Ekane was arrested on October 24 in Douala following the post-election protest and was detained at a military garrison in Yaoundé on charges of hostility against the state, incitement to revolt, and calls for insurrection. Ekane denied all accusations.

The arrest came after the contested presidential election on October 12, in which President Paul Biya, aged 92, was declared the winner. Ekane, along with other opposition figures, rejected the results. 

Rival candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary also claimed victory and urged the population to reject the official outcome.

Ekane's party said he was in poor health during detention and lacked access to vital medical equipment. According to his lawyer, Ngouana Ulrich Juvenal, Ekane was barely able to speak during a recent visit. His sister, Mariane Simon-Ekane, confirmed his death on Facebook.

On November 30, Manidem issued a statement requesting his urgent transfer to a hospital that could provide more suitable care. The party had previously reported that essential medical equipment, including Ekane’s oxygen concentrator, was locked in his impounded vehicle at a military police station in Douala. Efforts to retrieve the equipment were allegedly blocked by the station commander. 

Ekane’s detention, along with that of fellow Manidem member Florence Aimee Titcho and other Tchiroma supporters, was condemned by opposition groups. These groups had called for their immediate and unconditional release.

In its November 30 statement, Manidem warned that it "would hold the Yaoundé regime responsible for the consequences of refusing the transfer".

Cameroon’s defence ministry confirmed Ekane’s death on Monday, citing "an illness" and announcing that an investigation had been opened into the circumstances.

Ekane had been active in Cameroonian politics since the early 1990s. He initially supported Maurice Kamto, who was later banned from contesting the election, and subsequently backed Issa Tchiroma.

Tchiroma, following the unrest, has since fled to Gambia, where he is being hosted on humanitarian grounds, according to Gambian authorities.

President Paul Biya was sworn in for an eighth term on November 6 in Yaoundé. Despite the youthful population of Cameroon’s 29 million citizens, where the median age is 18, Biya—who has ruled for more than four decades—will continue in office for another seven years.

In his message, Tchiroma alleged that security forces loyal to what he called an “illegitimate regime” used lethal force against demonstrators who took to the streets after the vote. He said the victims were ordinary citizens defending their ballots. 

“They fell so that the truth may live. They were Cameroonians. They were our martyrs,” he said.

The opposition leader outlined a series of directives for the day of mourning, urging the complete suspension of commercial activity, government services, and public operations nationwide. 

According to him, the shutdown is meant to create a unified moment of reflection across the country.

Tchiroma also appealed to religious communities, requesting that Christians, Muslims, and people of other faiths gather in places of worship for collective prayer. 

A central part of Friday’s planned observance is a minute of silence scheduled for noon. Tchiroma called on Cameroonians living abroad to join the moment as well, saying the diaspora remains an integral part of the movement challenging the disputed election results.

“This will not be an ordinary day … It will be a day of silence, remembrance, reflection — and resistance,” he said, arguing that public participation would demonstrate continued opposition to the government.

During his address, Tchiroma announced the creation of a victims’ support fund intended to assist families of those killed or detained during the post-election crackdown. 

The call for a national observance comes days after Tchiroma issued a 48-hour ultimatum demanding the release of all detained protesters. Authorities freed a small number of minors during that period, but he dismissed the move as a “masquerade,” insisting that many more remain in custody and alleging that arrests are ongoing.

Tchiroma also delivered a forceful rejection of any attempt at political compromise. 

“I will not back down. I will not negotiate. I will never capitulate,” he declared, accusing the administration of President Paul Biya of violating its oath of office and “stealing” the election.

Tchiroma reiterated that he considers his claim to the presidency non-negotiable, saying his “mandate” would be defended “at any cost,” in the name of “justice, dignity, and the future of Cameroon.” 

“The corrupt Biya regime in Cameroon hunts its political opponents, enables Wagner’s illicit activities, and has created conditions for jihadist groups like Boko Haram and ISIS to thrive and fuel the Anglophone crisis,” Risch wrote on November 4.

The US senator was referring to the Wagner Group, a Russian state-funded paramilitary organisation, and the Boko Haram, a jihadist militant group that has troops in Nigeria , Chad, Niger and Mali.

While Washington has had diplomatic ties with Youanda since 1960, Risch asserted that Cameroon “is not a US partner.”

“It’s time to reassess this relationship before the blowback gets worse,” he said. 

A former French colony, Cameroon has always struggled with managing the divide between its Anglophone and Francophone regions.

This age-old conflict has caused separatist groups to mushroom, further intensifying the instability of the Central African country.

While criticisms of the 92-year-old Biya are not new, Risch’s comments are significant as the US has a formal allyship with Cameroon. Its president, Donald Trump , has also been keen on peacemaking during his second term. 

In an archived page in the US Department of State Website, Cameroon was described as a “key” player in regional stability and a “regional partner in countering terrorism in the Lake Chad Region and anti-piracy efforts in the Gulf of Guinea.”

The two countries have had a bilateral investment treaty in place since 1986, and Washington has provided nearly $1.7 billion in foreign assistance since 2001.

“I therefore ask all Cameroonians, wherever they are, to stay at home for three days to demonstrate their dissatisfaction and their commitment to fight until the truth of the ballot box, which we claim, prevails and we can recover our victory,” he said. 

Tchiroma made the call in a video to his supporters. Fearing his security , he has been in an unknown location since the proclamation, when he claimed protesters outside his house were being shot at. 

If Cameroonians heed his call, the “ghost town” protest will run until November 6 — the same day Biya is scheduled for inauguration for his eighth term as Cameroon president.

The statement did not address widespread allegations of electoral fraud .

“Cameroonians have exercised their free will and made a rational choice, one based on experience and wisdom, a choice that guarantees peace and stability in Cameroon,” Communication Minister Rene Emmanuel Sadi said. 

