Fernández de Kirchner was sentenced to six years in prison and banned for life from holding public office after being found guilty of fraudulent administration linked to public works contracts. She denies any wrongdoing and maintains the case is politically motivated. A federal court later allowed her to serve the sentence under house arrest, while supporters continue to demand her release and a reversal of the ruling.

Supporters echoed his message, chanting “For justice and dignity. Fujimori never again”, as quick-count results from Datum Internacional and Ipsos showed a virtual tie between the two candidates, with Sánchez holding a narrow lead.

Cepeda further argued that proposals put forward by de la Espriella represent a risk, claiming they include the introduction of “mega-prisons” inspired by Central American policies and economic measures similar to those promoted by Argentina’s president Javier Milei. His remarks follow a ruling by a municipal criminal court in Bogotá prohibiting the use of the national team jersey in de la Espriella’s campaign. The second round of Colombia’s presidential election is set for 21 June and will determine the successor to President Gustavo Petro for the 2026–2030 term.

Her remarks formed part of a wider message on regional sovereignty, as she criticised external influence, particularly from the United States , and called for unity across Latin America. By pointing to Bolivia’s experience, Quilcué framed the region’s political direction as an ongoing struggle between competing models of governance, while emphasising the need for cooperation to address shared economic and social challenges.

During his trip, Bolsonaro also pushed for tougher US action against Brazil’s major criminal gangs, urging Washington to designate Primeiro Comando da Capital and Comando Vermelho as terrorist organisations — a move later backed by US officials. The proposal has heightened political tensions, with President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s government rejecting the classification, warning that it could raise sovereignty and legal concerns and deepen divisions ahead of the vote.

Milei also claimed that countries like Venezuela are being “liberated” and predicted a future free Cuba, comments that come as Washington increases pressure on Havana through tighter sanctions . While US officials have reportedly considered contingency plans for unrest, Cuba has warned that further escalation could worsen the crisis and lead to serious consequences, even as it signals openness to dialogue.

This concludes our live coverage of Peru’s 2026 general election. Stay with Global South World for the latest developments and final outcomes as the electoral process continues to unfold.

02:33 GMT: Peru extends voting into Monday after more than 63,000 people were unable to cast their ballots.

Electoral authorities announced that voting will continue until 13 April in order to allow those affected by earlier disruptions to participate. The decision follows reports of delays and logistical issues at polling stations that prevented tens of thousands of voters from casting their ballots during Sunday’s election.

23:10 GMT: Polls close in Peru’s first-round presidential election, with exit polls pointing to Keiko Fujimori in the lead.

According to a Datum exit poll, right-wing candidate Keiko Fujimori is the most voted, while Rafael López Aliaga appears to be narrowly edging into second place, with only a slim margin over Jorge Nieto, suggesting a tightly contested race for the run-off.

23:05 GMT: P olls close in Peru as attention turns to which candidates will advance to a likely run-off

Voting has officially ended across the country following an extended election day marked by delays and logistical challenges. With a highly fragmented field of 35 candidates and no clear frontrunner, expectations are growing that the presidential race will head to a second round, with results set to determine which two candidates move forward to the decisive run-off.

22:44 GMT: Fuerza Popular presidential candidate Keiko Fujimori calls on electoral authorities to extend voting hours or organise a complementary vote for affected polling stations.

Fujimori urged the National Jury of Elections (JNE) and the Office of Electoral Processes (ONPE) to take additional measures to ensure participation at 211 polling stations reportedly impacted by earlier disruptions. Her remarks come amid broader concerns over delays and logistical issues during election day.

20:50 GMT: Presidential candidate Francisco Diez Canseco of Perú Acción casts his vote at Alfonso Ugarte school in Lima’s San Isidro district during the 2026 election

20:45 GMT: Allegations of potential electoral irregularities emerge in Peru, with claims that around 13% of polling stations in Lima, representing over one million votes, may have been affected.

While these assertions have not been officially confirmed, they have prompted calls in some quarters to review the voting process, with suggestions that parts of the election could be repeated if significant irregularities are verified.

