Fela Kuti, meanwhile, is receiving the Early Influence Award, a distinction reserved for pioneers whose sound and ideas laid the groundwork for entire genres and movements.

In short, Sade is recognised for her body of work as a recording artist, while Fela is honoured for creating a musical blueprint (Afrobeats) that others have built on.

The induction ceremony will take place on November 14, 2026, at the Peacock Theatre in Los Angeles, with global broadcasts on ABC and Disney+.

Alongside names like Phil Collins, Oasis, Wu-Tang Clan, and Luther Vandross, the inclusion of Sade and Fela signals a shift in perspective.

Sade Adu

Born Helen Folasade Adu in Ibadan, Nigeria, in 1959, Sade’s life has always sat between worlds. She moved to the UK as a child, grew up in Essex, and later immersed herself in London’s creative scene. Fashion student, model, backup singer, but none of it quite fit until she formed Sade, the band that would carry her name and define a sound.

What sets her apart is control. Her voice doesn’t reach for drama; it pulls you in quietly. That restraint became her signature.

Her debut album, Diamond Life (1984), introduced a new kind of pop sophistication. Smooth Operator and Your Love Is King weren’t loud statements but were precise, polished, and emotionally contained. Follow-up projects like Promise , Stronger Than Pride and The Sweetest Taboo doubled down on that formula, blending jazz, soul, and minimalism into her own touch.

As a Grammy-winning artist with global sales in the tens of millions, Sade’s influence runs deep.

Her induction in the Performer Category recognises a career built not on volume, but precision, by refining how emotion is delivered in sound.

Fela Kuti

Where Sade is measured, Fela Kuti was uncompromising.

Born in 1938 in Abeokuta, Nigeria, into a politically active family, Fela inherited a strong sense of resistance early on. His mother was a leading anti-colonial activist, and that spirit carried directly into his work.

After studying music in London and later encountering the Black Power movement in the US, Fela returned to Nigeria with a clear direction. The result was Afrobeat, a genre he didn’t just pioneer, but fully engineered.

Afrobeat fused jazz, funk, highlife, and traditional West African rhythms into long, groove-driven compositions layered with horns, percussion, and politically charged lyrics. Songs like Zombie and Sorrow , Tears and Blood weren’t just records, but confrontations with authority.

He built the Kalakuta Republic , a commune that doubled as a creative and political base. The Nigerian government responded with force. Raids, arrests, violence, yet Fela absorbed it all and kept recording.

His music wasn’t escapism. It was resistance.

Receiving the Early Influence Award, Fela’s impact is now formally acknowledged at a global level. His legacy runs through modern African stars like Wizkid and Burna Boy.

KADA president Nkeki Mutah said more than half of the area’s towns and villages had been destroyed, with many displaced residents unable to return to their farmland.

Mutah said the attacks appeared to deliberately target the Chibok community and called for special protection from authorities at all levels. He also urged the government to support humanitarian access to Kibaku and increase military deployments to the area.

The appeal follows recent attacks on Christian communities in Chibok that local media blamed on Boko Haram. The town remains globally associated with the 2014 abduction of 276 schoolgirls by the militant group, with dozens still missing.

In Nigeria, fuel prices have climbed by about 65%, one of the sharpest increases among major African economies, despite the start-up of the Dangote refinery. The surge has raised transport fares, driven up food prices and squeezed businesses that rely on petrol and diesel generators because of unstable electricity supply.

The Nigerian government has not restored fuel subsidies, choosing instead to stick with market reforms and limited relief measures. That means businesses and households could face more strain if oil prices remain elevated and the regional conflict drags on.

Nigeria’s banking sector has received a major boost after 33 banks raised a combined ₦4.65 trillion (about $3 billion) under the Central Bank of Nigeria’s recapitalisation programme. The CBN said the funds, sourced from both local and international investors, will strengthen the financial system and improve its ability to support economic growth. Governor Olayemi Cardoso said the exercise “has strengthened the capital base of Nigerian banks,” ensuring resilience against domestic and external shocks, while a few institutions remain under regulatory processes. “The recapitalisation programme has strengthened the capital base of Nigerian banks, reinforcing the resilience of the financial system and ensuring it is well-positioned to support economic growth and withstand domestic and external shocks,” the Punch quotes Cardoso.

Nigerian arrested in India over $330,000 drug network

A Nigerian national has been arrested in Bengaluru, India, for allegedly running a drug distribution network involving substances worth an estimated $330,000. Police said Samuel Ikkena operated the network under the cover of a clothing business, procuring and distributing MDMA and other drugs. Authorities recovered large quantities of narcotics, including cannabis and heroin, with the total street value estimated at over $650,000. The arrest forms part of a crackdown that led to multiple arrests across the city.

$960bn revenue as port modernisation begins

The Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) says it is set to begin modernisation of the Apapa and Tin Can Island ports to improve efficiency and competitiveness. The agency is targeting ₦1.489 trillion (about $960 billion) in revenue for 2026, slightly higher than the previous year’s target. Managing Director Abubakar Dantsoho said the upgrades will help redistribute cargo traffic to other ports during construction and boost overall activity. “Apapa and Tin Can Island ports are very old and small for the required global competitors in the ports business. Apapa Port is about 100 years old, while Tin Can is over 50 years old, with inadequate capacities in size and vessel containments for modernized operations. Groundbreaking of projects on their modernization will commence in two or three weeks," he said. A significant portion of the projected revenue is earmarked for capital projects and operational expenses.

Oil reserves dip as gas reserves grow

Nigeria’s crude oil and condensate reserves have declined marginally by 0.74 percent to 37.01 billion barrels as of January 2026. However, gas reserves rose by 2.21 percent to 215.19 trillion cubic feet, reflecting new discoveries and improved reservoir studies. The regulator said the changes were largely due to production levels and updated technical evaluations, noting that the country still maintains long-term reserve life projections.

Tourism sector gets boost after regulatory suspension lifted

Nigeria’s hospitality and tourism sector are set for revitalisation following the federal government’s decision to lift a suspension on regulatory activities. The Director-General of NIHOTOUR, Abisoye Fagade, described the move as a “forward-thinking strategy” aimed at strengthening industry participation, improving standards, and driving economic diversification. Stakeholders say the policy shift could unlock new investments and position tourism as a key contributor to national development.

But World Reframed is made of sterner stuff so we decided to enter the Jollof Wars.

What is Jollof rice?

At its core, Jollof rice is a one-pot dish made with rice, tomatoes, peppers, onions, and a blend of spices. Simple on paper.

In reality, it is anything but.

Across West Africa , Jollof is a symbol. It sits at the centre of celebrations, gatherings, and everyday life. In countries like Ghana and Nigeria, no event feels complete without it. It is not just a dish - it is a statement.

Where did Jollof come from?

Historically, Senegal is widely credited as the origin of Jollof rice, linked to the Wollof people of Senegal and The Gambia.

Interestingly, in Senegal it is not even called Jollof. The dish is known as Thieboudienne, pronounced Chee-boo-Jen, and is typically made with fish and vegetables in a more stew-like style.

But while Senegal may have started the story, the loudest voices in the modern debate belong to Ghana and Nigeria.

When the debate went global

For years, the Jollof debate lived online. Then in 2017, it spilled into the real world.

Festivals and competitions were held in cities like Accra, Lagos, and even Washington DC, turning a cultural rivalry into an international spectacle.

The results only added fuel to the fire:

Yes, no tomatoes. Chaos.

And Ghana? No wins that year. A detail quietly left in the past.

Fast forward to 2025, and Nigeria secured another major victory - this time in Accra itself. For Ghanaians, that one stung.

So what is the difference?

Despite the arguments, each version of Jollof rice reflects its country’s culinary identity.

Ghana Jollof

Nigeria Jollof

Senegal (Thieboudienne)

Gambia Jollof

So yes - everyone is doing something different. And still arguing about who does it best.

The recipe: Ghana Jollof rice

If you want to understand the debate, you have to try it yourself.

Step 1 - The base

Blend tomatoes, onions, peppers, garlic, and ginger into a smooth mixture.

Step 2 - The stew

Fry tomato paste with onions, then add the blended mixture. Let it cook down until thick, rich, and deeply flavoured.

Step 3 - Seasoning

Add spices such as curry powder, thyme, and bay leaves. Pour in your protein stock for depth.

Step 4 - The rice

Add washed rice directly into the stew, allowing it to absorb all the flavour.

Step 5 - The magic

Cook on low heat with a tight cover. Let it steam, not boil.

The secret is patience and balance. Ghana Jollof is not aggressive - it is confident.

More than food

Jollof rice has moved beyond the plate. It appears in music, pop culture, and everyday language. Entire songs have been written about it, sometimes as humour, sometimes as rivalry, sometimes even as metaphor.

It is food, but it is also storytelling.

So who actually has the best Jollof?

Ask a Ghanaian, and the answer is obvious. Ask a Nigerian, and you will get the same certainty.

Ask anyone else, and you may get a diplomatic response.

Perhaps that is the real point.

The Jollof Wars are not about winning. They are about pride, identity, and the joy of sharing something deeply rooted in culture . There are no casualties - only full stomachs and bruised egos.

And if even the King of England and the King of YouTube refuse to choose a side, perhaps you do not need to either.

World Reframed episode 34

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

“I can report to you… at a lengthy discussion with Emmanuel Macron, their collaboration with us for equipment and support,” Tinubu said. “I’m making frantic efforts to contact other nations. If we have to spend our goodwill and line of credit, we have those who are willing to support us with equipment and training.”

The president described insecurity as a major challenge facing his government , saying it threatens development and prosperity. He told the governors that equipment acquisition was also one of the key issues raised during his UK trip.

Tinubu also warned that the ongoing Middle East crisis could worsen inflation and hit Nigerians’ purchasing power through higher fuel and transport costs, which often feed into food prices.

The push for external support comes as Nigeria battles multiple security threats, including insurgency in the North-East, banditry in the North-West and North-Central regions, separatist tensions in the South-East and widespread kidnapping.

It also follows recent bombings in Maiduguri , after which Tinubu ordered security chiefs to relocate to the city and approved additional equipment and operational support to boost counterterrorism efforts.

The occasion was a state banquet held in honour of Bola Ahmed Tinubu, marking the first visit by a Nigerian leader to Britain in nearly four decades. Tinubu and First Lady Oluremi Tinubu were received with full ceremony on March 17, complete with a guard of honour — a fitting welcome for the head of Africa’s most populous nation.

