, access to employment for women; and sexual and reproductive health for young people.”

Sander also highlighted the unequal distribution of caregiving responsibilities, which continue to fall disproportionately on women. “Parenthood must become a shared choice, not a female burden.” She advocated for stronger policies supporting family life, more recognition for the care economy, and private sector participation in creating work-life balance.

The agreement was concluded during the official visit of Rwandan Defence Minister, Juvenal Marizamunda, who met with Morocco’s Minister Delegate for National Defence Administration, Abdellatif Loudiyi. The Rwandan ambassador to Morocco also attended the signing, underscoring its strategic and diplomatic weight.

Key areas of cooperation are: military training and joint exercises, logistics and technical support, military health services, and personnel exchanges and expertise sharing

A joint military commission will be established to oversee the implementation of these activities, with meetings alternating between Rabat and Kigali.

Both countries described the move as part of a shared vision to address Africa’s evolving security challenges through South–South cooperation . They emphasised the need for collective efforts in regional peacebuilding, amid growing instability in the Sahel and parts of Central Africa.

This initiative reflects a broader shift toward continental self-reliance in defence matters, as African states like Morocco and Rwanda take on more proactive roles in shaping the continent’s security architecture.

Intra-African military agreements have become a growing trend, with African countries increasingly signing military cooperation agreements with each other, with the aim of boosting regional capacity, reducing reliance on foreign powers, and addressing shared threats like terrorism and insurgency.

Key examples include;

These partnerships support the African Union’s goal of regional security ownership and reflect a broader push for continental integration and self-reliance.

Ghana and Morocco have signed a visa waiver agreement allowing Ghanaian citizens to travel to Morocco without traditional visas, effective immediately. This arrangement replaces the previous visa process with an online travel authorisation that can be approved within 24 hours, facilitating trade and tourism. The agreement was reached during a two-day visit by Ghana's Foreign Affairs Minister, Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, highlighting a trend in intra-African mobility.

Increase in scorpion and snake bites raises alarm in Morocco

Morocco experiences a sharp rise in scorpion and snake bites with the onset of summer, recording over 25,000 cases annually, particularly endangering children and women. Reports from the Moroccan Poison Control Centre indicate fatalities due to delayed medical intervention. In response, local authorities and civil associations are launching awareness campaigns to educate rural populations on recognising symptoms and the importance of immediate medical care.

Exploitation of Moroccan women in Spain's strawberry fields

Moroccan women working in Spain’s strawberry industry face exploitation, exemplified by the recent deportation of a pregnant woman and another diagnosed with cervical cancer. Unions allege violations of labour rights, with employers denying responsibility, Morocco World News reports. The incidents have prompted calls for better protection and support for migrant workers under Spain's GECCO programme, which is designed for seasonal labour contracts.

Morocco launches surprise hotel inspections

Morocco has instituted unannounced 'mystery visits' to hotels as part of a new government strategy aimed at enhancing service quality in the tourism sector. Effective from May 27, these inspections evaluate hotels on mandatory safety and comfort criteria while promoting creativity in service. According to Morocco World News , the initiative also extends to short-term rentals to ensure consistent quality across all lodging options.

Morocco's Ministry of Interior announces July 2025 by-elections

The Ministry of Interior has scheduled by-elections for July 1, 2025, to fill over 80 vacant seats in local councils across 69 municipalities. Candidates are to submit declarations between June 12 and 17, with the election campaign commencing on June 18. This initiative aims to bolster democratic representation and citizen participation at the local governance level.