18:50 GMT: Presidential candidate José Luna Gálvez of Podemos Perú casts his vote at the Parque de la Amistad Convention Centre in Lima’s Santiago de Surco district

18:40 GMT: Peru’s interim president dismisses fraud claims following delays in opening polling stations

18:25 GMT: Magnitude 4 earthquake felt in Lima and Callao during Peru’s election day, with no injuries or damage reported.

Authorities said the tremor, centred offshore in the Pacific, was mild and posed no tsunami risk.

18:20 GMT: Presidential candidate Mario Vizcarra of Perú Primero casts his vote at Federico Villareal school in Lima’s Miraflores district

17:55 GMT: Peru’s electoral authorities extend voting by one hour nationwide following delays at polling stations, particularly in Lima, officials say.

The head of the ONPE, Piero Corvetto, said the election authority approved the measure, extending voting until 6:00 PM local time (11:00 PM GMT).

17:50 GMT: Presidential candidate George Forsyth of Somos Perú casts his vote at Isabel La Católica school in Lima’s La Victoria district

17:42 GMT: Presidential candidate Herbert Caller of the Partido Patriótico del Perú casts his vote at the National Agrarian University in Lima’s La Molina district

17:32 GMT: Reports emerge of voting disruptions in Lima, with some voters unable to cast ballots, raising concerns over the electoral process

17:10 GMT: Presidential candidate Antonio Ortiz of Salvemos al Perú casts his vote at Santa María Purísima school in Lima’s San Martín de Porres district

16:27 GMT: Presidential candidate Carlos Jaico casts his vote at Alfonso Ugarte school in Lima’s San Isidro district

15:40 GMT: Several major polling stations in Peru report delays in opening and receiving voters, in some cases due to a lack of electoral materials

15:20 GMT: Presidential candidate Rafael López Aliaga casts his vote during Peru’s general election

15:05 GMT: Presidential candidate Jorge Nieto violates electoral law by casting his vote outside the secret ballot booth

15:00 GMT: Presidential candidate Álvaro Paz de la Barra casts his vote in Lima’s La Molina district during Peru’s 2026 general election

14:00 GMT: Fuerza Popular presidential candidate Keiko Fujimori waves as she arrives to cast her vote in Lima

13:00 GMT: Keiko Fujimori, joined by family members, visits the grave of her father, former president Alberto Fujimori, at a Lima cemetery

12:52 GMT: Keiko Fujimori heads to a cemetery ahead of her election day breakfast, saying it is her way of honouring her parents’ memory

12:49 GMT: Presidential candidate Rafael López Aliaga heads to Pamplona Alta for traditional election day breakfast

12:30 GMT: Peru activates large-scale security operation for Sunday’s general election

12:00 GMT: Polls open across Peru as voting begins in highly fragmented election featuring a record 35 candidates

The voting process is set to run for 10 hours on election day, with polls expected to open at 7:00 AM local time (12:00 PM GMT) and close at 5:00 PM local time (10:00 PM GMT).

What to know

On April 12, Peru will hold its general election, in which voters will choose a new president, two vice-presidents and all members of Congress. If no presidential candidate secures more than 50% of the vote in the first round, a run-off will be held between the top two candidates several weeks later. Voting is compulsory for citizens aged 18 to 70, although enforcement of penalties for abstention is often inconsistent.

The election takes place against a backdrop of prolonged political instability. Over the past decade, Peru has had eight presidents, reflecting a persistent cycle of institutional crisis, impeachment proceedings and governance challenges. This instability has eroded public trust in political institutions and contributed to widespread voter disillusionment.

Security concerns, economic uncertainty and frustration with political elites are central issues shaping voter sentiment. While Peru has traditionally maintained macroeconomic stability, inequality, informal employment and rising crime rates remain pressing concerns for many voters.

The political landscape is highly fragmented and crowded. A record number of 35 candidates are contesting the 2026 election, making the outcome difficult to predict and increasing the likelihood of a run-off. Polling suggests a large share of undecided voters, further adding to uncertainty.

