Some participants were seen raising their hands in a Nazi salute while chanting “Heil Hitler” during the procession.

The gathering later moved to Via Paladini, where attendees paid homage and laid flowers at Sergio Ramelli’s memorial site.

Sergio Ramelli was a 19-year-old militant from the Youth Front, the youth branch of the Italian Social Movement party. He was killed on April 29, 1975, in Milan in a political assassination carried out by militants belonging to the left-wing Workers Vanguard.

Press freedom remains sharply uneven worldwide in 2025, with Nordic countries maintaining their dominance at the top of global rankings, while dozens of nations continue to operate under constrained or reduced media conditions, according to the 2025 World Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

The index, which scores countries on a scale from 0 to 100, shows Norway once again leading globally with a score of 93, followed closely by Estonia and the Netherlands at 89, and Sweden at 88. Finland, Denmark and Ireland also rank among the highest performers, each scoring 87, reinforcing Northern Europe’s longstanding position as a stronghold for independent journalism.

European countries dominate the upper tier of the index, with several nations, including Portugal, Switzerland, Germany, and Czechia, scoring in the mid-80s, indicating a broadly stable media environment. The United Kingdom and Canada sit slightly lower at 79, reflecting what RSF describes as “moderate but notable pressures” on press independence.

Despite Europe’s overall strength, the index highlights variations within the region. Countries such as Hungary (63) and Greece (55) fall into lower categories, underscoring concerns about political influence, media concentration and journalist safety.

A large group of countries falls into what RSF classifies as “moderate” or “constrained” press freedom. These include major economies such as the United States (65), Japan (63), and South Korea (64), where structural and political challenges continue to affect journalistic work.

In Africa, the picture is mixed. Ghana (67) and Namibia (75) perform relatively well, while others, such as Zambia (57) and Niger (57), face tighter constraints. Similarly, Latin American countries show divergence, with Uruguay (65) and Costa Rica (73) outperforming regional peers like Bolivia (54) and Ecuador (54).

Asia-Pacific nations also display a broad spectrum. Australia and New Zealand remain in the moderate category, while countries such as Papua New Guinea (58) and Malaysia (56) highlight ongoing struggles with regulatory and political pressures.

At the lower end of the index, countries including Benin, Bolivia, Ecuador and Tanzania all score 54, placing them in the “reduced press freedom” category. Serbia, Brunei, Eswatini, Kosovo and Angola follow closely with scores of 53.

These rankings point to systemic issues such as censorship, legal intimidation, limited access to information and threats to journalists’ safety, factors RSF identifies as key barriers to a free press.

Lawmakers voted 128 to 11 in favour of the bill during a plenary sitting on Tuesday. The proposed law seeks to revise rules around ineligibility linked to criminal convictions, potentially changing who is permitted to stand for election under existing legislation.

The reform was tabled by the ruling majority, Pastef-Les Patriotes, which controls the National Assembly following the latest legislative cycle. The party is also central to the current administration, shaping both legislative and executive agendas.

Opposition groups have questioned the intent behind the proposal, pointing to its timing and scope. They argue that the changes could directly affect the eligibility of political figures ahead of the 2029 presidential contest, including Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko.

“This law is for one person only,” said Aissata Tall Sall, who leads the Takku Wallu Senegal Parliamentary group. She added that the bill introduces retroactive provisions which, in her view, lack a clear legal foundation.

Government officials have defended the reform, presenting it as a step to broaden democratic participation rather than restrict it. They maintain that the changes align with constitutional principles and aim to remove barriers to political engagement.

“I agree that democracy should not accept the idea of preventing people from standing for election or from exercising their right to vote,” said Interior Minister Mr Bamba Cisse. “It is time for Senegal to open itself to a new era.”

The debate comes against the backdrop of recent political developments. President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, elected in 2024, is a member of the same ruling party, although reports suggest tensions have emerged between him and Mr Sonko.

Mr Sonko was previously barred from contesting elections due to a criminal conviction, which he has described as politically motivated. The proposed changes could alter how such convictions are treated under electoral law.

The bill now moves to the president, who will decide whether to sign it into law. It may also face legal scrutiny, as opposition parties retain the option of referring it to the Constitutional Council for review.