Biya’s latest win — his eighth since first taking power in 1982 — has been widely contested.

While his 53.66% vote share was his lowest since 1992, it was still enough to secure him another seven-year term, which would end just shortly before his 100th birthday and extend his rule to 49 years.

Protests before and after the official proclamation on 27 October have been marred by violence. Four people were killed in a demonstration in Douala, Cameroon’s commercial capital, a day before Biya’s victory was confirmed.

Opposition leader Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who placed second in the Constitutional Council’s tally, has repeatedly insisted that he was the true winner and called on Cameroonians to protest by staying away from work.

Sadi said such “hasty” declarations of victory and calls for insurrection threaten not only peace but also economic development.

“The Government strongly condemns the hasty proclamation of victory by one candidate, as well as the radical challenge to the final verdict of the Constitutional Council confirming the victory of incumbent President Paul Biya,” he wrote. 

“These are all unacceptable actions, for which both the perpetrators and the instigators are responsible.” 

Biya is set to begin his eighth term during his inauguration on November 6.

Meanwhile, in Ivory Coast, President Alassane Ouattara coasted to victory after earning 90% of votes cast in the October 25 elections . The win handed Ouattara his fourth, five-year term, which would extend his rule to 20 years. 

More astounding was President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s win in Tanzania, as the country’s electoral body declared she won 98% of the vote in a widely participated election — 87% of registered voters turned out, compared with 50% in 2020. 

While these electoral wins are separated by distance and circumstance, the three are bound by ties that extend beyond their status as reelectionists and leaders in Africa. 

Opposition barred

One of the most glaring similarities between the Cameroon, Ivory Coast and Tanzania elections was that major opposition bets were barred from running — many of them disqualified on questionable grounds. 

In Cameroon, veteran politician and lawyer Maurice Kamto was dropped from the candidates' list after his party, the Movement for the Renaissance of Cameroon, fell into disarray after internal disputes led to rival endorsements. Before his candidacy came to an abrupt end, he was widely regarded as the strongest challenger to Biya. 

Ivory Coast’s electoral body stripped two challengers of their eligibility: Tidjane Thiam, whose acquisition of a French citizenship was seen as an automatic forfeiture of his Ivorian citizenship, and Laurent Gbagbo, the country’s former president who was barred over a 2018 criminal conviction.

Two opposition candidates were also prohibited from running in Tanzania, namely Chadema’s Tundu Lissu, who spent two months in jail for treason over his calls for fair elections, and Luhaga Mpina of ACT-Wazalendo.

Irregularities 

With the questionable disqualification of key challengers, many have alleged irregularities in the three elections. 

Even before this year’s polls, Cameroon has often been portrayed as a country practicing electoral autocracy — meaning it holds elections regularly, but ones that fall short of democratic standards. 

Opposition bet Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who placed second according to the Constitutional Court’s results, claimed he had won the October 12 vote with a 54.8% share of votes, based on partial data. 

Allegations of irregularities in the Ivorian polls primarily stem from the removal of key candidates from the ballots, resulting in what observers label as a “non-competitive” election. Residents said the election was held under a climate of fear, too, with a heavy police presence observed in the days leading up to, and after, the vote. 

In Tanzania, evidence of electoral fraud was more blatant, as the country entered an information blackout with the internet shut down. The European Union later slammed the “lack of level playing field” and “large number of fatalities and significant injuries” in the polls.

Protest and violence

Four protesters were killed a day before Biya’s proclamation in Cameroon, with many more reported to be hurt in demonstrations that have taken over major parts of the country, including its commercial capital, Douala. 

Biya has acknowledged this violence, but his government was quick to flip the script, blaming “perpetrators and instigators” who alleged electoral fraud for fuelling post-election chaos.

Meanwhile, protests in Ivory Coast had largely been quashed by the government as dozens of demonstrators were arrested for public order offences, in what Amnesty International described as a clear sign of repression.

Post-election violence in Tanzania was the most alarming, as the opposition claimed the death toll had reached 700. The actual count, they said, could be much higher as more killings took place during a nighttime curfew. 

Tanzania’s foreign minister dismissed the violence as a "few isolated pockets of incidents here and there,” adding the internet shutdown was a necessary measure to save lives. 

“It was very certain that Biya was going to clinch another victory,” said Amindeh Blaise Atabong, a Yaounde-based journalist who covers politics and society. “He has the apparatus.”

At 92, Biya is one of Africa’s longest-serving leaders and the world’s oldest head of state. Over 42 years in power, he has built a vast political machinery that critics say extends well beyond the bounds of legality — and deep into the electoral process itself.

Atabong said many Cameroonians have lost faith in the ballot box entirely. The International Foundation for Electoral Systems has described the country as an “electoral autocracy,” one that holds regular votes but fails to meet basic democratic standards.

Protests erupted even before the official proclamation of results, triggering violent clashes in Douala, Cameroon’s commercial capital, that left at least four people dead. 

There were even reports from opposition candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who finished second with 35.2% of the vote, of civilians outside his home being shot at hours before the announcement.

“It was very, very tense, and it has only gotten worse since then, especially after the proclamation of the results,” Atabong told Global South World. 

Biya has acknowledged the post-election violence in a brief statement released online shortly after being declared the winner, in what was his first and only public comment since re-election.

As protests swell across the country, uncertainty now hangs over Biya’s new seven-year term — including whether he will even be able to see it through, which would leave him in office until just shy of his 100th birthday.

“It's possible,” Atabong said when asked if Biya could step down before the term ends. “We've seen that in other places in Africa, with the most recent example being Madagascar, where the president had to flee because of popular protests.”

“So, everything is possible. We can’t rule that out.”