Front-running candidates & proposals

Keiko Fujimori (Fuerza Popular): A prominent right-wing candidate and experienced political figure, Fujimori has consistently ranked among the frontrunners. She campaigns on strengthening security, encouraging investment and restoring political stability, while maintaining a strong and loyal support base despite past electoral defeats and legal controversies.

Rafael López Aliaga (Renovación Popular): Another leading right-wing figure, López Aliaga appeals to conservative voters with proposals focused on economic liberalisation, infrastructure development and a tougher stance on crime.

Other candidates: The race includes a wide range of contenders from across the political spectrum, but none has consolidated sufficient support to clearly dominate the field. This fragmentation reflects broader dissatisfaction with traditional political parties.

Political climate & stakes

Peru’s election comes at a critical moment for its democracy. The country’s recent history of rapid presidential turnover underscores deep institutional weaknesses and ongoing tensions between the executive and legislative branches. Governance challenges have often led to confrontations, impeachments and abrupt leadership changes.

The campaign has also highlighted polarisation within Peruvian society. Candidates have sought to mobilise voters through strong rhetoric, with some framing the election as a turning point for stability and order. High-profile rallies, including those led by Fujimori, have emphasised resilience and defiance amid a competitive and uncertain race.

With no clear frontrunner and a fragmented political field, analysts expect the next president to face significant challenges in building consensus in Congress. This could limit the government ’s ability to pass reforms and address key issues such as security, economic recovery and institutional reform.

Ultimately, the election is seen as a test of Peru’s ability to break its cycle of political instability and restore confidence in its democratic system.

Security, migration and the economy as decisive issues

Castillo explained that the campaign was shaped by a narrow set of issues that dominated public debate. “This campaign was dominated by two or three strong issues on the agenda,” she said, highlighting security, particularly organised crime, alongside migration and the economy . While these concerns are shared across society, Castillo stressed that Kast was especially effective in placing them at the centre of the political conversation and framing them as urgent priorities.

Post-pandemic fatigue and a sense of national decline

According to Castillo, the prominence of these issues cannot be separated from the aftermath of the social unrest and the pandemic. Economic pressures, increased migration and the failure of progressive agendas in the constitutional process generated widespread exhaustion. Although she acknowledged that “all economic indicators have tended to stabilise,” she pointed out that the dominant perception during the campaign was that “the country was in a bad direction,” a narrative that Kast successfully capitalised on.

A campaign focused on rejecting the government

Rather than promoting a broad ideological programme, Kast centred his campaign on criticism of the government. “That was the centre of the Kast campaign,” Castillo explained, adding that it “focused mainly on attacking the government.” Issues on which he lacks majority support were consciously avoided. Castillo noted that this was Kast’s third presidential campaign and that his approach reflects a learning process, particularly in sidelining topics such as gender, abortion and same-sex marriage, where Chilean society broadly supports existing rights.

Strategic moderation and a narrow governing agenda

This selective focus allowed Kast to present what Castillo described as an “emergency government”. According to her analysis, the campaign outlined a tight agenda aimed at reducing public spending, strengthening security and addressing migration . By avoiding divisive cultural debates, Kast was able to expand his appeal without directly confronting widely held social positions.

Punishment vote rather than ideological endorsement

Castillo cautioned against interpreting the election outcome as a clear ideological mandate. She underlined the difficulty of separating genuine support for Kast from a broader tendency to vote against the incumbent administration, noting that his decisive second-round result does not reflect his actual level of backing. Kast, she recalled, secured only “23 or 24 percent” in the first round, meaning that the 58% he obtained in the runoff was largely the product of electoral dynamics rather than broad ideological support. When asked whether the result reflected right-wing conviction or voter punishment, she concluded that “it is difficult to say,” pointing to dissatisfaction with the government as a decisive factor.

A victory shaped by context, not consensus

Overall, Castillo’s analysis points to a victory driven more by circumstance than by consensus. Kast’s success was shaped by effective agenda-setting, strategic restraint and widespread discontent, rather than enthusiastic alignment with his ideas. The election result, she concluded, reflects a political moment defined by rejection and fatigue, rather than a unified ideological shift within Chilean society.