That evening, around 160 guests gathered in St. George’s Hall, including Prime Minister Keir Starmer and the Prince and Princess of Wales, Prince William and Catherine, Princess of Wales. The long tables were set with elaborate displays from the Royal Collection.

Opening his speech with the greeting “Ramadan Mubarak,” the King nodded to Nigeria’s religious diversity before recalling his 2018 visit to the country. He then turned, lightly, to a subject that is anything but trivial in West African circles: jollof rice.

“I was delighted to host a rather lively group for a ‘Jollof and Tea’ party,” he said, referring to a recent reception at St. James’s Palace. “I was firmly assured that the jollof was only the best: Nigerian, of course… or perhaps Ghanaian or Senegalese.”

“Diplomatically, I cannot remember,” the King quipped, drawing laughter.

For decades, the so-called “jollof wars” have pitted countries against one another in a spirited contest over whose recipe reigns supreme. 

For decades, the so-called “ jollof wars ” have pitted countries against one another in a spirited contest over whose recipe reigns supreme.

Nigerians champion a smoky, party-style version; Ghanaians argue for a richer flavour; Senegal, widely considered the dish’s originator, traces it to thieboudienne.

What may seem like a playful rivalry has also helped push West African cuisine into the global spotlight. Social media has amplified the debate, turning it into a wider conversation that travels well beyond the region.

Research suggests that the rivalry does more than entertain. The study describes the “jollof war” as an “occasionally fierce online debate” that has spread widely on social media, particularly between Nigerians and Ghanaians.

Far from being purely divisive, it argues that these exchanges are “harnessing West African culinary soft power” — effectively turning everyday arguments about food into a form of cultural promotion.

As for the King, his answer was carefully balanced. In the jollof debate, even a monarch appears to know better than to take sides.

The trip also includes a bilateral meeting with UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer at 10 Downing Street, expected to culminate in the signing of memoranda of understanding and agreements covering trade, investment, defence, immigration and cultural cooperation, the presidency noted in a statement.

A key commercial highlight is Tinubu witnessing the signing of a £746 million financing deal between UK Export Finance (UKEF) and Nigeria’s Ports Authority (NPA) and the Federal Ministry of Finance. The agreement is aimed at supporting the refurbishment of two major maritime facilities, the Lagos Port Complex (Apapa Quays) and the Tin Can Island Port Complex.

During the visit, the royal household is expected to show Tinubu a special exhibition of Nigeria-related items from the Royal Collection. Tinubu is also expected to attend the Nigerian Modernism exhibition and meet Nigerian and British business leaders, as well as members of the diaspora.

Members of Tinubu’s entourage include Senate President Godswill Akpabio, National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu, Attorney-General Lateef Fagbemi, and several ministers, including Wale Edun (Finance), Jumoke Oduwole (Trade and Investment), and Bosun Tijani (Communications and Digital Economy).

This big figure strains resources, as Nigeria battles economic hardship and rising inflation, threatening the survival of many, especially the poor and unemployed, according to  a recent study .

The displacement crisis in Africa’s most populous country is fuelled by persistent conflict, harsh climatic events, unfavourable environmental circumstances and the desperate search for economic opportunity.

Dimanche Sharon, IOM’s Chief of Mission in the West African nation, highlights their efforts to provide basics like water, shelter and protection to help the displaced cope and safely return to their homes.

However, she notes the need to address the underlying causes of internal displacement, such as building resilient communities and fostering collaborations across government institutions and development partners, for sustainability.

“When they return home, for instance, when communities receive these displaced populations... they need economic opportunities and support so they can move forward in dignity,” she adds, revealing that over 9,000 migrants from Edo State have been helped to return to their homes and that the organisation has supported approximately 8,000 to rebuild their lives.

Meanwhile, the IOM’s strategic priorities include saving lives by providing immediate humanitarian assistance, offering protection services and facilitating processes that enable displaced people to recover and reconstruct.

Internal displacement is not unique to Nigeria. According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC), about 35 million people in Africa were considered internally displaced by the end of 2023, with conflict and violence accounting for 32.5 million, including Sudan’s approximately 10.1 million .

This is deeply concerning, especially as the African Union seeks to achieve a “conflict-free continent with harmony among communities at the grassroots level and inter–state and intra-state wars eliminated and mechanisms put in place to prevent and resolve conflicts”.

Nigeria’s humanitarian situation demonstrates the need to fill gaps in the country’s response capability and strategy to address conflict-inducing factors like non-state armed violence, weak state presence, limited access to justice and exposure to harsh environmental and climatic events.

The Nigerian government must work with relevant stakeholders to strengthen inclusiveness and shield vulnerable groups like women and girls, “who face heightened exposure to violence, neglect, discrimination, abuse and exploitation” when there are protection gaps .

This aligns with the legal framework for the protection of internally displaced persons, which demands that IDPs enjoy, equally and without discrimination, the same rights and freedoms under international and national law, just like other persons in their country.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Under diplomatic practice, a host country must issue an agrément, formal consent, before an ambassador can take up the post. Nigeria’s officials told The Punch the hesitation is tied to timing rather than the nominee, with some countries viewing the Tinubu administration as nearing the end of its current term.

The report notes that Nigeria is trying to persuade India to make an exception, arguing that bilateral ties could help “scale through” the hurdle.

Tinubu approved postings for 65 ambassadors-designate and high commissioners on March 6, but the foreign ministry has so far received agrément only from the United Kingdom and France , leaving most deployments pending.

High-ranking military officials responsible for counterterrorism operations from both countries met in Cotonou on 27 February to discuss future collaboration. 

The proposed plan includes coordinated border patrols, joint military operations, intelligence sharing and increased monitoring of cross-border movement. Further discussions on the measures are expected later in March.

According to Héni Nsaibia, senior West Africa analyst at the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data group (ACLED), the border area linking Benin, Niger and Nigeria has emerged as a new focus of jihadist activity since 2025.

“Due to very weak border security and coordination between concerned states, seeing Benin and Nigeria reinforcing their cooperation is particularly relevant,” he told RFI .

According to his research for ACLED, incidents involving jihadist groups in Benin’s Alibori and Borgou departments, Dosso in Niger, and Nigeria’s Sokoto, Kebbi, Niger and Kwara states increased by 86% between 2024 and 2025. Deaths linked to these incidents rose by 262% during the same period.

Jihadist groups Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and the Islamic State in the Sahel have historically operated mainly in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. However, their activities are increasingly spreading into West Africa’s coastal states.

Founded in Mali in 2017, JNIM has become the main jihadist group in the central Sahel. Since 2019, the al-Qaeda affiliate has also carried out attacks in countries along the Gulf of Guinea, including Côte d’Ivoire, Benin and Togo.

Nsaibia noted that last year, JNIM also claimed responsibility for an attack on Nigerian territory for the first time.

He said the increase in violence can be attributed to “limited state presence” and weakened regional cooperation after Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger withdrew from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) following military coups in the three countries.

Security officials say cross-border cooperation will be essential to address the threat.

Senior advisor to Nigeria's President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Sunday Dare, said, because of "the porosity of the borders, we've had armed trafficking, we've had criminal gangs, we've had Boko Haram, we've had ISIS and other groups."

Dare said the Nigerian president is committed to strengthening relations with Benin and other neighbouring countries to support both security and economic cooperation.

“Just last month, he opened the borders to not just Benin, but also Niger, and that has improved relations,” Dare said.

Another meeting is scheduled to take place in Benin before the end of March to advance the draft military memorandum.

Nsaibia added that other countries in the region are also strengthening security cooperation.

“We have also seen in the past weeks that Ghana and Burkina Faso have taken similar steps. From a regional perspective, these borders are most exposed to jihadist violence, and I think it makes sense for these countries to have these types of rapprochement between each other.”

In South Africa, markets have already shifted as traders are now pricing no chance of a rate cut at the central bank’s March 26 meeting, after a cut was still being seen as possible just days earlier.

“Until the outlook in the Iran war becomes clearer, significant policy rate decisions by African central banks may be deferred,” said Hasnain Malik, a strategist at research firm Tellimer. He said countries such as Egypt, Kenya and Morocco could be more exposed to disruption than commodity producers like Ghana, Nigeria and South Africa.

Oil has jumped as traders worry about supply and shipping risks linked to Iran and the Strait of Hormuz, a key route for global energy flows. Higher fuel costs could quickly feed into transport and food prices across the continent.

African markets have also been unsettled by investors pulling money from riskier assets and moving into the US dollar, weakening local currencies . “Borrowing and raising capital just got harder,” said Charlie Robertson, author of The Time Travelling Economist. Chatham House’s Tighisti Amare warned African economies “simply do not have the buffers for another prolonged global shock.”

Tems has been especially prolific in 2026, racking up three Hot 100 entries this year alone, a pace no other African artist has matched so far.

Tems has been especially prolific in 2026, racking up three Hot 100 entries this year alone, a pace no other African artist has matched so far.

The entries include "Raindance", her collaboration with British rapper Dave, which charted on the Hot 100 early in the year and "What You Need", her solo single.

Burna Boy, on the other hand, became the first African artist to chart a Hot 100 song in six consecutive years from 2021 through 2026.

Who else has charted?

Billboard Hot 100 entries for African artists aren’t just a recent thing. Over the past few years, several track appearances have punched through, with a show of growing global influence:

These milestones reflect a shift in how global audiences consume music. Afrobeats and related genres no longer register only as niche or regional sounds; they enter mainstream conversation and sometimes dominate it.

A health expert has said the rising figure shows persistent demand for treatment abroad, driven by weak confidence in local care, recurring disruptions, and limited capacity for specialised services . Former Pharmaceutical Society of Nigeria president Olumide Akintayo said the system has deteriorated, pointing to prolonged industrial action and its knock-on effects.

“What the statistics and data… confirm authoritatively is that the health system has only gotten worse,” Akintayo said, adding, “We have just witnessed the longest-ever strike of health workers… 84 days.”

Nigerian Medical Association president Prof. Bala Audu said many Nigerians seeking FX for medical travel are likely pursuing treatment for serious, long-term illnesses. “Without that information, it would be very difficult to proffer a solution. But most likely it will be for chronic debilitating diseases such as different types of advanced cancers,” he said.