Recent reporting indicates a noticeable decline in the number of Pacific Australia Labour Mobility (PALM) scheme workers seeking asylum in Vanuatu. This shift suggests tighter migration oversight and possibly changing economic incentives both within Vanuatu and in destination countries like Australia. Officials have pointed out that earlier spikes in asylum requests were often tied to labour mobility gaps and worker dissatisfaction abroad. The current drop may reflect improved bilateral coordination or stricter enforcement mechanisms. What this really means is that Vanuatu is recalibrating its position within regional labour flows. The PALM scheme has long been a critical income pipeline for households, so any contraction in asylum-related activity could signal either stabilisation or reduced access to alternative migration pathways.

Supreme Court rejects application lacking legal merit

The Vanuatu Supreme Court has dismissed a recent application on the basis that it “lacks legal merit”, reinforcing judicial scrutiny over cases perceived as weak or procedurally flawed. While specific litigants were not detailed in the brief, rulings like this typically hinge on insufficient evidence, jurisdictional issues, or failure to meet statutory thresholds. This decision underscores the judiciary’s role in maintaining procedural discipline. It also sends a clear signal to litigants and legal practitioners: the courts are not a venue for speculative or poorly grounded claims. In a small but increasingly complex legal system, these rulings help manage caseload pressure and uphold institutional credibility.

Former prime minister calls for non-alignment stance

A former prime minister has publicly urged Vanuatu to maintain its long-standing non-alignment policy , particularly amid intensifying geopolitical competition in the Pacific. The call reflects growing concern over external influence from major powers seeking strategic footholds in the region. The catch is that Vanuatu’s foreign policy has historically balanced relationships across competing blocs. The former leader’s position reinforces that “non-alignment is not neutrality, but strategic independence”, a framing often used in Pacific diplomacy. The renewed emphasis suggests internal debate about whether economic partnerships are beginning to blur political autonomy.

Prison sentence reforms raise capacity concerns

Proposals or trends toward longer prison sentences are triggering concerns about correctional facility capacity in Vanuatu. With infrastructure already limited, any increase in incarceration duration could quickly lead to overcrowding, resource strain, and human rights challenges. Officials and analysts are likely weighing a difficult trade-off: tougher sentencing as a deterrent versus the practical limits of the prison system. Without parallel investment in facilities or alternative sentencing frameworks, the system risks becoming unsustainable. This issue sits at the intersection of justice policy and state capacity, and it is not easily resolved.

Passport inquiry controversy and political accountability

Former prime minister Sato Kilman has not been summoned in an ongoing passport-related inquiry and has denied any allegations tied to the case. The situation points to continuing scrutiny over Vanuatu’s citizenship and passport programmes, which have faced international attention in recent years. Even without a formal summons, the political implications are significant. Allegations around passport schemes often raise questions about governance, transparency, and due diligence. Kilman’s denial adds another layer to an already sensitive issue, particularly as Vanuatu navigates external pressure to tighten oversight of its citizenship-by-investment framework.

"I am happy to announce to you that tonight, together with my friend Yair Lapid, I am doing the most Zionist and most patriotic act we have ever done for our country," Bennett said.

Bennett stated that if he returns to office, he will establish a state commission to investigate the Hamas-led October 7, 2023, attack, a step he said the current government has not taken.

“On the first day of a new government led by me, we will establish a state commission of inquiry into the October massacre to bring truth to the families and answers to all the people of Israel." He also said his administration would introduce a limit of eight years for a prime minister’s tenure.

Lapid, who currently leads the opposition, said Bennett would head the new party and described him as capable of leading the country.

He added that a unified opposition could defeat the current government, referencing Peter Magyar's landslide win against Viktor Orban in the recent elections in Hungary.

"After 16 years in power, Orban lost. It happened because people believed change was possible. They united behind a single candidate, fought for their country, and won. That's why Bennett and I are here."

Netanyahu, Israel’s longest-serving prime minister, has faced criticism over his handling of regional conflicts and allegations that he has avoided accountability for failures during his time in office.

Bennett and Lapid previously formed a coalition that removed Netanyahu from power in 2021, ending his 12-year rule. The coalition lasted 18 months before Netanyahu returned to office in November 2022.