Change or nothing

Biya is set to be inaugurated on November 6 in Cameroon’s capital, Yaoundé. 

Atabong said the president returns to power over a country increasingly weary of the same leadership, with frustration especially high among the youth, a generation that feels locked out of opportunity and excluded from decision-making.

“The youth are really frustrated. Most of them are trying to leave the country. They are fed up with the system, which is mostly owned by octogenarians,” he said. 

Now entering his eighth term, Biya faces a Cameroon under growing strain, from global shocks such as the wars in Ukraine and Gaza to domestic challenges including the long-running Boko Haram insurgency and deep linguistic divisions between the country’s English- and French-speaking regions.

With a 92-year-old president who frequently disappears from public view, questions are mounting over whether Biya remains fit to govern.

“Economically, the country is shrinking, there is bad governance , there is corruption, there is high level of unemployment, the cost of living is high, and we have not really capitalised on the transformation of most of our local resources,” Atabong said. 

“All of that put together, it's a cocktail that can easily degenerate.”

Ruling for more than four decades has left Cameroon deeply dependent on Biya’s grip. Still, Atabong said many citizens are bracing for the inevitable instability that will follow his eventual exit, whenever that comes.

“There is no indication that he is ready to step down because after he modified the constitution in 2008, striking off the term limit, he is still free constitutionally to go in for another mandate after this current one, which he just won,” he said.

“People just want change, even if it means moving from bad to worse.”

What now?

For now, as Biya remains out of public view, opposition figures continue to contest the results of the October 12 election.

Tchiroma had called for a three-day national lockdown, urging Cameroonians to “let the entire country come to a standstill,” to show the world that “we are resisting and that we will not yield” and to remind the Biya government that “the strength of an economy is its people.”

However, following violent clashes outside his Garoua home, Tchiroma was reportedly forced to flee with the help of “loyalist army” members, a move that, if confirmed, could signal growing cracks within Biya’s own ranks.

“The way going forward, I think it will depend on a couple of factors. First of all, it depends on within the rank of the security forces,” Atabong said. “If that doesn't happen, then I think not long from now, the riots will grow. So, it all depends on the days ahead, how it's going to play out.”

Atabong also noted the muted reaction abroad. The African Union even congratulated the longtime Cameroonian president in a statement that also expressed concern over the post-election unrest in the country.

“Since Cameroon, and largely Africa, has been a diplomatic battlefield, most of the foreign powers are very cautious on how they go about relations with the incoming government,” he said.

“Big countries like the US, maybe Russia, maybe China, they will more or less end up at lip service and be more cautious about how they comment on the developments in Cameroon because they have their interest in the country,” he added. “For now, the international community is failing Cameroon.”

With just days to go before Biya’s November 6 inauguration, unrest continues to define the political climate. What unfolds in the coming days could determine not only the next seven years of Biya’s rule, but also whether Cameroon’s fragile calm can hold at all.

“To this effect, the Chairperson extends congratulations to His Excellency Paul BIYA on his victory, as the re-elected President of the Republic of Cameroon,” the African Union said in a letter disseminated online. 

Mahmoud’s brief salutation to Biya was followed by an extended expression of concern over multiple reported incidents of post-electoral violence in Cameroon. 

Since October 12, reports have swirled online about violence and repression targeting Biya dissidents. Four protesters were killed in a protest in Cameroon's commercial capital, Douala, a day before the proclamation.

On the day the Constitutional Court announced the winner, candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who placed second in the polls, wrote on social media that civilians were being shot at outside his residence. 

Security around Tchiroma’s residence has since been fortified, photos from Reuters show. 

“The Chairperson is gravely concerned about the reported violence, repression and arrests of protesters and political actors in connection with the election results,” the African Union statement read. 

“The AUC Chairperson of calls on all institutional and political actors to exercise restraint and work towards the preservation of social cohesion, peace and stability in Cameroon,” it continued. 

In his first and only public statement so far since reelection, Biya condoled with those “who have unnecessarily lost their lives [as] a result of post-election violence.” 

Biya will be inaugurated on November 6 in Yaounde, the capital of Cameroon. 

Candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who placed second with 35.2% of the vote, claimed civilians outside his Garoua home were being shot at hours before the proclamation, triggering widespread concern.

“Urgent: Currently at my home in Garoua, they are shooting at civilians who are camping in front of my house,” Tchiroma wrote on Facebook on Monday. “The assault is on.” 

Reports from the ground relayed to Global South World indicate growing fear among Cameroonians.

While allegations of vote rigging are not new in the country — nearly every election has been accused of favouring Biya — sources say his government is now responding to these claims not with restraint, but with force.

Biya’s victory was confirmed after Cameroon’s Constitutional Council dismissed all eight petitions alleging electoral irregularities, any of which could have led to the partial or total cancellation of the polls .

Opposition groups, including Tchiroma, have rejected the results. The former Biya ally claimed on social media that he was the real winner and accused the council of being “complicit in a breach of trust.”

Biya, meanwhile, sought to present himself as a magnanimous victor and unifying leader, acknowledging the “weight of the responsibility” and the “great expectations” of his “compatriots.”

“At this point in time when the sovereign people have once again placed their trust in me for a new term of office, my first thoughts are with all those who have unnecessarily lost their lives, as well with their families, as a result of the post-election violence.”

Official results announced on Monday showed Biya winning 53.7% of the vote, compared with 35.2% for his main challenger, Issa Tchiroma Bakary. Opposition groups, however, had rejected the outcome, alleging widespread fraud and irregularities that they said heavily favoured the incumbent.

Tensions flared in the days following the October 12 poll. Bakary, a former ally turned rival, appeared on video claiming victory, while his Union for Change coalition released a statement declaring him the “ People ’s Consensus Candidate” and asserting that results from polling stations showed he had won between 60% and 80% of the vote.