Audu added that Nigeria has skilled clinicians but lacks critical infrastructure. “For most treatments that are not available, the competent people to give those treatments are available. But what about the equipment?” he asked, citing gaps ranging from specialised machines to reagents and tests sometimes sent abroad.

The response was uniform: "No vacant bed available". By 12:50 am GMT, Charles Amissah was dead —not for lack of medical expertise or a responding ambulance, but for lack of a piece of furniture.

His tragic death has reignited fury over Ghana’s "no bed syndrome," a systemic failure where emergency care is routinely denied based on physical space. 

However, a look into healthcare systems across sub-Saharan Africa reveals that Amissah’s death is not an isolated incident; it is a symptom of a continental crisis where hospital beds have become a tool of lethal exclusion.

The Ghana context

In Ghana, the "no bed syndrome" is a chronic ailment. In 2024, the Korle Bu Teaching Hospital (KBTH), the nation’s largest medical facility, had to suspend referrals to its Surgical Medical Emergency unit because it was housing 60 patients in a 36-bed unit. Photos on social media captured the dehumanising reality: patients receiving treatment in plastic chairs, wheelchairs, and on the bare floor.

The Ministry of Health, on February 18, announced that it had constituted a three-member committee to probe Amissah’s death , examining decision-making processes and contributing factors. Yet, local experts argue the problem is structural. Beyond the physical shortage, the system suffers from abandoned facilities, a lack of medicines, and a severe brain drain as medical professionals flee for better opportunities abroad. 

Despite a national health insurance scheme, the cost of emergency care remains prohibitively high for many, and the referral chain is often broken by a lack of coordinated communication between ambulances and receiving wards.

The Nigerian mirror

Nigeria faces a nearly identical "no bed" crisis, often overshadowed by the "Japa syndrome"—the mass exodus of healthcare workers. The story of Ifelola Abiona last year, a 42-year-old mother of two, mirrors that of Charles Amissah. 

Despite doctors being physically present and ready to operate at the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH), she was left to "languish" and eventually die because no bed could be found. Her husband recounted a harrowing ordeal of being referred between facilities, paying nearly a million naira (about $745) for redundant tests, only to be told again: "No bed".

The Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) blamed this on a dysfunctional referral system and a weak primary healthcare foundation.

Chairman of the NMA in Lagos, Dr Saheed Babajide, revealed that in Lagos, only 57 out of 300 primary health centres are comprehensive enough to have doctors, forcing patients to swarm tertiary hospitals for minor ailments. This over-subscription, according to reports, means that many hospitals consistently operate at over 90% occupancy.

Furthermore, the lack of space extends to the families. Informal caregivers—relatives who perform the roles of nurses due to staffing shortages—are forced to sleep on staircases , wooden benches, or bare concrete. They report being bitten by mosquitoes, shivering in the rain, and eventually falling ill themselves, creating a secondary public health risk.

The ICU crisis in South Africa

In South Africa, the crisis shifts from general ward beds to the even more critical shortage of Intensive Care Unit (ICU) beds. Reports reveal that South Africa has a mere five ICU beds per 100,000 people . In some provinces, the ratio drops to one bed per 100,000.

The consequences are visceral. In Gauteng, South Africa's economically dominant province, which houses its financial capital, Johannesburg, a 29-year-old man died after a one-hour wait for medical attention; his family attributed the delay to "corruption led by the political elite" and a lack of available ICU space. Another patient waited six weeks for an ICU bed for a bypass surgery; during that time, gangrene spread, resulting in a double amputation.

The shortage is not just about infrastructure but specialised human capital. Only 25% of ICU nurses in the country are actually trained in critical care. This deficit, combined with crumbling utilities and water/power shortages, means that even when a physical bed is available, there may be no one qualified to man it. 

There have also been reports of financial mismanagement where security budgets outweigh clinical budgets, leaving hospitals under-equipped while funds are siphoned away.

Liberia and Kenya: Crumbling walls and digital deadlocks

In Liberia, the "no bed" crisis is exacerbated by the scars of civil war and the 2014 Ebola epidemic. At Phebe Hospital, the second-largest in the country, reports from 2024 indicated that a lone surgeon had been forced to carry out operations by the light of storm lanterns because of frequent electricity cuts. 

The hospital, burdened by $300,000 in debt to vendors, often lacks basic drugs, forcing doctors to watch patients die while relatives run to local pharmacies to buy supplies. At the James Jenkins Dossen (JJ Dossen) Hospital in Harper, the coastal capital of Maryland County in southeastern Liberia, the influx of patients was so high that pregnant women and their newborn babies were forced to sleep on the floor.

Kenya offers a more modern, albeit equally frustrating, version of the crisis. Recent transitions to the Social Health Authority (SHA) portal resulted in chaotic situations where hospitals with physical beds were shown as having "zero occupancy" in the digital system. Hospital owners reported being forced to turn away women in need of maternity services because the digital dashboard "locked," preventing admissions and reimbursements. 

Officials claim this was a deliberate downgrade to protect patient safety in facilities lacking essential equipment, but providers allege it is a cost-containment strategy by a state grappling with billions in unpaid claims.

A continental death trap

The collective data across these nations paints a grim picture:

Why the bed is just the symptom

The "no bed syndrome" is rarely just about furniture. It is the end result of the "Three Delays" model, according to researchers :

Many governments in Africa still view Emergency Medical Services (EMS) as a luxury rather than an essential component of Universal Health Coverage (UHC). 

In Nigeria, for instance, only 9% of the population is covered by a formal EMS system. Governments struggle to maintain ambulance fleets, and most response is left to expensive, private hospital-owned vehicles that can cost more than a month’s wages to hire.

The path forward: Essential, not optional

The African Critical Illness Outcomes Study , which investigated about 20,000 patients from 180 hospitals in 22 countries across the continent, suggests that thousands of lives could be saved through simple, low-cost interventions that can be provided in general wards, such as ensuring oxygen availability and training staff in basic life support.

Case studies in Sierra Leone and Malawi show promise. Sierra Leone utilised ambulances from its Ebola response to create a national EMS system that now achieves national coverage with 80 ambulances and over 400 paramedics. Malawi is piloting a coordinated "118" emergency number and trauma registry along its deadliest road corridor.

Halima Aliko Dangote has been named Group Executive Director in charge of the Dangote Family Office and International Offices in Dubai and London. She will oversee governance and development of the family office while continuing her broader executive responsibilities within the group. Halima previously led the turnaround of Dangote Flour Mills and has held senior roles at NASCON and Dangote Industries.

Fatima Aliko Dangote has been appointed Group Executive Director, Commercial Operations - Oil & Gas. She will oversee the Dangote Petroleum Refinery and Petrochemicals, fertiliser operations and upstream energy businesses, alongside key corporate functions such as communications and procurement. Fatima is a trained lawyer and has previously held commercial and strategy roles within the group.

Mariya Aliko Dangote becomes Group Executive Director, Commercial Operations - Cement & Foods. She will lead commercial strategy for the group’s cement and food businesses, focusing on expansion and operational efficiency. She currently serves as Executive Director of Operations at Dangote Sugar Refinery and sits on several group boards.

The leadership appointments come as the Dangote Group pushes forward with major expansion plans, including scaling up its refinery capacity and pursuing its Vision 2030 goal of building a $100 billion enterprise.

“For too long, excessive deductions, overlapping funds , and structural distortions in the oil and gas sector have weakened remittances to the Federation Account,” the president wrote. “When revenues meant for federal, state, and local governments are trapped in layers of charges and retention mechanisms, development suffers. That must end, he added.”

The directive, officially titled Order 9 of 2026 (Presidential Executive Order to Safeguard Federation Oil and Gas Revenues and Provide Regulatory Clarity, 2026), has now been gazetted.

Under the new order, all Royalty Oil, Tax Oil, Profit Oil, Profit Gas and other government entitlements under production sharing and related contracts will be paid directly into the Federation Account. The administration has also scrapped the additional 30 percent management fee and the 30 percent Frontier Exploration deduction that previously reduced remittances.

Tinubu said the objective of the reform is to improve transparency, accountability and constitutional compliance in the management of oil revenues.

“Oil and gas revenues must serve the Nigerian people first and this reform is about fairness and fiscal responsibility,” he said.

The president added that NNPC Limited will now operate strictly as a commercial enterprise, as provided for under the Petroleum Industry Act, ending what he called “duplicative deductions and fragmented oversight.”

Tinubu also announced a comprehensive review of the Petroleum Industry Act to address structural and fiscal weaknesses in the sector. An implementation committee has been set up to oversee and coordinate the rollout of the new order.

According to Gauteng police spokesperson Colonel Mavela Masondo, preliminary investigations indicate that the driver was attacked by a man and a woman during the trip. His hijacked vehicle and body were later discovered in Atteridgeville on the same day.

Arrest and investigation

Gauteng police have arrested a woman in connection with the case. She is expected to appear before the Atteridgeville Magistrate’s Court on February 16, 2026, facing charges of murder and carjacking.

Police say investigations are ongoing and more arrests are expected.

Lieutenant General Tommy Mthombeni has assigned a senior detective to confirm details of the incident and ensure those responsible are brought to justice .

Video circulation

A dash cam video circulating on social media appears to show the assault inside the vehicle. The South African Police Service (SAPS) has strongly condemned the sharing of the footage.

“The police strongly condemn the circulation of the video that depicts what appears to be a gruesome murder of the victim,” said Masondo.

Authorities have urged the public not to share, forward or repost the video.

Satlat was reportedly preparing to graduate next month and had plans to relocate to Canada for further studies.

His death has sparked outrage, particularly among Nigerians, and revived concerns about the safety of foreign nationals working in South Africa’s gig economy .

The men were among 792 suspected internet fraud suspects arrested by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in December 2024.

Prosecutors said the pair recruited Nigerian youths to impersonate foreign nationals online for financial gain and laundered funds through crypto wallets and local bank accounts.

“I humbly pray your lordship to impose the maximum sentence… to serve as a deterrent,” EFCC prosecutor Bilkisu Bala-Buhari told the court.

In his ruling, Justice Osiagor sentenced each man to a cumulative 46 years, saying the punishment reflected the seriousness of the offences.

Authorities also ordered the forfeiture of assets recovered during the investigation, including hundreds of phones, computers, and other equipment allegedly used in the fraud operation.

In a statement, ActionSA said a “Nigerian suspect identified as being involved in drug trafficking” was shot during the operation. The party said drug syndicates had terrorised communities and vowed to continue supporting “decisive and lawful measures” to combat crime.