Where are the leaders from? 

Using data from the last ten heads of state (or equivalent leaders) in Argentina, Mexico, Brazil, Colombia, Venezuela, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Egypt, South Africa , India, Pakistan, the Philippines, Vietnam, Thailand, UK, France, Italy, USA, Japan, and Australia, Global South World categorised their birthplaces into three groups: biggest city, top three major cities; and outside the top three major cities.

Across the dataset, one pattern that stands out is that leaders are more likely to be born outside major urban centres than within them.

Countries such as Brazil, Nigeria, India, Tanzania, and the United States show strong decentralisation, with a majority of leaders originating from smaller cities, towns, or rural regions.

Which leaders are from outside major cities

Nigeria and India show particularly strong patterns, with most leaders born outside the major cities. In Brazil and Australia, leadership emerges from diverse regional bases rather than a single dominant city. The United States, often seen as a hub of elite politics, has presidents born across many different states, far from Washington, D.C.

This suggests that political legitimacy is often built at the grassroots level, with leaders rising through regional structures before entering national politics.

Which leaders are from capital cities 

While decentralisation is common, some countries remain heavily capital-centric. Argentina shows a strong concentration around Buenos Aires, reflecting its highly centralised administrative and educational systems.

Mexico exhibits similar patterns, with Mexico City playing an outsized role in political leadership. In Thailand, Bangkok remains the dominant political and elite hub.

These systems often feature centralised bureaucracies, elite educational institutions clustered in capitals, and political networks that are difficult to access from outside

Federal systems contributing to geographic diversity

One of the clearest drivers of geographic diversity in leadership is the structure of the state itself. Federal or highly decentralised systems such as those in India, Brazil and the United States consistently produce leaders from a wide range of regions.

This is because political careers in these countries are often built locally, such as governors, regional leaders, and state officials rising through subnational systems. Also, national leadership becomes the culmination of regional influence, not just central access

Africa’s distinct pattern

African countries in the dataset, particularly Nigeria, Egypt, and South Africa, stand out for their highly decentralised leadership origins.

This reflects several dynamics like the need for ethnic and regional balance, strong rural political mobilisation and historical scepticism toward capital-based elites

In many cases, being from outside the capital or a major city is not a disadvantage but a political asset.

Graphics by Edward Sakyi

Afghanistan remains the most authoritarian country globally, with one of the lowest recorded democracy scores, followed closely by Myanmar and North Korea, based on recent index comparisons.

The EIU Democracy Index, which evaluates 167 countries on a scale from 0 to 10 across electoral processes, civil liberties, governance, political participation and political culture, classifies these nations firmly within the “authoritarian regime” category.

Visualised rankings show Afghanistan, Myanmar, North Korea, the Central African Republic and Syria among the countries with the weakest democratic performance, each scoring well below 2 out of 10.

They are followed by Sudan, Turkmenistan, Laos, Tajikistan and Chad, nations where political power is highly centralised and electoral processes are either limited or tightly controlled.

Further down the list, countries such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Yemen, Iran and Eritrea also register extremely low scores, reinforcing a pattern of restricted civil liberties and limited political pluralism.

World Population Review data confirms that Afghanistan has consistently ranked at the bottom of global democracy metrics in recent years, with little change in governance structures since 2021.

The EIU’s latest assessments indicate that roughly 60 countries worldwide fall into the authoritarian category, representing a significant portion of the global population.

In fact, more than one-third of people globally live under authoritarian rule, highlighting the scale of democratic decline.

Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East and North Africa remain the regions with the highest concentration of such regimes, according to comparative index data.

Despite years of decline, the EIU reported in its 2025 index that global democracy scores have begun to stabilise, with the average inching up slightly to 5.19 after hitting historic lows.

Persistently low scores in the most authoritarian countries are attributed to a mix of prolonged conflict, military control, weak institutions and restrictions on political freedoms.

In several cases, including Afghanistan, Syria and Yemen, ongoing instability and war have severely limited democratic processes. In others, such as North Korea and Turkmenistan, entrenched leadership structures and limited political competition continue to define governance .