Hondurans were voting not only for a new president, but also to renew Congress and more than 290 municipal governments. The choice seemed to pivot around two visions: continuity under a leftist approach, prioritising social justice and state-led reforms, or a shift toward conservative promises of economic growth, security and reestablishing ties with foreign investors.

The left’s setback appears rooted in deep disenchantment with the current government’s mixed record. While President Castro’s administration made modest progress on reducing violence and pursuing some social policies, many Hondurans remain frustrated by persistent poverty, weak public services, and unmet promises of meaningful reform. The rhetoric around crime, economic decline and corruption dominated, reflecting widespread demand for tangible change rather than ideological continuity.

On the right, Asfura capitalised on this frustration and on international backing. As a former mayor of the capital and a pro-business candidate, he pledged infrastructure development, foreign investment and job creation. His campaign gained additional traction after he was publicly supported by Donald Trump , a factor that stirred international attention and could reshape Honduras’ foreign alliances.

But the narrow margin and the presence of just-under-20 % for Moncada leave Honduras at a political crossroads. With Congress and local governments also up for grabs, the final outcome could reshape power balances for years. The results reflect not just a defeat for the left but a broader rejection of the political status quo and unmet promises. For a country battered by economic inequality, violence and political disillusionment, the vote seems to reflect a desire for pragmatic solutions over ideological loyalties.

ALBA-TCP was created in 2004 by Cuba and Venezuela as an alternative to US-influenced trade and political blocs, aiming to strengthen cooperation among left-leaning Latin American countries. Bolivia, a key member for years under previous administrations, had already left and re-entered the bloc in past political cycles. The new government’s stance — seen as a break with the legacy of Evo Morales — prompted ALBA to declare Bolivia’s position “incompatible” with its founding principles.

Analysts say the suspension underscores the waning influence of ideological alliances formed during Latin America ’s early-2000s “pink tide.” As governments across the region pursue more pragmatic or centrist approaches, the continent’s once-unified leftist front appears increasingly fragmented.

Cadima, a retired academic and former public official, has spent more than twenty years analysing Latin America ’s political transformations.

Before addressing this, he clarifies that neither the left nor the right are monolithic. Within the left, he distinguishes between the populist, authoritarian current known as 21st-century socialism —seen in countries like Venezuela, Nicaragua, Cuba and Bolivia—and a more democratic, social left focused on inclusion and citizens’ rights. On the right, he identifies a neoliberal, populist trend linked to leaders such as Milei, Trump and Bolsonaro, alongside a more traditional liberal right that has largely faded but still seeks to regain space in national politics.

In his view, both the left and the right have evolved into populist and authoritarian versions of themselves, making it increasingly difficult to distinguish one from the other. “Maduro’s authoritarianism and Trump’s authoritarianism,” he points out, “are different in ideology but similar in conduct.”

For Cadima, the deeper problem is that populism has outlived ideology. Both left and right have adopted authoritarian traits and use democracy in a utilitarian way — not as a principle, but as a means of preserving power, consolidating parties, and protecting entrenched elite interests, known in Bolivia as " the rosca" and in Argentina as " the political caste" . From his perspective within what he calls the democratic left, the true confrontation in Latin America is no longer ideological. “It is not between left and right,” he says, “but between democracy and autocracy.”

According to Cadima, both camps are now operating within systems that sabotage democracy from within. Power becomes concentrated in a person or a small circle; parliaments may function, but freedom of expression and opposition are restricted, turning the system into the antithesis of democracy.

He envisions democracy in a broader sense: constitutional, institutional, and politically organised freedom that extends beyond voting and is sustained by citizens’ active participation. One that values dialogue, empathy, and diversity — thus closing the way to polarisation and violent confrontation. “Plurality,” he insists, “should not be seen as the enemy of unity, but as the foundation of a nation built on diversity.”

Rebuilding trust, Cadima concludes, requires more than regime change. Latin America must enter a new era — one that revives democratic conviction and restores faith in politics itself. In his vision, the region’s next political chapter will not be defined by who wins the ideological battle, but by who manages to protect and strengthen democracy.