Protests erupted as the official proclamation loomed, leading to violent clashes in Douala that left at least four people dead. Bakary later called for calm and urged supporters to respect the results of the vote, even as opposition leaders vowed to challenge the outcome.

Cameroon’s elections have long been shadowed by allegations of manipulation and repression. 

The International Foundation for Electoral Systems describes the country as an “electoral autocracy” — one that holds regular polls but consistently fails to meet basic democratic standards.

“People don't trust the process,” said Tony Vinyoh, a Cameroonian journalist, in an interview with Global South World in September. “I’ve talked to some parents, and they don't even want to register their kids.”

Biya is only Cameroon’s second president, succeeding Ahmadou Ahidjo, who led from independence in 1960 until his resignation in 1982. Ahidjo’s decision to appoint Biya as his successor backfired when the new leader later had him tried and sentenced to death — a penalty later commuted to life imprisonment.

Cameroon has never held a presidential election without Biya on the ballot. He ran unopposed in 1984 when the country was still a one-party state, and narrowly won in 1992, the first multiparty election. His vote share has not fallen below 70% until this year.

Biya did not appear during the proclamation, fuelling speculation about his health and ability to govern. 

In 2024, the ageing president vanished from public view for 42 days, reigniting debate over whether he remains fit to lead a nation still battling insurgency and lagging behind many of its African neighbours in development.

Hours after polls closed, reports from the ground suggested that Tchiroma had a sizable lead over Biya and the 10 other candidates in multiple polling stations, especially overseas. 

These counts, posted online, are unverified. The Constitutional Council has until October 26 to release the official result of what many observers call the most consequential election in Cameroon’s recent history. 

Still, the Union for Change lauded Tchiroma for what it described as a success against the “traditional fraud machine of the ruling State party.” It also called on Biya to “promptly extend his congratulations to the winner” as the “outgoing president.”

Even before the October 12 polls, Tchiroma has been widely considered as one of the top two opposition bets to pit against the incumbent Biya, along with Bella Bouba Maigari of the National Union for Democracy and Progress. 

A former Cameroon employment chief, Tchiroma, received last-minute backing from seven political parties that previously endorsed Hermine Njoya, the lone female challenger. He also signaled a shift away from any hopes of a consolidated opposition, even calling Bouba a coy of the ruling government.

If Tchiroma indeed won as the coalition had claimed, he would take on a historic presidency that would put an end to the 42-year rule of his predecessor. He will also become Cameroon’s third president since its liberation from France in 1960. 

At 76, Tchiroma also brings in a wealth of political experience, though never up to par with the 92-year-old Biya. He has served as a legislator and as minister of transport, communication, and  employment  and vocational training. 

Tchiroma is so enduring in Cameroonian politics that he has traveled across the spectrum — from being one of Biya’s most trusted men, he became a fierce critic that railed against the “broken” government, asserting “a country cannot exist in the service of one man.”

This concludes our live coverage of the October 12, 2025, Cameroon elections. Polls have been closed for over 4 hours across various centres in the country as vote counting continues. According to reports, the Constitutional Council will declare the official outcome by October 26.

21:08 GMT+1 : 3 hours after polls closed, vote counting still continues across the various polling stations

20:39 GMT+1 : At Buea's St. Therese Nursery and Primary School, where the results from all ten polling places have not yet been signed, dozens of voters are still camped out. According to reports, officials have offered opposition representatives blank sheets to sign instead of allowing them to sign result sheets. Voters declare that until the results are signed, they will not depart.

19:25 GMT+1 : Half an hour after polls close, reports of voter exclusion in multiple polling centres surface, casting doubt on vote counting transparency

18:00 GMT+1: Voting ends. Counting — and waiting — begins for the people of Cameroon.

17:30 GMT+1 : Unofficial results from overseas polling stations show Issa Tchiroma Bakary securing a sizable lead over other contenders. Counts that have been reported so far were from Saudi Arabia, Kenya and UAE.

17:00 GMT+1: Cameroon National Citizens’ Movement candidate Jacques Bouhga Hagbe keys in his vote at the Government Bilingual Primary School Essos voting centre in Yaounde. He ran on a platform of solving Cameroon's economic woes, considering his experience as an economist with the International Monetary Fund.

16:50 GMT+1 : UNIVERSE party's Akere Muna Tabeng votes at the Government Bilingual Primary School Bastos in Yaounde. His candidacy had been cut short when he decided to back Bouba weeks before the election in an attempt to front a "consensus candidate" against Biya.

16:40 GMT+1 : Allegations of electoral fraud and ghost voters are swirling online. This is crucial in a country that has been described by the International Foundation for Electoral Systems as practicing "electoral autocracy," or when a government conducts elections regularly but fails to meet standards for democracy, freedom and fairness.

16:30 GMT+1: Situation in voting stations abroad, as some voters allege irregularities and rue strict rules at the embassy.

16:20 GMT+1 : Presidential bet Cabral Libii Li Ngue Ngue of the Cameroon Party for National Reconciliation casts his vote. A former journalist, Libii is a member of the Cameroonian parliament and is one of the youngest candidates at 45.

15:10 GMT+1 : Hiram Iyodi, the youngest presidential candidate this year at 38, casts his ballot in New Bell, Douala II Municipality. Running under the banner of the Cameroonian Democrats Front, Iyodi brings youth to the presidential race, whose median age is nearly 60.

14:50 GMT+1 : Lone female contender Hermine Njoya casts her vote at Njinka Public School in Foumban. Her candidacy marks only the third time a female has eyed the highest government position in Cameroon.