From April 11 to 15, Sánchez conducted a five-day official visit to China, his fourth in four years. During his stay, he explored Beijing’s cultural landmarks, including the Drum Tower and the Summer Palace, met with President Xi Jinping and other top leaders; visited two of China’s elite universities; and toured the Xiaomi Science and Technology Park, where he experienced Xiaomi’s latest smartphones, electric vehicles, and AI glasses. His visit generated significant buzz on Chinese social media. His previous stances on Middle Eastern issues—specifically his willingness to say "no" to the United States—had already bolstered his popularity. Now, footage of his travels captured by onlookers has gone viral on short-video platforms. Chinese netizens have dubbed the tall, athletic Prime Minister "dashing," turning him into something of a digital icon.

Changing the perspective

The metaphor of Ricci’s map introduced by Sánchez has become a focal point for Chinese media . Historians often marvel at Ricci’s adaptability: when the Jesuit missionary realized his Eurocentric map clashed with the worldview of the "Middle Kingdom," he collaborated with Ming official Li Zhizao to create the Kunyu Wanguo Quantu (A Map of the Myriad Countries of the World). By shifting the prime meridian 170 degrees to the left, he placed China at the center of the world.

This 400-year-old "cartographic correction" finds a modern echo between Madrid and Beijing. During his visit, Sánchez remarked that even today, some still view the world through that same "distorted map." In an era of accelerating multipolarity, refusing to see Asia as a periphery is not just a geographical acknowledgment, but an act of strategic self-reflection.

Sánchez’s metaphor is more than a historical retrospective; it is a profound geopolitical allegory. It traces the journey from an era of "perceptual bias"—where Europe was the centre and Asia the edge—to a present where both nations seek new coordinates in a turbulent international order. A redrawing of "strategic resolve" is quietly underway.

Fragile order

In the early spring of Beijing, the talks between the two sides touched upon deeper anxieties. The Chinese side invoked the idiom "Li Beng Yue Huai" (the collapse of rites and music ). Originating from the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods (770 BC–221 BC), this term describes the disintegration of social ethics and order—a description that strikes a chord with the current global state of affairs.

 From Venezuela to Iran, the proliferation of unilateralism and the weaponization of sanctions are viewed as the squeezing of justice by raw power. Here, China and Spain reached a subtle moral consensus: in an age where the "law of the jungle" threatens to return, defending the UN-centered international system is no longer a mere formality, but a sovereign responsibility toward global order.

Official Chinese statements described this consensus as "jointly answering the questions of our time." According to the press release, President Xi Jinping noted that how a country treats international law and order reflects its worldview, values, and sense of responsibility.

In response, Spain expressed its desire for close communication and coordination with China to uphold international law and address global challenges. Spain’s embrace of multipolarity is, in essence, an attempt to revise the "obsolete map" dominated by a few superpowers.

Industrial transformation

If diplomatic rhetoric provides the latitude and longitude of the map, industrial cooperation represents the actual cultivation of the land. Under the shadow of EU tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles, Sánchez’s visit carried a strong sense of "risk hedging." Spain’s ambition is clear: it is no longer content to be a mere destination for Chinese exports. Madrid seeks "technology sharing rather than simple imports," and Chinese companies are responding with tangible investment:

Chery Automobile has taken over and renovated a former Nissan plant in Barcelona.

Envision Energy is building Europe’s first LFP (Lithium Iron Phosphate) battery gigafactory in Extremadura, and CATL is partnering with Stellantis to build a battery plant in Aragon.

Consumer choice is the ultimate proof. Statistics show that 2025 marked a historic turning point for Chinese cars in Spain, with their market share surpassing 10% for the first time. While in China, Sánchez’s took the opportunity to test drive the high-powered Xiaomi SU7.

Stability and law

In the final stages of the visit, "strategic resolve" became the keyword of the bilateral relationship. Sánchez emphasized that Spain is committed to developing a partnership characterized by such resolve. His statement—"Just like China, we are a stable and predictable country"— is unusually bold by European standards and reflects Sanchez’s position as one of the longest serving EU leaders..

On the "Matteo Ricci map" of global geopolitics, Spain is consciously shifting its position. It is no longer satisfied with being a follower on the fringes of the EU. Instead, it is using its "predictability" as leverage, seeking long-term economic stability through deep industrial integration amidst the frictions of China-EU trade.