However, the Consulate General of Nigeria in Johannesburg strongly condemned the killing, describing it as deeply troubling and calling for justice .

“The unfortunate incident has raised questions over the safety of Nigerians and other foreigners in South Africa,” the consulate said in a statement. It also warned against what it described as attempts to label Nigerians as criminals.

The consulate stressed that no one should take the law into their own hands and called for due process. “No matter what the allegations are, there are processes and steps to justice. All should be presumed innocent and granted a fair hearing in a court of law,” it said.

South African authorities have launched investigations into the incident. Nigerian officials said they had held meetings with local authorities and had been assured that those responsible would be brought to justice.

The shooting has revived painful memories of past xenophobic violence in South Africa, where foreign nationals, particularly from other African countries, have at times been targeted during unrest linked to crime, unemployment and social tensions.

Civil society groups have long warned that political rhetoric linking foreign nationals to crime can inflame tensions and deepen divisions in communities already struggling with poverty and insecurity.

ActionSA has defended its anti-crime stance, saying safety and law enforcement are central to its 10-point plan for Ekurhuleni, which includes targeting drug syndicates and strengthening policing efforts.

Meanwhile, the Nigerian consulate has urged its nationals to remain calm and law-abiding as investigations continue. It also extended condolences to Uzor’s family.

The group referenced Nigeria’s decision to ban sachet alcohol, which was driven by data from a national survey revealing that nearly one in ten children under the age of 13 drinks alcohol daily.

VAST-Ghana raised concerns about the design and marketing of sachet alcohol. Typically containing alcohol levels of 43% or more, the small and low-cost packaging makes it easily accessible and concealable by school children. The group stated, “This situation leads to alcohol abuse, addiction, physiological damage such as liver damage, even from small amounts, and long-term health problems, as early exposure is particularly harmful to developing bodies.”

The organisation described the normalisation of sachet alcohol near schools and transport terminals as “a threat to our national security and future human capital”. VAST-Ghana also cited a May 2025 study published in BMC Public Health, which found alcohol to be the most commonly used substance among Ghanaian students, with some beginning consumption as early as age 10.

Alcohol consumption is linked to the development of noncommunicable diseases such as liver and heart diseases, several types of cancer, and mental and behavioural health issues, including depression and alcohol use disorders, according to the World Health Organisation (WHO). Global data from 2019 showed that approximately 400 million people, or 7% of the world’s population aged 15 and older, had alcohol use disorders. Among these, 209 million individuals were living with alcohol dependence.

The push for policy change in Ghana follows Nigeria’s ban on sachet and small-sized alcohol bottles under 200ml, implemented by the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC). The ban specifically targets the affordability and accessibility of small alcohol packs to minors.

A survey conducted by NAFDAC across Nigeria’s six geo-political zones revealed that 54% of minors purchase alcohol themselves, with a preference for sachets and small bottles due to their discreet size. The same data showed that nearly one in ten children under 13 consumes alcohol daily.

Defending the ban, NAFDAC Director-General, Prof. Mojisola Adeyeye, said : “Access to alcohol by children can be limited if pack sizes that can be easily concealed are not available. A ban on small pack sizes... can reduce the menace of underage drinking.”

Speaking at the Nigerian International Energy Summit held from February 2 to 5 in Abuja, the Chief Executive Officer of Ghana’s National Petroleum Authority (NPA), Godwin Kudzo Tameklo, stated that Ghana’s two main refineries are too small to meet local fuel demand. 

Tameklo explained that Ghana has already initiated discussions with the Dangote Petroleum Refinery to develop a commercial relationship. 

“In Ghana, what we have tried to do as a country is to operate two major refineries and a modular refinery of about 5,000 to 6,000 barrels per day, which is quite small,” he said. “When you talk about 6,000 barrels per day in the Nigerian context, it is insignificant, but in Ghana it is considered a sizeable refinery. We have always relied on imports, both crude oil and refined products . Ghana therefore represents a strong offtake market for the Dangote Refinery.”

“We have had extensive engagements with Alhaji Aliko Dangote to position Ghana to take refined products from Nigeria. Given the proximity between Ghana and Nigeria, increased reliance on Nigeria’s refined petroleum products will help us reduce the cost of fuel delivered to Ghana,” he added.

Devakumar Edwin, Group Vice President (Oil and Gas) of the Dangote Group, confirmed that the refinery has the capacity to serve both domestic and export needs.

“The refinery has an installed capacity of 650,000 barrels per day and is currently operating at about 85%, with steady progress toward full utilisation,” he told local publication Vanguard . 

“Nigeria needs only about 50% of our production capacity to meet its petrol and diesel requirements. This leaves significant volumes available for export, and with planned expansions, export volumes will increase further,” he added.

In 2024, Ghana’s oil regulator had indicated the country could purchase refined petroleum from the Dangote Refinery once it reached full operation, potentially replacing monthly European imports valued at $400 million.

Two years earlier, during the Africa CEO Forum Annual Summit in Kigali, Rwanda, Aliko Dangote had criticised the continent’s reliance on fuel imports from outside Africa, stating: “Our capacity is too big for Nigeria, but it would also supply West Africa, Central Africa and South Africa.”

“They were shooting everyone in sight,” said Ibrahim Farouk, a farmer who survived after being shot in the thigh. “Those who ran were chased into the bush and killed. Those who hid in their houses were burnt inside. They wanted no one alive.”

Farouk said the attackers also threw explosives into homes and shops, torching large parts of the village. Several victims were shot at close range, while others were burned alive. By Friday, at least 35 additional bodies had been recovered from nearby forests, according to residents.

Another survivor, Joshua Deme, said some of the attackers appeared to be teenagers. “The one who shot me was not even 15,” he said. “The younger ones were shooting, while the older ones burned houses.”

A third survivor, miner Usman Bangoro, said the gunmen wore military-style uniforms, initially confusing residents. “You would think they were soldiers,” he said. “But they shot at anything that moved.”

Residents said the attackers abducted about 75 people, including women and children , and used a village vehicle to transport some of the captives. A bomb planted along the Kaiama road later exploded, burning a truck carrying agricultural produce.

The injured were taken to hospitals in Ilorin and Kainji, with local authorities providing ambulances. Survivors say blood shortages have delayed surgeries for some victims.

Community members claim the attackers had earlier sent a message saying they wanted to “preach,” but local leaders rejected the request and alerted security agencies. Troops were reportedly deployed briefly but left days before the attack.

The massacre is the latest in a series of mass killings linked to armed groups operating across central and northwestern Nigeria.

According to the Toxinological Society of Nigeria, nearly 1,900 people die from snakebites annually. However, the real figure could be higher due to underreporting, especially in remote areas where victims rely on traditional remedies.

Antivenom is expensive, with a single dose costing between ₦180,000 and ₦250,000 (approximately $120 - $170), more than four months’ income for Nigerians earning the minimum wage. Many patients require multiple doses, pushing treatment far beyond what most families can afford.

Studies show that about half of Nigeria’s health facilities lack the capacity to treat snakebite cases, either because they do not stock antivenom or because health workers are not trained to administer it. “Nigeria records thousands of snakebites every year, yet even specialised hospitals often do not have antivenom in stock,” said Dr Nicholas Amani of the Snakebite Hospital and Research Centre in Gombe State.

Further, a Professor of Medical Microbiology at the University of Jos, Plateau State, Patricia Lar added that; “The anti-snake venom problem is that in our country, we’re not committed to the production of the anti-snake venom. We have the science, we have people who are knowledgeable about it, but there is the general problem of a lack of commitment, concerted efforts to develop and produce on a large scale the anti-snake venom. So Nigeria imports, and there are wide varieties from India, China, and from the UK, and that is the reason the cost is exorbitant, and you don’t find it in every hospital or in primary healthcare centres where people should easily access it.”

Adding; “We need expertise and a general awareness of the first line of action, which is primary health care. There is a need for this anti-snake venom to be readily available and to be administered in the event of a bite by a poisonous snake.”

Following recent high-profile deaths linked to snakebites, medical professionals and lawmakers have renewed calls for the government to subsidise antivenom, expand local production and make the treatment freely available nationwide.

Kwara State’s governor condemned the violence as a “cowardly” attack on civilians, while President Bola Tinubu labelled it “beastly” and ordered the deployment of an army battalion to the Kaiama district to support security forces. The killings come amid ongoing insecurity in Nigeria, where jihadist insurgency in the north-east and bandit attacks across central and northern regions continue to challenge authorities, despite recent military operations claimed to have weakened armed groups.

At the hearing, Representative Chris Smith, who chairs the House Foreign Affairs Africa Subcommittee, defended the US decision to designate Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) under the International Religious Freedom Act. He said the designation was “long overdue” given years of deadly attacks on Christian communities.

Smith said he was troubled by reports that Nigeria had hired DCI Group under a contract worth $9 million, or $750,000 a month, to influence US policymakers. He also cited a separate $120,000-a-month contract involving a Nigerian billionaire and another Washington-based firm.

“They come with well-written talking points to say there’s nothing to see here,” Smith said , arguing that the lobbying efforts risk minimising the scale of religious violence in Nigeria.

Other lawmakers cautioned against oversimplifying Nigeria’s crisis. Representative Sara Jacobs, the ranking member of the subcommittee, said the violence affects both Christians and Muslims and is driven by multiple factors, including terrorism, banditry and farmer-herder conflicts.

Jacobs also criticised recent US military strikes in Nigeria, questioning their effectiveness and warning that they could worsen instability rather than protect civilians.

Former US Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom Sam Brownback told the hearing that CPC designations mean little without consequences, urging the US to back them with sanctions and other concrete measures.

Another witness, Dr Stephen Schneck, a former chair of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom, said military responses could be counterproductive and noted that the cost of recent airstrikes may have exceeded funding previously used for peacebuilding and interfaith programmes.

Nigeria’s government has rejected claims that Christians are facing genocide, saying the country’s security crisis is complex and not driven solely by religion .

Investigators say Amandi was allegedly recruited by the coup suspects to act as a propagandist, helping promote or support the plot, which reportedly involved plans to assassinate senior government officials.

Sources briefed on the matter said President Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, and Speaker of the House of Representatives Tajudeen Abbas were among those allegedly marked for elimination.