14:20 GMT+1: Presidential candidate Joshua Osih of the Social Democratic Front votes at Lycée Joss in Douala. At 56 years old, Osih is one of the leaders of Cameroon's main opposition party. He is also the first Anglophone Cameroonian to serve as a Parliamentarian in Douala, the country's economic capital.

14:10 GMT+1 : Voters share their experiences and hopes after casting their votes. More than 8 million have registered to vote this year, which equates to less than 30% of Cameroon's 29 million population.

13:50 GMT+1 : Lawyer and politician Maurice Kamto casts his vote. He had been widely considered the strongest challenger to Biya but was excluded from this year's list of candidates after his party, the Movement for the Renaissance of Cameroon, fell into disarray due to internal disputes that led to rival endorsements.

13:20 GMT+1 : Donning his signature blue suit, longtime President Paul Biya, who is also in the running this year, casts his vote at a polling station in Yaounde, the capital of Cameroon. Biya is accompanied by his wife, Chantal.

13:00 GMT+1: Opposition candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary of the Cameroon National Salvation Front votes in Garoua. A former Biya ally, the 76-year-old former Cameroonian employment chief is seen as one of the most formidable opposition figures in the election, with a number of political parties backing his candidacy.

12:50 GMT+1: Presidential candidate Cabral Libii sounds the alarm over an alleged election violence incident in Hile Alifa B Public School, where a mayor supposedly smashed the phone of a representative from the Cameroon Party for National Reconciliation, who "opposes fraud."

11:20 GMT+1 : Opposition candidate Bella Bouba Maigari seals his vote at the polling station in Bascheo. A former Cameroonian prime minister, Bouba has had a close relationship with Biya, until he resigned in June to launch his candidacy against the incumbent leader. He is considered to have one of the strongest chances to topple Biya as candidates Akere Muna and Ateki Seta Caxton both withdrew from the race to back him.

11:20 GMT+1 : Bernard Okalia Bilai, the governor of Cameroon's southwest region, casts his vote. Bilai has been a key figure in managing the conflict between the country's Anglophone and Francophone regions, as well as in addressing separatist movements.

11:15 GMT+1 : Presidential candidate Serge Espoir Matomba of the United People for Social Renovation party casts his vote.

11:00 GMT+1: Reports from the ground indicate less than favorable weather conditions hounding Cameroon's elections. Despite this, no changes are expected or have been announced by the Elecam.

09:30 GMT+1: Biya is expected to vote today at the Government Bilingual Primary School Bastos in Cameroon's capital, Yaounde. He is registered there with his wife, Chantal Biya. 

08:00 GMT+1: Cameroon officially begins one of the most consequential elections in its history. Polling precincts will be open until 6 p.m. for the more than 8 million voters to cast their ballots.

Last-minute support for Biya, Tchiroma

Hours before polls opened, both President Paul Biya and opposition contender Issa Tchiroma secured crucial last-minute endorsements, as several political groups from across Cameroon’s spectrum declared their backing.

Tchiroma, one of the opposition’s “consensus candidates” running under the Cameroon National Salvation Front, gained the support of seven more parties after they withdrew their endorsement of the lone female contender, Hermine Njoya, on the evening of October 11.

“We believe he has genuinely repented and now embodies the change Cameroonians seek,” coalition spokesperson Shewa Jestel said.

But the endorsement underscored divisions within the opposition. The coalition criticised fellow opposition candidate Bella Bouba — also a former Biya ally — calling him an “extension of the regime.” Bouba had earlier won the backing of Akere Muna and Ateki Seta Caxton, who both pulled out of the race to support him.

Biya also drew fresh backing from 48 political parties, bolstering his push for another seven-year term — one that would extend his rule to half a century.

Cameroon warns opposition against ‘illegal’ election result announcements

Cameroon’s Minister of Territorial Administration, Paul Atanga Nji, warned that any attempt by opposition candidates to independently publish election results will be treated as “high treason” and will be addressed through “retaliatory measures.” 

Nji made the remarks on Friday, 2 days before the October 12 vote.

Background

ELECAM, Cameroon's independent electoral body, reports that 8,010,464 voters, including 3,716,567 women and 4,293,897 men, are eligible to cast ballots at 31,653 polling stations.

34,411 out of the total registered voters are citizens abroad, dispersed across 108 polling stations.

Contenders and outcasts

This year’s election pits Biya against 11 candidates, drawn from a record 81 hopefuls. The Constitutional Court disqualified several bids, including that of Hilaire Marcaire Dzipan of the Progressive Movement (MP), whose initial approval by the election body was later revoked.

Another major exclusion was Maurice Kamto of the Movement for the Renaissance of Cameroon, widely regarded as Biya’s strongest challenger. Kamto, who came second in 2018 with 14% of the vote to Biya’s 71%, was barred from running.

Last month, the divided opposition pulled together behind two former ministers: Bello Bouba Maigari, once prime minister, and Issa Tchiroma Bakary, a former employment chief. Both men were once allies of President Paul Biya, the 92-year-old who is seeking an eighth term that would extend his rule into its 50th year. Despite questions about the integrity of the vote, Biya remains among the leading contenders.

Bouba’s candidacy is backed by the UNIVERSE Party and the Liberal Alliance Party (PAL), alongside his own National Union for Democracy and Progress (UNDP). Tchiroma, meanwhile, has won support from other opposition figures, including Anicet Ekane of the Manidem Party.

Consolidation has long been seen as key to unseating Biya. Yet the loose unity now emerging has also raised concerns: rather than concentrating support, two northern candidates may divide it.

“Both say they will fight corruption and introduce structural reforms, but their strongest attribute seems to be their origins,” Cameroonian journalist Tony Vinyoh told Global South World. “They’re both from Cameroon’s three northern regions, the biggest voting bloc in the country. That has also led to fears they’ll split the vote and offer Biya victory.”