From the corrected map of four centuries ago to the green supply chains spanning half the globe today, the China-Spain relationship proves one thing: in this chaotic era of "collapsed rites," the ability to sit down, realign coordinates, and refuse a return to the law of the jungle is a piece of strategic foresight of immense value.

Du Yubin is a journalist and producer for CGTN. He was stationed in Washington, D.C. and London for six years each, focusing on China-US and China-EU relations. He has over 15 years of experience in international communication and new media. The views expressed in this article are the author’s own.

The United States exported roughly 4.0 million barrels per day (bpd) of crude oil in 2025, a 3% drop from the previous year despite record domestic production of 13.6 million bpd, the EIA said.

The Netherlands topped the list of U.S. oil importers, purchasing about 419 million barrels in 2025, accounting for roughly 10.7% of total exports.

Much of that oil flows through Rotterdam, one of the world’s largest energy hubs, where crude is refined or redistributed across Europe.

Mexico followed closely with 398 million barrels, while Canada ranked third at 324 million barrels, highlighting the continued strength of North American energy trade ties.

Other major buyers included South Korea, Japan, China and India, reflecting sustained demand from Asia even as regional flows shifted.

Top buyers of U.S. oil in 2025 (millions of barrels)

Europe remains dominant market

Europe has been the leading destination for U.S. crude since 2023, driven largely by efforts to replace Russian supplies following the Ukraine war.

However, exports to Europe fell by around 7% in 2025 as higher output from OPEC countries displaced some U.S. volumes.

Within the region, the United Kingdom recorded one of the steepest declines, with imports dropping roughly 35%, while the Netherlands increased purchases, offsetting some of the regional fall.

Exports to Asia and Oceania also weakened , particularly to China and Singapore. U.S. shipments to China plunged sharply amid trade tensions and competition from discounted oil supplied by countries such as Russia and Iran.

By contrast, India and Japan increased imports of U.S. crude, signalling a partial rebalancing of demand within the region.

Despite the 2025 decline, U.S. crude exports remain historically high. Since the lifting of a decades-long export ban in 2015, shipments have surged dramatically, rising to levels roughly 85 times higher than in 2011.

The United States has also maintained its status as a net petroleum exporter in recent years, reflecting strong production growth and expanding infrastructure.

China is shown as the largest single destination, taking roughly 23% of flows, followed by India at 13%, with Japan, South Korea and Southeast Asia also accounting for significant shares.

According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration , around 84% of crude oil and condensate shipped through the Strait of Hormuz in 2024 was destined for Asian countries.

China, India, Japan and South Korea alone accounted for roughly 69% of total flows, making them the most exposed to any disruption.

The International Energy Agency estimates that nearly a third of globally traded crude oil passes through the strait, with China and India together receiving about 44% of these exports.

The Strait of Hormuz handles around 20 million barrels of oil per day, roughly a fifth of global petroleum consumption, making it the most important oil transit chokepoint in the world.

It also carries a significant share of global liquefied natural gas, particularly exports from Qatar, one of the world’s largest LNG suppliers.

Despite its importance, alternatives remain limited. Pipelines in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates can bypass part of the route, but cannot fully replace their capacity in the event of a disruption.

By contrast to Asia, Western economies account for a much smaller share of direct imports.

The United States and Europe together receive less than 10% of oil flows through the strait, reflecting increased domestic production in the U.S. and diversified supply chains in Europe.

In 2024, the U.S. imported only about 7% of its crude oil from Persian Gulf countries via the strait, highlighting its reduced dependence compared with previous decades.

The Strait’s strategic importance has made it a recurring focal point of geopolitical tension.

Recent conflicts involving Iran, Israel, and the USA have once again highlighted the vulnerability of global energy supply chains, with shipping disruptions triggering price volatility and raising fears of broader economic fallout.

Roughly a fifth of the world’s oil consumption passes through the narrow waterway between Iran and Oman, making it a critical artery for global markets and a persistent geopolitical flashpoint.

Recent breakdowns of oil and gas shipments through the strait show Saudi Arabia accounting for the largest share at approximately 28%, followed by Iraq at 18%. The United Arab Emirates and Qatar each contribute about 14%, while Iran and Kuwait supply around 11% each. Bahrain accounts for a smaller share at roughly 6%.