Military confirms coup investigation

Nigeria’s Defence Headquarters confirmed that officers had been investigated for attempting to remove the government illegally. In a statement, the military said the inquiry was “comprehensive” and had been forwarded to the appropriate authorities in line with existing regulations.

It said the findings identified “a number of officers with allegations of plotting to overthrow the government,” calling such actions inconsistent with the professional ethics of the armed forces.

The accused officers are expected to be arraigned before military judicial panels.

Premium Times first reported in October that at least 16 officers were being investigated, although the army initially described the case as involving “indiscipline and breach of service regulations.”

Since then, more officers and civilians have reportedly been arrested as investigators expanded the probe.

Military suspects are expected to face court-martial proceedings first, while civilians implicated, including Amandi, would be tried in civil courts.

Background to the alleged plot

Sources cited by Premium Times said the plot was allegedly masterminded by a colonel identified as Alhassan Ma’aji. The coup was initially planned for May 29, 2023, during Tinubu’s inauguration, but was reportedly postponed due to funding and logistical challenges. Investigators say the plan was revived in 2025, with claims that former Bayelsa State governor Timipre Sylva helped bankroll the effort through nearly N1 billion transferred in multiple tranches. Sylva was later declared wanted by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), and his home was reportedly raided during investigations.

Stanley Amandi is known in Nollywood as an actor, director and production manager. His works include The Album, Tiger King (2008), Cornerstone (2019), and Once Upon a Dream (2024).

According to recent data, Nigeria records around 7.5 million live births annually, while Europe, together with Russia, see roughly 6.3 million births per year.

Nigeria’s high fertility rate, which averages around 4.6 births per woman, plays a big role in these figures. That rate is well above global averages and far higher than most of Europe, where fertility rates commonly fall below replacement level (about 1.4 to 1.6 children per woman).

By contrast, much of Europe has a deeply aged population and decades of low birth rates. Countries such as Italy, Spain and Germany have fertility well under replacement level, contributing to slower natural population growth and, in some cases, declining native population totals.

Russia in particular illustrates this trend as its fertility rate is among the lowest in the world at roughly 1.4 births per woman, and official statistics show persistent declines in the number of births as the population ages.

Low fertility rates in Europe are already prompting incentives for families, reforms in parental support, and debates about immigration policy as governments seek ways to stabilise future population size and workforce strength.

Nigeria’s youth-heavy population and higher birth rates, on the other hand, have helped it become a demographic powerhouse , even as many European countries confront ageing populations, shrinking workforces and fiscal pressures linked to elder care.

Nigeria’s demographic trends also carry implications. Rapid population growth can fuel economic expansion if accompanied by investment in education, health and employment.

The World Economic Forum suggests that "A population projected to reach 400 million by 2050 needs jobs aligned with a fast-digitising economy. But youth unemployment remains among the highest globally, with 23% of young Nigerians actively looking for work, while another 32% are out of employment altogether. Employers also report persistent shortages in technical and digital skills, underscoring the need for coordinated investment."

According to IMF projections cited and analysed by The African Exponent , Africa’s ten largest economies in 2026 reflect a mix of resource strength, population size, industrial capacity, and policy direction.

South Africa is projected to remain Africa’s largest economy in 2026, with a nominal GDP of about $401.6 billion. Despite slow growth in recent years, the country continues to benefit from its diversified economy, strong financial sector, and advanced industrial base.

Close behind is Egypt, with an estimated $399.5 billion GDP. Egypt’s rise has been driven by large-scale infrastructure investment, expansion in energy production, and aggressive economic reforms.

As The African Exponent has noted in previous coverage, Egypt’s strategic positioning as a trade and logistics hub linking Africa, the Middle East , and Europe continues to strengthen its economic weight.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, is projected to rank third with a GDP of roughly $334.3 billion. Oil and gas still play a central role, but growth in telecommunications, fintech, agriculture, and entertainment has diversified parts of the economy.

However, the African Exponent has consistently pointed out that currency instability, inflation, and policy uncertainty remain key constraints on Nigeria’s full economic potential.

Algeria is expected to rank fourth at $285.0 billion, buoyed largely by hydrocarbons and higher global energy demand. While diversification remains a challenge, state spending and energy exports continue to anchor the economy.

Morocco, at $196.1 billion, rounds out the top five. Its strength lies in manufacturing, agriculture, tourism, and the growing automotive and aerospace industries. The African Exponent frequently highlights Morocco as one of Africa’s most strategically diversified economies.

Kenya and Ethiopia signal East Africa’s growing economic relevance. Kenya has approximately $140.9 billion, driven by services, finance, ICT, and regional trade. Ethiopia is also around $125.7 billion, supported by manufacturing, agriculture, and state-led industrialisation.

Despite debt pressures and foreign exchange shortages, Ethiopia’s long-term growth fundamentals continue to attract attention across African economic commentary.

Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire, and Angola finalise the list as Ghana sits at $113.5 billion, supported by gold, cocoa, and oil, though fiscal pressures persist. Côte d’Ivoire comes in with $111.5 billion, as one of West Africa’s fastest-growing economies, driven by agriculture and infrastructure. Angola, with $109.9 billion, is heavily dependent on oil but showing gradual signs of reform.

The African Exponent has noted that Côte d’Ivoire’s steady growth contrasts sharply with more volatile commodity-dependent economies, making it one of the continent’s most closely watched performers.

These rankings are based on nominal GDP, not purchasing power or living standards. What this really tells us is where capital, infrastructure, and policy focus are currently concentrated. It also highlights Africa’s continued reliance on a handful of large economies to drive continental growth.

Nigeria is undertaking sweeping reforms to improve its business environment, attract foreign capital and reduce long-standing economic pressures such as high inflation, unemployment and weak industrial output.

Officials say securing new partnerships is critical because Nigeria needs more investment, technology transfer and trade opportunities to make these reforms deliver real benefits for ordinary citizens.

Tinubu said Nigeria is determined to build “an economy that works for everyone,” including the most vulnerable.

A major goal of the discussions with Türkiye is to increase trade volumes. Tinubu said both countries are working toward a target of $5 billion in annual trade, and agreed to remove barriers limiting business growth.

To drive these efforts, Nigeria and Türkiye have established a Joint Economy and Trade Committee, which Tinubu said will unlock new flows of capital and support industrial expansion. The committee is expected to focus on investment attraction, private-sector participation and economic cooperation in areas such as infrastructure and manufacturing.

Nigeria’s government has also been implementing reforms in the energy sector, which it sees as central to economic recovery. Tinubu welcomed Türkiye’s recognition of Nigeria’s “reform momentum,” saying it reflects growing international confidence in the country’s direction.

Energy investment is seen as especially important for Nigeria, which continues to face power shortages and needs stronger infrastructure to support growth.

Beyond economics, Tinubu said defence cooperation with Türkiye will strengthen Nigeria’s ability to tackle insecurity, including terrorism and other threats that discourage investment.

She said these shifts present a chance for Nigeria to secure new investments that could create jobs, strengthen manufacturing and reduce reliance on imports.

“There is an opportunity now to attract these supply chains,” she said , stressing that Nigeria must deliberately market itself to investors. “Everything we can do to showcase Nigeria as a country worthy of investment is what we should be doing.”

Okonjo-Iweala said Nigeria needs to move beyond economic stabilisation and focus more directly on job creation, noting that reforms currently underway must translate into employment and industrial growth. She urged the government to identify sectors where Nigeria has strong potential and actively court investors from major economies, including China and the United States .

“As companies seek to diversify supply chains, a lot of that movement is still within Asia,” she said, adding that Nigeria should aim to attract a meaningful share of that relocation, even if it cannot capture all of it. Okonjo-Iweala highlighted renewable energy and textiles as examples of industries where Nigeria could manufacture locally instead of importing finished products.

“Let’s build solar panels in Nigeria. We are importing, but we can also manufacture,” she said. “In fashion, let them come to invest. Many of the textiles we wear are not made in Nigeria; they are imported.”

She said Nigeria’s success would depend on having clear strategies to target.

Kaduna state police commissioner, Alhaji Muhammad Rabiu, described the reports as “mere falsehood which is being peddled by conflict entrepreneurs who want to cause chaos.”

The initial reports alleged that over 100 people were kidnapped in coordinated attacks on three churches in Kurmin Wali and the Kajuru Local Government Area. Victims were said to include women and children, who were reportedly taken to an unknown location.

Rev. John Joseph Hayab, chairman of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) in the 19 northern states, confirmed the incident to local publication Vanguard . He said some people managed to escape while many others were still missing.

Similarly, a community leader from Kurmin Wali, Ishaku Dan'azumi Sarkin, also told the BBC that 177 people were kidnapped from three churches. He noted that 11 escaped, several were injured, and no deaths were recorded.

However, police commissioner Rabiu challenged the validity of the reports, saying, “Anyone [should] list the names of the kidnapped victims and other particulars.”

Dauda Madaki, chairman of Kajuru local government area, said security forces were sent to the area after the reports surfaced, but found no evidence of an attack. “I asked the village head, Mai Dan Zaria, and he said that there was no such attack,” Madaki said.

Police also referenced comments from the state’s commissioner for internal security and home affairs, who said religious leaders visited the area. “They found out that what was pushed out to the public sphere was completely false,” he reportedly said.

Mass kidnappings are not new to northern Nigeria. In November 2025, coordinated abductions led to the closure of several schools. During that month, over 300 students and 38 church members were kidnapped between the 17th and 23rd.

Amid the November abductions, Nigerian officials linked the rise in kidnappings to the United States threatening military action over alleged “mass killing of Christians”, saying it may have provoked retaliation from armed groups.

On Christmas Day, the U.S. carried out airstrikes on two Islamist militant camps in north-western Nigeria. Earlier in the month, U.S. President Donald Trump warned of more strikes if attacks on Christians continued.

Linguists note that English has never been static; it has always absorbed words from other languages. French, Latin and Norse, for example, left early marks on English centuries ago. As English spread through colonialism and global communication, speakers around the world adapted it to local contexts, creating new expressions that eventually entered mainstream use.

Today, English is spoken by about 1.75 billion people worldwide, not just in the UK or the United States , but across Africa, Asia, the Caribbean and beyond. Words that emerge from daily life in these regions often travel globally through media, migration, music and the internet.

The recent OED additions were drawn from everyday speech, food culture, music and social contexts. For example:

These words entered the dictionary not because they are “foreign” but because they are widely used across English-speaking communities in West Africa and increasingly beyond through digital and cultural exchange.