Bouba’s coalition only came together after Akere Muna and Seta Carson withdrew their own candidacies to back him. It is the first serious attempt in years to rally the opposition behind one figure after repeated failures to find a consensus.

The following candidates have been confirmed and validated for the October 12 vote:

Paul Biya (Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement)

Ateki Seta Caxton (Alliance Liberal Party)

Bella Bouba Magari (National Union for Democracy and Progress)

Jacques Bougha Hagbe (Cameroon National Citizen Movement)

Issa Tchiroma Bakary (Cameroon National Salvation Front)

Hiram Samuel Iyodi (Cameroonian Democrats Front)

Pierre Kwemo (Union of Socialist Movements)

Cabral Libii Li Ngue Ngue (Cameroon Party for National Reconciliation)

Serge Espoir Matomba (United People for Social Renovation)

Akere Tabeng Muna (Independent)

Joshua Nambangi Osih (Social Democratic Front)

Hermine Patricia Tomaino Epse Ndam Njoya (Cameroon Democratic Union)

Since the list’s release in July, the race has shifted. Akere and Seta have withdrawn to back Bouba, one of the leading opposition figures to have consolidated support. Another contender, Tchiroma, secured backing from the Manidem Party.

Both Bouba and Tchiroma are now seen as the top opposition candidates.

Biya’s dominance

To grasp the scale of Biya’s dominance, one must look to Cameroon’s history.

Biya is only the country’s second president, succeeding Ahmadou Ahidjo, who led from independence in 1960 until resigning in 1982. Ahidjo’s decision to appoint Biya as his successor backfired when the new president later had him tried and sentenced to death — a penalty later commuted to life imprisonment.

Cameroon has never held a presidential election without Biya on the ballot. In 1984, he ran unopposed when Cameroon was still a one-party state. When multiparty elections were introduced in 1992, Biya won with 40% — his narrowest margin. His vote share has not fallen below 70% since.

The world's oldest president, Cameroon's Paul Biya, is chasing an eighth seven-year term. But, there's a renewed opposition blocking his way.

Here’s how Biya won in all the elections he has participated in:

1984 - 100% of votes

1992 - 39.98% of votes

1997 - 92.57% of votes

2004 - 70.92% of votes

2011 - 77.99% of votes

2018 - 71.28% of votes

However, these numbers aren’t to be taken at face value. Nearly all elections have been mired in allegations of vote-rigging. As the International Crisis Group noted, “Given the likely magnitude of the election irregularities, it is almost impossible to determine what percentage of the vote each candidate really won.”

Cameroonian journalist Tony Vinyoh said such allegations have deepened public mistrust in the process.

“People don't trust the process,” he told Global South World. “I’ve talked to some parents, and they don't even want to register their kids.”

Out of a population of 28.3 million, only 8.2 million are registered to vote. Turnout has steadily declined: from 80% in 2004 to 68% in 2011, and just 54% in 2018, according to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems.

What’s at stake

For many, the October vote is about more than leadership — it’s about ending a culture that stifles dissent, discourages meritocracy, and sustains political dynasties as enduring as Biya’s.

“Stability, in Cameroon’s current context, is a deeply misleading term,” Cameroonian journalist Amindeh Atabong wrote in his column for Global South World. “It masks the profound erosion of civil liberties , the stifling of political dissent, and the lack of political will to reform electoral norms in order to sustain one man’s grip on power.”

Cameroon’s population is young, but its leadership is ageing. As problems in education, infrastructure, and the economy deepen, public frustration grows.

“People are worried about the state of their roads, the standards of education. There are parents who are worried about feeding their kids and sending them to school. They are worried about the training they will get in university and whether the training will be useful,” he said.

Elections like that of October 12 give Cameroon the appearance of democracy, but many say the reality remains far removed from its promise.

“Cameroon holds regular elections. It maintains a multiparty system. It boasts a constitutional council and an independent electoral body. But these structures have been hollowed out, their purpose repurposed to preserve a singular political dynasty. There is no viable path to power that doesn’t first pass through the gate Biya has locked shut,” Atabong said.

“Unless opposition leaders find a way to unify, unless citizens reclaim the democratic space stolen from them, Biya’s eighth term will not be his last.”

As Cameroonians prepare to cast their votes, the stakes extend far beyond the ballot box. The election has become a reckoning with decades of stagnation — a test of whether a new generation can reclaim the promise of democracy from the world’s oldest ruler, or whether the familiar machinery of power will once again tighten its hold.

“For close to 10 days now, I've been hearing about platforms created by a presidential candidate purportedly to count ballots in the 10 regions,” Nji said. “I've also learned through international media about a trade union that has set up a platform to count votes and announce the results of the presidential election.”

“There is equally an initiative by a young lawyer in Douala who has created an application to count votes and publish the election results,” he added. “I would like to call on all candidates, especially those conspiring with people of dubious character, with plans to activate these illegal platforms, to abandon this criminal initiative, which cannot prevail.”

The statement followed opposition candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary’s call for President Paul Biya to concede defeat ahead of the vote. Nji accused Tchiroma of planning to declare himself president from his home village. 

“This candidate, who is nursing such outdated and diabolical ideas, should know that his house does not have armoured doors,” he said. “And that in the event of the least blunder, MinAd will take immediate action and law must prevail.”

Reiterating the state’s position, Nji stressed that “only the Constitutional Council has the authority to announce the results of the presidential election after resolving any election-related disputes.” He added that “any unilateral publication of election results is high treason” and warned that those attempting to self-proclaim victory “would have crossed the red line and should be ready to face retaliatory measures commensurate to their crime .”