The distribution reflects the concentration of hydrocarbon production in the Gulf region, where some of the world’s largest proven oil reserves are located.

According to The New York Times, disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz have long been viewed as a worst-case scenario for energy markets, with even minor incidents capable of triggering price spikes and supply fears.

At its narrowest point, the strait is just 21 miles (34 km) wide , with shipping lanes only a few miles across in each direction. This physical constraint leaves little margin for error in the event of military escalation, accidents or blockades.

The waterway serves as the primary export route for oil producers in the Persian Gulf, particularly for countries whose infrastructure is heavily oriented towards maritime transport.

The New York Times has reported that tensions involving Iran, including threats to restrict passage, have repeatedly raised alarms among Western governments and energy traders.

Efforts to diversify export routes, including pipelines that bypass the strait, have expanded in recent years. However, The New York Times notes that these alternatives still account for only a fraction of total export capacity, leaving the majority of flows dependent on the chokepoint.

His remarks, which also referenced civilian casualties in the Middle East , triggered immediate outrage in the chamber. Poland’s parliamentary speaker condemned the display as “unjustified” and said penalties would be proposed for using a banned symbol.

The Embassy of Israel in Warsaw denounced the incident as an “antisemitic horror,” urging Polish authorities to respond.

The controversy comes as Poland marked the annual March of the Living at the former Nazi death camp Auschwitz, amplifying sensitivities around Holocaust imagery.

Berkowicz’s intervention also unfolded against a backdrop of escalating regional tensions. Israeli military operations in Gaza and Lebanon have continued despite a ceasefire agreed in October 2025, with reported casualties in the thousands and widespread displacement.

A visual analysis of issue-specific net approval ratings from January 2025 through April 2026 indicates that Trump remains underwater on every major policy front, with particularly steep losses tied to cost-of-living pressures.

Among the issues tracked, inflation stands out as the president’s most significant vulnerability. Net approval on inflation has fallen to roughly -34 percentage points, the lowest among all categories, reflecting persistent voter dissatisfaction over prices and tariffs .

This aligns with broader polling trends. A Washington Post-ABC-Ipsos survey found that inflation received Trump’s worst approval ratings among key issues, with only about one-third of Americans supporting his handling of it.

Economists and political analysts say this reflects the political sensitivity of consumer prices, especially amid tariff-driven cost pressures that have fed into household budgets.

Trump’s economic approval, once considered a relative strength, has also weakened. Net approval on the economy now sits near -22 points , while trade policy trails slightly worse at -24 points , according to the Silver Bulletin aggregation.

Polling data suggests that tariffs and market volatility have contributed to the decline. Nate Silver noted that economic disruptions and policy shocks have led to “permanent damage” in approval ratings even after temporary rebounds.

Earlier in 2025, Trump’s net approval on the economy was already negative, around -15 to -16 points, highlighting a steady erosion rather than a sudden collapse.

Immigration continues to be Trump’s strongest issue, though it too is now in negative territory. Net approval on immigration stands at approximately -11 points , significantly better than other policy areas but still below zero.

Silver’s analysis indicates immigration is “just about the only issue” where Trump’s ratings approach parity, even as overall approval declines.

However, even this relative strength has weakened over time, with polling showing declines following controversial enforcement actions and domestic incidents.

The deterioration across issues mirrors Trump’s broader approval trajectory. Silver Bulletin’s aggregate shows Trump with about 39.7% approval and a net rating near -17 points, marking a new low for his second term.

Other polling averages reinforce the trend. As of early April 2026, national aggregators place Trump’s approval around 39–41%, with disapproval nearing 57–60%, yielding a net deficit of roughly -16 to -20 points.

Analysts attribute the decline to a combination of economic anxiety, foreign policy tensions, and polarisation among independent voters, whose support has softened significantly.

Looking at the officials before him, the president remarked that he wondered “whether they are here by design or they were waylaid,” before adding , “The way they are dressed, they don't look like they knew they were coming to State House.”

Ruto said future guests who fail to meet the expected standard for official functions could be turned away at the gate. “The manner of dress of these people has no indication about the seriousness of this occasion. We take this occasion very, very seriously,” he said.