The OED updates its entries quarterly, adding new words and new meanings of existing terms based on evidence of their broad use in spoken and written English. This can come from books, newspapers, social media, broadcast media and other large language databases monitored by lexicographers. In this case, West African English was increasingly represented in global discourse, prompting its inclusion.

Experts say this process shows English’s adaptive nature: it is a language shaped not only by historical ties but also by how people actually speak it worldwide. As more voices from Africa, Asia and other regions influence global communication, English continues to evolve.

Words that once might have been seen as local or informal are now recognised as part of English’s living vocabulary because they reflect real usage across diverse societies.

The Atlas Lions might have been the nation that defeated Victor Osimhen and his cohorts in a 4-2 win on penalties in the semis, but back home, Nigerians are having a go at the Ghanaian referee, Daniel Laryea, who officiated the game.

Many Nigerians have gone online to call out Laryea, whom they think favoured the Moroccans during the fixture, which led to their defeat. 

Some have questioned the competence of Laryea, saying he should never officiate a game again.

Others have publicised the Ghanaian referee's personal social media pages, calling for others to attack him.

Ghanaians have also come out to support their compatriot, congratulating him for his performance in such a high-stakes game.

Now, Ghana and Nigeria’s rivalry goes beyond football—the West African nations have always been at it. From Jollof Wars to music , and even having banter over which nation is more developed. 

But, when it comes to football, here’s the backstory;

Nigeria has won the AFCON three times: 1980, 1994, and 2013. Whereas Ghana has won it four times: in 1963, 1965, 1978, and 1982, bettered only by Cameroon (5) and Egypt (7).

Meaning if Nigeria had qualified for the final and gone on to win it, they would have equalled the Black Stars’ tally.

In the lead-up to the tournament in Morocco, Nigeria had just failed to qualify for the 2026 FIFA World Cup to be held in the USA, Canada and Mexico. Ghana, which failed to make it to the AFCON stage, qualified for football’s biggest competition—a feat they have not been so quiet about.

The pressure on the Nigerian team to win a fourth AFCON trophy was heightened throughout this tournament, considering how they were firm favourites in the finals last time but somehow lost to Côte d’Ivoire.

Now, many in Nigeria believed this year’s trophy to be theirs because they had cleared everyone before them. Defeating nations like Algeria and Tunisia along the way.

The Super Eagles now have to battle it out for the bronze medal on Saturday, January 17, with the most successful nation in the competition, Egypt, another nation that has been chasing the AFCON trophy since completing their three-peat in 2010.

The Pharaohs lost their semi-final fixture against Senegal. Surely, this means a nail in the coffin for the hopes of talismanic captain, Mohamed Salah, to win an AFCON.

Unless he decides to try again at age 35, when the 2027 tournament is jointly hosted by Kenya , Tanzania and Uganda. 

The legendary Liverpool forward has not been in great form, and pundits suggest he might exit Anfield sooner, rather than later, after a very public falling out with Dutch manager Arne Slot.

For his former Liverpool teammate, Mane, it is a chance at immortality after winning Senegal their first trophy in 2021 against Egypt.

The West African nation faces the host, Morocco, another nation chasing its second trophy in the final on Sunday, January 18.

The last time the North Africans won the tournament was 50 years ago in 1976.

Nigeria’s economy is on course to record its strongest expansion in more than 10 years, with the World Bank upgrading its growth forecast to 4.4% for both 2026 and 2027. In its latest Global Economic Prospects report, the Bank said growth rose to 4.2% in 2025, driven by services, particularly finance and information and communication technology, alongside a modest agricultural recovery and Nigeria’s emergence as a net exporter of refined petroleum products. “Growth in Nigeria is forecast to strengthen to 4.4 percent in both 2026 and 2027, the fastest pace in over a decade,” the report said, adding that tax reforms and prudent monetary policy are expected to support activity, improve investor sentiment and further reduce inflation. The Bank, however, cautioned that sustaining momentum will require tackling long-standing structural weaknesses and strengthening fiscal discipline to ensure growth is durable and inclusive.

Nigeria and UAE deepen ties

President Bola Tinubu has announced that Nigeria will co-host the Investopia investment conference with the United Arab Emirates in Lagos in February, as both countries seek to attract global capital and boost sustainable investment inflows. The announcement was made on the sidelines of the 2026 Abu Dhabi Sustainability Week, following the conclusion of a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) between Nigeria and the UAE. Tinubu described the CEPA as a historic deal that will deepen cooperation in renewable energy, infrastructure, logistics and digital trade. “We warmly invite our partners to help build sustainable and shared prosperity for Nigeria, Africa and the world,” he said, noting that Nigeria aims to mobilise up to $30 billion annually in climate and green industrial finance while strengthening climate governance through a new national carbon market framework.

Lagos fire service reports 133 deaths in 2025

The Lagos State Fire and Rescue Service said 133 bodies were recovered from emergency incidents across the state in 2025, as it responded to 2,617 emergency calls during the year. Speaking at the agency’s annual staff engagement, Controller General Margaret Adeseye said fire incidents accounted for about 85% of all calls, with 473 victims rescued alive. She disclosed that properties valued at ₦118.3 billion (approx. US$78.9 million) were saved, while losses stood at ₦19.7 billion (approx. US$13.1 million), representing a 6:1 save-to-loss ratio. Adeseye said the figures highlight the importance of preparedness and professionalism in a rapidly growing megacity, adding that the recent passage of the Lagos State Fire and Rescue Service Bill has strengthened the agency’s institutional framework and operational efficiency.

Police decline to comment on U.S. airstrikes

The Nigerian Police Force has confirmed it has intelligence on recent United States airstrikes against terrorist targets in Sokoto State, but said it would not disclose details publicly. Force spokesperson Benjamin Hundeyin said the matter should be addressed by defence authorities, stressing that the police would not comment on the operation. The strikes , carried out on December 25, were confirmed by the U.S. Department of Defence, which said “multiple ISIS terrorists” were killed in an operation conducted at Nigeria’s request. U.S. President Donald Trump described the action as a “powerful and deadly strike” against ISIS-linked militants in northwest Nigeria.

U.S. delivers military assets to support counter-terror operations

Nigeria’s fight against terrorism and banditry received a boost with the delivery of what the United States described as “critical military supplies” to support ongoing security operations. U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) said the delivery underscores the security partnership between both countries, although details of the equipment were not disclosed. The development comes as Nigeria’s Chief of Air Staff, Air Marshal Sunday Aneke, seeks to fast-track the acquisition of 12 AH-1Z attack helicopters from the United States. The latest support follows recent joint U.S.-Nigerian strikes against ISIS-affiliated groups in Sokoto State.

They’re also handed out in clinics, promoted in public health campaigns, and discussed openly in school curricula. So when a map asks, “Are condoms legal?”, the expected answer feels obvious.

Until you look closer.

The above map shows a world almost entirely shaded green, meaning yes, condoms are legal, with one country standing out in red. That country is Afghanistan.

International organisations , including the World Health Organisation and UNAIDS, have over the years consistently emphasised the role of condoms in preventing sexually transmitted infections, including HIV, and reducing unintended pregnancies.

Under the Taliban government, Afghanistan has banned the sale and use of condoms . Reports indicate that pharmacies have been instructed to remove condoms from their shelves, with authorities arguing that contraceptives promote immoral behaviour and contradict their interpretation of religious values.

The consequences of this decision go beyond symbolism. In a country already facing fragile healthcare systems and limited access to medical services , the removal of condoms significantly weakens efforts to prevent sexually transmitted infections and manage reproductive health.

While Afghanistan stands alone in outright prohibition, several other countries operate in grey areas where condoms are legal yet difficult to access or socially discouraged.

In places like Indonesia and the Philippines, condoms are lawful, but strong cultural and religious pressures often limit their promotion and use .

In parts of Nigeria, promoting condom use can itself be restricted, undermining public health campaigns. North Korea is also reported to tightly control the production and sale of condoms, even if possession is not explicitly criminalised.

According to her account , the family travelled to Lagos for the Christmas holidays when Nkanu fell ill with what initially appeared to be a cold. His condition later worsened into a severe infection, prompting admission to Atlantis Hospital. Doctors arranged an emergency medical evacuation to the United States, with a specialist team at Johns Hopkins Hospital placed on standby.

As part of preparations for the transfer, an MRI scan, lumbar puncture and central line insertion were requested. Atlantis Hospital referred the family to Euracare Multi-Specialist Hospital to carry out the procedures.

Adichie said her son was sedated to prevent movement during the MRI and line insertion. While waiting outside the operating theatre, she noticed senior medical staff rushing in, a moment she said made it clear something had gone wrong. 

She was later told that her son had received an excessive dose of the anaesthetic propofol, became unresponsive and had to be resuscitated. He was then intubated, placed on a ventilator and admitted to intensive care. Adichie said he subsequently suffered seizures and cardiac arrest, conditions he had never previously experienced, and died several hours later.

“How can you sedate a sick child and neglect to monitor him?” Adichie asked, describing the actions as criminally negligent and a breach of basic medical protocol. She also alleged that her son was not continuously monitored after sedation and that his oxygen supply was switched off during transfer to the ICU.

Hospital response

Euracare Hospital has rejected parts of the family’s account. In a statement issued on January 10, it said some reports contained inaccuracies and insisted that care was provided “in line with established clinical protocols and internationally accepted medical standards”. The hospital said the child was critically ill and confirmed that it had launched an internal investigation.

Family rebuttal

The dispute escalated after a rebuttal from the child’s aunt, Dr Anthea Esege Nwandu, a dual board-certified physician with decades of experience in Nigeria and the United States . She challenged Euracare’s claims, disputing its account of the child’s prior treatment and alleging multiple departures from international standards, including failures in oxygen therapy and continuous monitoring.

What follows is a country-by-country breakdown based on verified reporting.

Afghanistan

Bombed by: Bush, Obama, Trump, Biden

Why:

Afghanistan was bombed continuously from 2001 until the US withdrawal in 2021. Even after the formal end of the war, Biden authorised airstrikes, including the August 2021 Kabul drone strike that killed 10 civilians , later acknowledged by the Pentagon.

Iraq

Bombed by: Bush, Obama, Trump, Biden

Why:

Iraq remains one of the longest-running theatres of US air operations , spanning two decades despite the formal declarations of war ending.