Cameroon has been ruled by President Biya since 1982, making him one of Africa’s longest-serving leaders. Twelve candidates are contesting this year’s election, but the opposition remains fragmented after failing to unite behind a single challenger to Biya, who is seeking another seven-year term at age 92.

What is clear so far is that October 12 will be a litmus test for Cameroon’s fragile democracy: It could either free itself from the grip of an ageing regime or slip further into the familiar rule of the 92-year-old Biya.

Contenders and outcasts

This year’s election pits Biya against 11 candidates, drawn from a record 81 hopefuls. The Constitutional Court disqualified several bids, including that of Hilaire Marcaire Dzipan of the Progressive Movement (MP), whose initial approval by the election body was later revoked.

Another major exclusion was Maurice Kamto of the Movement for the Renaissance of Cameroon, widely regarded as Biya’s strongest challenger. Kamto, who came second in 2018 with 14% of the vote to Biya’s 71%, was barred from running.

The following candidates have been confirmed and validated for the October 12 vote:

Since the list’s release in July, the race has shifted. Akere and Seta have withdrawn to back Bouba, one of the leading opposition figures to have consolidated support . Another contender, Tchiroma, secured backing from the Manidem Party. 

Both Bouba and Tchiroma are now seen as the top opposition candidates .

Biya’s dominance

To grasp the scale of Biya’s dominance , one must look to Cameroon’s history.

Biya is only the country’s second president, succeeding Ahmadou Ahidjo, who led from independence in 1960 until resigning in 1982. Ahidjo’s decision to appoint Biya as his successor backfired when the new president later had him tried and sentenced to death — a penalty later commuted to life imprisonment.

Cameroon has never held a presidential election without Biya on the ballot. In 1984, he ran unopposed when Cameroon was still a one-party state. When multiparty elections were introduced in 1992, Biya won with 40% — his narrowest margin. His vote share has not fallen below 70% since.

Here’s how Biya won in all the elections he has participated in: 

However, these numbers aren’t to be taken at face value. Nearly all elections have been mired in allegations of vote-rigging. As the International Crisis Group noted, “Given the likely magnitude of the election irregularities, it is almost impossible to determine what percentage of the vote each candidate really won.”

Cameroonian journalist Tony Vinyoh said such allegations have deepened public mistrust in the process.

“People don't trust the process,” he told Global South World. “I’ve talked to some parents, and they don't even want to register their kids.”

Out of a population of 28.3 million, only 8.2 million are registered to vote. Turnout has steadily declined: from 80% in 2004 to 68% in 2011, and just 54% in 2018, according to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems.

What’s at stake

For many, the October vote is about more than leadership — it’s about ending a culture that stifles dissent, discourages meritocracy, and sustains political dynasties as enduring as Biya’s.

“Stability, in Cameroon’s current context, is a deeply misleading term,” Cameroonian journalist Amindeh Atabong wrote in his column for Global South World . “It masks the profound erosion of civil liberties, the stifling of political dissent, and the lack of political will to reform electoral norms in order to sustain one man’s grip on power.”

Cameroon’s population is young, but its leadership is ageing. As problems in education, infrastructure, and the economy deepen, public frustration grows.

“People are worried about the state of their roads, the standards of education. There are parents who are worried about feeding their kids and sending them to school. They are worried about the training they will get in university and whether the training will be useful,” he said.

Elections like that of October 12 give Cameroon the appearance of democracy, but many say the reality remains far removed from its promise.

“Cameroon holds regular elections. It maintains a multiparty system. It boasts a constitutional council and an independent electoral body. But these structures have been hollowed out, their purpose repurposed to preserve a singular political dynasty. There is no viable path to power that doesn’t first pass through the gate Biya has locked shut,” Atabong said. 

“Unless opposition leaders find a way to unify, unless citizens reclaim the democratic space stolen from them, Biya’s eighth term will not be his last.”

As Cameroonians prepare to cast their votes, the stakes extend far beyond the ballot box. The election has become a reckoning with decades of stagnation — a test of whether a new generation can reclaim the promise of democracy from the world’s oldest ruler, or whether the familiar machinery of power will once again tighten its hold.

In July 2022, during a state visit by French President Emmanuel Macron, Paul Biya was asked whether he would seek another term. “I still have three years…and when the time comes, I will decide whether to retire to the village or not,” he replied, brushing off the question about his political future. Three years later, his decision is clear: Instead of packing his bags and returning to his native Mvomeka’a in the South, Biya—now 92 years of age—will stay in the capital Yaoundé and seek yet another term in office. And so it happens that as the October 12 presidential vote draws near, Cameroon finds itself at a political crossroads that feels all too familiar.

As long as Biya, the world’s oldest head of state, breathes, he rules—irrespective of concerns over his health, age and legacy. Beyond Biya’s bid for another mandate that could see him in power well close to a century old, the real story lies more in the systemic dismantling of opposition forces—an orchestrated effort that has left the central African nation’s democratic institutions hollow and its political future uncertain.

43 years and still counting

Biya’s uninterrupted presidency since 1982 has largely depended on a delicate mixture of autocratic rule, patronage , tactical patience, politics of silence, as well as nepotism and  tribalism . In over four decades, he has outmanoeuvred rivals, reshaped institutions, and ensured that any path to power—legitimate or otherwise—passes through him. In 2025, the strategy appears unchanged. The recent disqualification of Maurice Kamto, Biya’s former ally, main challenger and runner-up in the contentious 2018 poll, is emblematic of a regime that has turned legal procedure into political weaponry.