Also present at the ceremony were Roads and Transport Cabinet Secretary Davis Chirchir, Youth Affairs and Sports Cabinet Secretary Salim Mvurya, Housing Principal Secretary Charles Hinga and Council of Economic Advisors chair David Ndii.

This brings our live coverage of Djibouti’s 2026 general election to an end. The vote is widely expected to extend President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh's rule for over two decades. Follow Global South World for ongoing updates as the process continues, with final results expected from the Electoral Commission within the next 48 hours.

15:30 GMT: IGAD perspective on Djibouti elections

12:30 GMT: Online reactions trail the elections

12:00 GMT: President Guelleh casts his vote

The leader said, "Everything went well thanks to God, I have fulfilled my duty as a citizen, and I hope that the citizens of Djibouti will do the same," after casting his ballot.

7:50 GMT: Voting continues in Djibouti

7:02 GMT: Guelleh promises prosperity

During the final campaign run, sitting President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh assured Djiboutians that his party would continue to promote prosperity.

6:16 GMT: Voting begins in Djibouti

Djibouti heads to the polls on Friday, April 10, 2026, but few observers expect surprises.

At the centre is President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh, widely known as “IOG”, who has ruled Djibouti since 1999 after succeeding his uncle, Hassan Gouled Aptidon, the country’s first president. If re-elected, Guelleh would extend his tenure to nearly three decades in power.

His dominance is backed by the  ruling party, the People’s Rally for Progress  (RPP), which leads the broader governing coalition, the Union for the Presidential Majority (UMP).

A 2010 constitutional amendment removed presidential term limits, allowing Guelleh to run indefinitely. More recently, in 2025, Djibouti’s parliament eliminated the 75-year age cap for presidential candidates, a move widely interpreted as designed to ensure Guelleh, now 78, could stand again.

Who is contesting IOG?

Mohamed Farah Samatar stands as the sole challenger to President Guelleh, though his candidacy carries its own complexities. A former insider of the ruling establishment, he is now contesting the presidency under the banner of the Unified Democratic Centre (CDU).

During the lead-up to the votes, Samatar took his campaign to the Tadjourah and Obock regions, where he addressed supporters and attempted to project an alternative vision for the country, insisting that “another Djibouti is possible”.

Even so, analysts remain sceptical about the broader significance of the race. Sonia Le Gouriellec, a specialist on the Horn of Africa at Lille Catholic University, told AFP: “There’s not much at stake. It’s just a token competition.”

Who can vote?

Roughly  243,000 voters are registered for Djibouti’s 2026 presidential election , according to data from the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, out of a national population estimated at just over one million.

Polling stations are expected to open in the morning and close later in the day, after which counting is expected to begin.

Despite being labelled an “electoral autocracy” by international monitors, Djibouti is hosting a regional observer mission from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), with 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya , Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda deployed nationwide.

The bloc is expected to release its initial assessment after the vote, followed by a formal statement on 12 April.

His dominance is backed by the ruling party, the People’s Rally for Progress (RPP), which leads the broader governing coalition, the Union for the Presidential Majority (UMP).

A 2010 constitutional amendment removed presidential term limits, allowing Guelleh to run indefinitely. More recently, in 2025, Djibouti’s parliament eliminated the 75-year age cap for presidential candidates, a move widely interpreted as designed to ensure Guelleh, now 78, could stand again.

The electoral field itself underscores the imbalance. In previous elections, Guelleh has secured overwhelming victories, including 87% of the vote in 2016 and over 97% in 2021, figures that international observers and opposition groups have questioned.

Who is contesting IOG?

Mohamed Farah Samatar stands as the sole challenger to President Guelleh, though his candidacy carries its own complexities. A former insider of the ruling establishment, he is now contesting the presidency under the banner of the Unified Democratic Centre (CDU).

During the lead-up to the votes, Samatar took his campaign to the Tadjourah and Obock regions, where he addressed supporters and attempted to project an alternative vision for the country, insisting that “another Djibouti is possible”.

Even so, analysts remain sceptical about the broader significance of the race. Sonia Le Gouriellec, a specialist on the Horn of Africa at Lille Catholic University, told AFP: “There’s not much at stake. It’s just a token competition.”