Syria

Bombed by: Obama, Trump, Biden

Why:

The US has never declared war on Syria, yet airstrikes have continued under three administrations without congressional authorisation.

Yemen

Bombed by: Obama, Trump, Biden

Why:

Yemen became one of the most drone-bombed countries in the world, with repeated civilian casualty reports.

Somalia

Bombed by: Obama, Trump, Biden

Why:

Somalia has seen some of the least transparent US air operations, with casualty investigations often delayed or disputed.

Libya

Bombed by: Obama, Trump

Why:

Libya illustrates how a humanitarian intervention evolved into long-term instability, with US airstrikes continuing after regime change.

Pakistan

Bombed by: Bush, Obama, Trump

Why:

Pakistan was central to the CIA’s drone programme, particularly under Obama, who authorised more strikes there than any other president.

Nigeria

Bombed by: Trump

Why:

Together, these crisis zones will shape migration flows, global security , trade routes, and diplomatic alignments well beyond their borders.

Sudan

Sudan remains the most severe humanitarian emergency globally. The civil war that erupted in April 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces has devastated the country, displacing millions and pushing large populations toward famine. In the last year, the conflict showed little sign of resolution, with fighting increasingly fragmented and spilling into neighbouring states such as Chad, South Sudan, and Ethiopia. This year, the country could risk sliding further toward de facto partition, a scenario that would entrench instability across the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea corridor.

Yemen

In Yemen, the conflict is evolving rather than ending. While large-scale fighting has reduced in some areas, the country is increasingly divided between Houthi-controlled territories in the north and rival factions in the south backed by regional powers. This fragmentation weakens prospects for national reconciliation and carries global implications due to Yemen’s proximity to vital Red Sea shipping lanes. As maritime security concerns grow, Yemen’s instability in 2026 will remain tightly linked to regional geopolitics and global trade.

Myanmar

Myanmar enters 2026 locked in a protracted civil war following the 2021 military coup. Armed resistance groups now control significant territory, while the junta struggles to govern beyond major urban centres. Planned or proposed elections under these conditions risk deepening Myanmar’s legitimacy crisis rather than resolving it. The humanitarian toll continues to rise, with millions displaced and neighbouring countries such as Thailand, China, and Bangladesh absorbing the spillover effects.

DR Congo

In eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, violence persists despite diplomatic efforts to stabilise the region. Armed groups, including M23, continue to challenge state authority, exploiting ethnic tensions, especially in Goma and competition over mineral resources. Peace agreements reached last year still face serious implementation challenges , and failure to consolidate them in 2026 could destabilise the wider Great Lakes region, where conflict has long crossed borders and drawn in neighbouring states.

Nigeria

Nigeria’s crisis heading into 2026 is defined by overlapping insurgency, criminal violence, and worsening economic pressure, with jihadist groups such as Boko Haram and ISWAP continuing attacks across the northeast and northwest. In the Middle Belt and parts of the north, violence has increasingly targeted Christian communities, with deadly attacks in late 2025 killing dozens of civilians in Benue and Plateau states, particularly around the Christmas period.

The situation escalated internationally when the United States carried out airstrikes on December 24–25, 2025, hitting ISIS-linked camps in northwest Nigeria at the request of the Nigerian government. While the strikes disrupted militant operations, analysts warn that without addressing governance failures, poverty, and local grievances, Nigeria’s insecurity is likely to persist and deepen in 2026.

Taiwan vs. China

Beyond active war zones, strategic flashpoints are also reshaping risk in the Global South. Rising tensions between China and Taiwan, while centred in East Asia, carry global consequences that will be felt acutely across developing economies. Any escalation would disrupt trade , shipping routes, and semiconductor supply chains, forcing many Global South countries, deeply tied to both Chinese and Western economic systems, to navigate difficult diplomatic and economic choices.

This is the reality of the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS. In 2025, the bloc turned 50 years old. Instead of celebrating unity and progress, it faced its most serious crisis of relevance since its founding.

This moment of doubt comes at a time when West Africa needs regional coordination more than ever. Security threats are multiplying, trade remains fragmented, mobility is expensive, and democratic institutions are fragile. As ECOWAS enters its sixth decade, fundamental questions are being asked openly. Can it still enforce democratic norms? Does it still carry economic weight? And can it survive in its current form?

Paper tiger

On paper, ECOWAS is formidable. It brings together 15 member states, represents more than 440 million people, and has a combined GDP of roughly 600 billion US dollars. That makes it one of the largest regional blocs in the Global South.

In practice, integration remains shallow. Trade between ECOWAS countries still accounts for less than 20 percent of their total trade. In more integrated regions such as the European Union, internal trade exceeds 60 percent. The comparison highlights a central weakness. ECOWAS has scale, but it lacks cohesion.

That weakness became impossible to ignore in 2025, when Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger formally withdrew from the bloc. Together, these Sahelian states represent around 70 million people and nearly 17 percent of ECOWAS landmass. While they contribute less than 5 percent of total GDP, their strategic and security importance is enormous.

Their departure followed years of tension after military coups, sanctions, and repeated threats of intervention. When ECOWAS failed to act militarily after the coup in Niger, it exposed a hard truth. The bloc did not have the political consensus or operational capacity to enforce its strongest decisions.

Empty threats

The crisis of democratic enforcement did not stop there. Later in the year, disputed elections in Guinea-Bissau once again demonstrated how fragile political institutions remain in the region. The military intervened, and ECOWAS responded with condemnation, suspension, and the threat of sanctions.

This has become a familiar pattern. Since 2020, sanctions alone have rarely reversed coups. More often, they have hardened military rule and eroded ECOWAS authority. Each repetition weakens the credibility of the bloc’s commitment to democracy.

The elusive Eco

Economically, ECOWAS continues to pursue one of its oldest ambitions: a single currency. The Eco was first proposed more than 20 years ago and is now tentatively scheduled for 2027 after missing multiple deadlines.

The obstacles are structural. Nigeria alone accounts for more than 60 percent of ECOWAS GDP, while many smaller economies struggle with inflation, debt distress, and fiscal instability. Without real convergence on economic fundamentals, the Eco remains a symbolic project rather than a functional one.

These challenges are made more acute by a fragmenting global economy and shrinking foreign assistance from traditional partners in Europe and the United States . Regional self-reliance is becoming more important just as ECOWAS capacity is being questioned.

Tax-free flying

Yet amid the uncertainty, there is a reason for cautious optimism as 2026 begins.

From January, air travel across ECOWAS member states is set to become tax-free, with sharp reductions in passenger and security charges. This is one of the bloc’s most tangible policy wins in years.

The reform matters because West Africa has some of the highest intra-regional airfares in the world. It is often cheaper to fly to Europe than to a neighbouring country. If fully implemented, the changes could reduce fares by 20 to 40 percent, benefiting traders, students, tourists, and families while advancing free movement in a practical way.

Connectivity has long been neglected in African economic policy, despite its importance for growth. People want to travel, and people travelling drives commerce. Currently, international departure taxes in Africa average around $68 per trip, with West Africa the most expensive subregion. Short flights of just a few hundred kilometres can cost hundreds of dollars.

This reform requires coordination and execution more than large financial outlays. If governments create the right conditions, the private sector can step in. For ECOWAS, this could be a rare example of delivery matching ambition.

A chance for redemption

As 2025 ends, ECOWAS looks like this: large in population, fragmented in politics, slow in economic integration, weak in enforcing democracy, but still capable of delivering reforms that people can feel in their daily lives.

At 50, ECOWAS is no longer just a regional institution. It is a test case for whether African multilateralism can adapt to a changing political reality. The question now is whether the future of regional cooperation will be driven by declarations, or defined by delivery.

The answer will shape not just ECOWAS, but the credibility of regional integration across the Global South in the years ahead.

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World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

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Joshua, 36, sustained minor injuries and was taken to the hospital for medical attention. Local authorities confirmed he was “rescued alive” and is “fine”. Two other individuals in the vehicle escaped unhurt, while two others were confirmed dead at the scene.

The Federal Road Safety Corps in Nigeria stated that five adult males were involved in the crash. The vehicle carrying Joshua, a Lexus Jeep with the number plate KRD 850 HN, reportedly collided with a stationary truck. Officials suspect the jeep was travelling above the legally prescribed speed limit and crashed during an overtaking manoeuvre.

Eyewitness reports and preliminary investigations indicate the collision occurred while the vehicle attempted to overtake and lost control. Joshua was seated in the back of the vehicle at the time of the incident.

Joshua, a former two-time world heavyweight champion, has family ties to Sagamu, a town in Ogun State, Nigeria. His promoter, Eddie Hearn, has stated that he is gathering more information following reports of the incident.

The accident happened days after Joshua’s sixth-round knockout victory over Jake Paul in Miami, during what was described as a holiday visit to Nigeria.

“We are satisfied with what the Americans did. We’re tired. It’s great that the Americans are here to rescue us. We’ve been living in fear and have had no peace of mind,” another resident added.

The strike, announced by US President Donald Trump on Thursday, targeted ISIS positions in Sokoto State. Trump described the operation as “powerful and deadly” and said it was in response to attacks on innocent civilians in the region.

The US Africa Command confirmed the strikes were conducted “in coordination with Nigerian authorities.” The Nigerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs added that the cooperation involved “exchange of intelligence, strategic coordination, and other forms of support consistent with international law and mutual respect for sovereignty.”

Earlier in November, President Trump had threatened to withdraw US aid and directly intervene in Nigeria over the alleged mass persecution of Christians — a claim denied by the Nigerian government.

“This is an unfortunate situation. We all had a sleepless night due to fear of the unknown, especially after witnessing how the bomb landed, broke into pieces, and caught fire. Our community is currently in a serious and distressing condition,” said Bashar Jabo, a local business owner. “By God’s mercy, the explosive did not land in our houses but fell into the bush. This is something we have never witnessed in this country until today, in the Jabo Community of Tambuwal LGA,” added Malam Aliyu Jabo, a community leader.

Footage from the site shows police cordoning off the landing points, marking craters, and collecting debris while residents observed the damage. “This is the exact spot where the bomb first landed before bouncing and breaking into pieces, which caused the flames.

It created a large crater, though it now appears smaller due to people visiting the site. Some children even picked up fragments of the bomb, while the remaining debris has been taken by the military,” said eyewitness Lukuman Myhammad. Authorities confirmed that security and emergency teams remain on alert to prevent further incidents and to ensure residents’ safety.