Elections Cameroon, the country’s election management body—which is supposedly independent but in fact dominated by presidential appointees—blamed Kamto’s exclusion from the race on “multiple investitures” by the MANIDEM party, which nominated him. The decision drew immediate backlash, notably from Human Rights Watch, which said the decision to exclude Kamto reflects the government’s long-standing intolerance for any opposition and dissent. Just before, there was widespread fear that the electoral commission’s decision could ignite unrest in major cities like Douala and Yaoundé. But Biya’s administration responded in predictable fashion, borrowing a leave from its playbook: pre-emptive deployments of anti-riot forces, dispersing crowds with teargas and arresting suspected pro-Kamto supporters—all amid vague appeals for stability.

Crackdowns and manipulation 

But stability, in Cameroon’s current context, is a deeply misleading term. It masks the profound erosion of civil liberties, the stifling of political dissent, and the lack of political will to reform electoral norms in order to sustain one man’s grip on power. As the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI) 2024 indicates , democratic statehood, political participation, rule of law, political and social integration are on the decline since 2014, putting Cameroon in the category of “hardline autocracies.”

In March 2024, the government banned two opposition coalition platforms—the Alliance Politique pour le Changement and the Alliance pour la Transition Politique—accusing them of unlawful association. By targeting coordination efforts among rival parties, the regime effectively dismantled any chance of a united opposition front, long before the first ballot could be cast.

Meanwhile, the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) continues to dominate the political landscape, sometimes using state resources and through institutional engineering. The decision last year to postpone parliamentary and municipal elections —originally scheduled for this year before the presidential poll—until 2026 is another glaring example. The official rationale cited the need to lighten the electoral calendar. But it seemed to have been designed to prevent key opposition figure Kamto, who required local representation to qualify under electoral law, from fulfilling eligibility requirements.

Opposition is fragmented, but new players arise

Opposition parties, while numerous, remain fragmented. Political figures like Cabral Libii, Joshua Osih, Serge Espoir Matomba, Patricia Tomaïno Ndam Njoya and Akere Muna failed to unite around a single platform, though a few have now stepped down in support of others. Regional rivalries, ideological differences, and suspicions—fuelled, in some part, by regime infiltration—have made meaningful coordination almost impossible. In the absence of unity, the opposition shares the remaining votes, and its impact is diminished to symbolic protest and social media outrage.

Still, the cracks in Biya’s edifice are growing, with the recent defection of prominent northern allies. Issa Tchiroma Bakary and Bello Bouba Maigari, both former cabinet members and longstanding collaborators of the regime, announced presidential bids of their own . Their exit from an alliance with the CPDM is not just an act of defiance; it’s a signal that things may not be the same in the north, which holds a strong sway in the vote. Their candidacies may lack broad support—also due to their ages, but they reflect a growing impatience within the ruling elite, particularly among those sidelined in Biya’s long twilight.

A country in a state of uncertainty

Meanwhile, outside of Yaoundé, the government’s authoritarian playbook continues to have deadly consequences. In the English-speaking North West and South West regions, armed separatists and government forces remain locked in a brutal conflict that has killed over 6,000 and displaced nearly a million people. Thousands have died, schools remain shuttered, and humanitarian access is limited. In the Far North, Boko Haram insurgents persist in attacking civilians and security forces. These crises have not only devastated lives; they’ve also provided convenient justification for voter suppression in regions unlikely to back the ruling party at this time.

Indeed, the state of uncertainty that hangs over these regions is not just a matter of war—it could also be considered as a deliberate electoral strategy. By doing little or nothing to encourage voting in crisis zones, which are opposition strongholds, the regime strengthens its numerical advantage. 

On the economic front, Cameroonians face both external and internal shocks, especially the burden of inflation and underemployment. With youth unemployment reaching alarming levels, and roughly 40 per cent of the population living below the poverty line, disillusionment is widespread. The median age in Cameroon is just 18, yet the political class—dominated by septuagenarians and octogenarians—remains deaf to the frustrations of a generation born and raised under them.

The gate to power is shut

It’s no surprise then that home-based youth are taking their frustration online, while youth-led protests by the country’s diaspora are common. But Biya’s regime has long perfected the art of deterrence. According to Freedom House, arrests, torture, detentions, and the use of a controversial 2014 anti-terrorism law to criminalise dissent have silenced even moderate critics. The media landscape, too, has been gutted. The Committee to Protect Journalists says journalists face censorship, intimidation, and imprisonment, with Cameroon consistently ranked among the worst countries in the world for press freedom.

And yet, the international community remains largely passive. France, Cameroon’s former colonial ruler, maintains close economic and military ties, while regional institutions like the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the African Union have issued little more than muted statements. Western governments, wary of jeopardising counterterrorism cooperation, have avoided direct confrontation with Yaoundé. But in doing so, they tacitly endorse a regime that flouts democratic norms while claiming the legitimacy of an electoral mandate.

Cameroon’s hollow future

What makes Biya’s grip on power so enduring is not just repression—it is the illusion of legality. Cameroon holds regular elections. It maintains a multiparty system. It boasts a constitutional council and an independent electoral body. But these structures have been hollowed out, their purpose repurposed to preserve a singular political dynasty. There is no viable path to power that doesn’t first pass through the gate Biya has locked shut.

For all his frailty, Paul Biya is not a relic of a bygone era; he is the architect of a system built to outlast him. His true legacy may not be longevity, but the institutional paralysis he will leave behind. And unless opposition leaders find a way to unify, unless citizens reclaim the democratic space stolen from them, Biya’s eighth term will not be his last. 

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Amindeh Blaise Atabong is a freelance journalist based in Cameroon’s capital, Yaounde. He covers politics, security, and society across Africa. Atabong’s work spans radio, print, and digital platforms, and he has contributed to regional and global outlets such as Reuters, Quartz, The Times UK, The Continent, Semafor, Jeune Afrique, the German Press Agency, African Arguments, and Equal Times.