The US strikes, reportedly conducted by the US Africa Command (AFRICOM) at the request of Nigerian authorities, form part of ongoing operations against Islamic State factions in Nigeria, which have been linked to targeted killings and attacks on civilians, particularly Christians.

The Nigerian Foreign Ministry confirmed the strikes early Friday, describing them as part of “structured security cooperation” aimed at countering the persistent threat of terrorism and violent extremism.

Nigerian authorities stressed that militant groups target people of all faiths, and that the strikes are part of broader efforts to stabilise the region following a national security emergency declared in November. The Pentagon later clarified on X (formerly Twitter) that the strikes were conducted “in coordination with Nigerian authorities,” amending an earlier post.

In November, President Trump had threatened to withdraw US aid and intervene directly in response to the alleged “mass slaughter” of Christians, which the Nigerian government has denied. According to international reports, more than 7,000 Christians were killed in Nigeria in the first half of 2025, mainly in the northern Middle Belt.

Each December, thousands of visitors, many from Europe and North America , descend on cities like Accra and Lagos. The surge in demand pushes up prices across flights, accommodation, transport and entertainment.

Airfares on popular routes to West Africa can more than double during the festive season, with some travellers paying thousands of dollars for last-minute tickets. Hotel prices in prime areas such as Osu and Labone in Accra or Victoria Island in Lagos often rise, sometimes doubling compared to off-season rates.

Food and drink prices also spike, with restaurants and bars charging festive premiums for everyday items. Large concerts and high-profile parties add to the expense, with ticket prices placing many events out of reach for average earners and locals.

Inflation and weak currencies

These seasonal pressures are compounded by existing economic challenges. Both Ghana and Nigeria have faced high inflation and currency weakness, pushing up the cost of imported goods, fuel and food, staples of the festive season.

In Nigeria, inflation has driven up transport and grocery prices, making Christmas spending harder even without added tourism demand. In Ghana, a weaker cedi has increased costs across the board, affecting locals and visitors alike.  

Locals feel priced out

While Detty December has brought major economic benefits, Ghana’s Tourism Authority says visitors generated a record $4.8 billion, while Lagos alone earned more than $70 million last year, critics say ordinary residents are increasingly being priced out of their own cities.

Rents rise, basic goods become more expensive, and public spaces are reshaped to cater to wealthier visitors. For many locals, the festive season now means higher living costs rather than celebration.

Social media has amplified these concerns, with many Ghanaians and Nigerians questioning whether the festivities still serve the wider population.

Is Detty December slowly dying?

The growing costs have also sparked debate about whether Detty December is becoming unsustainable. Some travellers report “Detty December fatigue”, budgeting more carefully or opting for smaller gatherings instead of big-ticket events. On social media, some Ghanaian X user even prayed for the death of Detty December in the country. For others, it was about congestion, traffic and mainly poorly organised shows.

In Ghana, the label itself has come under scrutiny. Kofi Okyere-Darko, the country’s Director of Diaspora Affairs, has said he is uncomfortable with the term being linked to Ghana’s national image, despite the tourism boom it brings.

“The Federal Ministry of Education assures parents, guardians, and the general public that the safety, welfare, and well-being of students remain a top priority,” the ministry stated. It also emphasised that the federal government remains committed to protecting the rights of every Nigerian child to access education in a secure environment.

Although the statement did not specify the exact date when the schools resumed operations, it noted that many students are now concluding their December academic programmes, while others have completed their examinations.

The ministry reiterated that it continues to collaborate with relevant security agencies to ensure sustained stability in school environments across the nation.

The closures were prompted by a series of coordinated abductions between 17 and 23 November. During this period, armed groups kidnapped over 300 students and 38 church congregants in northern Nigeria. 

Among the incidents, at least 25 schoolgirls were taken from Government Girls Comprehensive Secondary School in Maga, Kebbi State, northwestern Nigeria, with one girl reported to have escaped from the abductors.

Subsequently, more than 100 pupils and teachers were abducted from St Mary's School in north-central Nigeria’s Niger State.

In response, several neighbouring states temporarily shut down schools within their territories. The federal government later secured the release of 100 abducted individuals on 7 December. However, some pupils remain in captivity.

The resurgence of mass school abductions—more than a year after the previous major incident in March 2024 —has been attributed to various factors. 

Authorities link the renewed attacks to a recent statement from the United States threatening military action over alleged “mass killing of Christians”, which the government says may have triggered retaliation from armed groups.

According to data from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, Africa’s total GDP in 2024 stands at just under $3 trillion, with these five economies accounting for close to 50% of that figure. Nigeria remains Africa’s largest economy, driven by population size, services and energy exports, while South Africa continues to dominate in financial services, manufacturing and capital markets.

Egypt has strengthened its position through infrastructure spending, energy production and strategic control of the Suez Canal, a key artery for global trade that has taken on renewed importance amid ongoing Red Sea shipping disruptions linked to Middle East tensions.

Algeria’s economy is anchored in hydrocarbons, with natural gas exports becoming increasingly significant for Europe as countries seek alternatives to Russian energy supplies following the war in Ukraine.

Meanwhile, Ethiopia stands out as a non-oil-dependent giant, with growth fueled by agriculture, manufacturing and public investment, despite recent political and security challenges that continue to affect investor confidence.

While Africa is home to more than 1.4 billion people and some of the world’s fastest-growing populations, many countries remain heavily reliant on commodities , vulnerable to climate shocks, debt pressures and limited industrial capacity.

This imbalance is particularly relevant in 2025 as African leaders push for greater intra-African trade under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

Originally worn by high court judges in Britain, the wigs were symbols of legal authority and tradition. 

In contemporary African courtrooms, however, many argue that such attire no longer reflects national identity. Critics say the tradition is outdated and unsuitable for local contexts.

In Nigeria, calls to abolish the use of wigs are growing within the legal community. 

“We cannot identify with this type of legal system attire because it is not part of our culture . It is something that is adopted, and it's also taking us back to the colony,” Emmanuel Olusola Grace, a lawyer, told Viory. 

“Each time we put all these chairs together, it makes us not look like Africans,” he added.

Barrister CJ Okereke described the wigs as a remnant of colonialism, stating, “This is one of those unfortunate legacies that were bequeathed unto us by the British.”

Aside from cultural misalignment, there are also concerns about practicality. Many Nigerian courtrooms lack adequate ventilation, making the heavy and layered court dress uncomfortable.

“The ventilation in those courts are very poor. So, it's a bit difficult to wear that type of attire, you know, suited with tie, your belt, and you'll be in an environment where there's lack of ventilation. So, that type of dressing, I would say, in that circumstance, does not really suit the environment that we are expected to dress in," said lawyer Bashir Idris.

The financial implications also add to the concern. Maintaining these colonial-era uniforms can be costly. In 2019, Zimbabwe’s Judicial Services Commission placed an order for 64 wigs from a London-based supplier, Stanley Ley Legal Outfitters, for £118,400, despite the country’s economic challenges.

In Ghana, the story begins with a law. The 1999 Export and Import (Prohibition of Importation) Instrument bans the importation of “fire crackers (knock-outs), display shells, artillery shells, ball and canister shells”. That prohibition is backed by enforcement agencies: in a December 2024 press release, the Ghana National Fire Service reminded the public that importing, distributing or selling such fireworks is a criminal offence . Still, come December, multiple markets in Accra and other cities reportedly sell firecrackers openly.

In Tanzania, the legal landscape is similarly strict. According to amendments to the Firearms and Ammunition Control Act (Cap 223), anyone wishing to import, sell or supply fireworks must obtain approval from the Inspector General of Police. Without that approval , such activities are punishable by law. Yet local market surveys suggest that fireworks, often of uncertain origin, appear in private and informal markets during festive times.

In Nigeria, too, certain states enforce bans . For example, the Delta State Police Command has repeatedly issued statements ahead of Christmas and New Year, reminding citizens that the sale, use and display of pyrotechnics, including “knock-outs” and firecrackers, remain prohibited, and warning of arrests for offenders.

South Africa similarly allows fireworks but under strict licensing requirements. Only licensed suppliers can import or sell them, and specific rules govern the types and quantities permitted. Yet illegal fireworks continue to circulate during festive seasons.

So why does the trade continue, despite these laws?

Smuggling across porous borders seems to be the first reason. Firecrackers are light, compact, and easy to conceal in luggage or small cargo. With many busy land and sea entry points, often under-resourced, understaffed, or easily bypassed, illegal shipments find their way in. Once inside, they are rarely intercepted.

Firecrackers are sometimes packaged as “toys,” “party supplies,” or other innocuous goods. Unless customs officers physically inspect each container, an unlikely feat in high-volume ports, the illicit fireworks pass through with minimal scrutiny.

In some cases, licensed importers misuse permits. A license for a small, legal shipment creates a channel through which larger, unapproved shipments can be mixed and smuggled, making enforcement based solely on paperwork ineffective. Officials in Ghana have admitted as much during behind-the-scenes discussions.

Once inside the country, fireworks enter a vast informal economy. Street stalls, open-air markets, commuter stations and roadside kiosks sell packets openly, often in plain sight. Some sellers even operate through social media or messaging apps, offering “home delivery” to evade spot inspections. The trade is seasonal but persistent: every December, new supply flows in to meet demand.

Many families view fireworks as an essential part of celebrations, from Christmas and New Year to weddings and local festivals.

The human cost is serious. Firecrackers contribute to seasonal spikes in burns, eye injuries, house and market fires, and even fatalities. Hospitals report December as one of the busiest months for fire-related injuries. In 2012, a warehouse fire in Lagos killed at least one person and destroyed multiple buildings. Similar incidents occur across Ghana, Tanzania, and South Africa.

Most fireworks sold in Africa originate from China, either imported directly or via Middle Eastern re-export hubs.

Agencies tasked with seizing or prosecuting offenders perhaps lack the manpower, resources, or political will to make a lasting dent. In Ghana, for example, holiday-season “task forces” are deployed to arrest illegal firecracker dealers , but every year the same markets reappear, and the same firecrackers fill the streets.

For many ordinary people, fireworks remain a part of celebrations, and demand continues to fuel a shadow trade. For regulators and safety officials, the challenge is enormous: dismantling a network that spans borders, disguises shipments, exploits informal markets, and thrives on festive demand is no small feat.