Criticism has been sharper from civil society. Omar Ali Ewado, who leads the Djibouti League of Human Rights (LDDH), dismissed the process outright, describing the vote as a “masquerade” and a “foregone conclusion”.

This context shapes the core issue about how the election is unlikely to produce political change, but it may intensify uncertainty about what comes next.

Who can vote?

Roughly 243,000 voters are registered for Djibouti’s 2026 presidential election , according to data from the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, out of a national population estimated at just over one million.

That marks a modest increase from the around 215,000 registered voters in 2021, pointing to a gradual expansion in the electoral roll, though still representing only about a quarter of the population.

Historically, turnout has been relatively strong on paper, averaging close to 67%, though critics argue these figures should be viewed in the context of limited political competition.

Polling stations are expected to open in the morning and close later in the day, after which counting is expected to begin.

Despite being labelled an “electoral autocracy” by international monitors, Djibouti is hosting a regional observer mission from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), with 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda deployed nationwide.

The bloc is expected to release its initial assessment after the vote, followed by a formal statement on 12 April.

What is at stake?

Djibouti’s location along the Bab el-Mandeb Strait places it at the crossroads of global commerce. Estimates suggest that around 12–15% of global trade and a significant share of oil shipments pass through this narrow waterway connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden. The country has leveraged this position to build an economy centred on logistics, ports, and foreign military partnerships.

The Port of Doraleh, one of the most important infrastructure assets in the region, serves as a critical hub for shipping and for landlocked Ethiopia, which relies on Djibouti for roughly 90–95% of its imports and exports. Revenues from port operations, logistics services, and foreign base leases form a substantial part of Djibouti’s national income.

This strategic value has attracted a concentration of global military presence rarely seen in such a small state.

Djibouti hosts:

Additionally, although Djibouti has invested heavily in infrastructure, including rail links and port expansion projects often financed through external borrowing, concerns persist about public debt levels, which have at times exceeded 70% of GDP, much of it linked to Chinese-funded projects.

Youth unemployment remains high, and the benefits of growth have not been evenly distributed, contributing to underlying social discontent.

"I also ask that we correct our own past mistakes; we recognise them, we correct them, and I ask that we do not repeat them," she said.

Rodríguez said the sanctions had severely damaged the economy , leading to years of contraction, hyperinflation and widespread shortages. She noted that inflation once exceeded 300,000% and said the crisis had triggered a wave of migration, with many professionals leaving the country in search of better opportunities.

Rodríguez has been serving as acting president since January, after U.S. forces captured former president Nicolás Maduro, a move that plunged the country into political uncertainty.

Nowhere is this more visible than in the revival of hanfu , traditional Han Chinese attire. In Beijing’s historic quarters, among the vermilion walls of imperial palaces and the expansive courtyards of classical gardens, young people are embracing styles rooted in dynastic history. These are not isolated performances staged for tourists, nor purely superficial gestures for social media. The attention to detail - from layered silks and embroidered patterns to carefully styled hair and accessories - reflects a deeper engagement with cultural heritage.

A decade ago, the fashion sensibilities of China’s urban youth often leaned heavily toward Parisian runways or New York streetwear. Today, those reference points are no longer dominant. Instead, a distinctly Chinese aesthetic is emerging, one that draws confidently from a civilisational past spanning millennia. Whether it was the best-selling fridge magnets modelled after Empress Dowager Xiaoduan’s phoenix crown or the operatic vocals layered over trending Douyin beats, the past is now "cool." This shift is not a rejection of global influence, but rather a rebalancing: Western trends are no longer the default benchmark, but one influence among many.

This cultural recalibration is reinforced by the digital ecosystem. Social media platforms and algorithm-driven content have accelerated the popularisation of traditional motifs, turning historical references into contemporary trends. Ancient symbols are reinterpreted through modern formats, from viral short videos to fashion collaborations, creating a feedback loop in which heritage becomes both relevant and desirable.

Time travel in Xi'an

At the same time, China’s tourism industry offers further evidence of this changing mindset. Domestic travel is increasingly centred on rediscovering and reimagining the country’s own historical and cultural assets. In cities like Xi’an, large-scale projects have transformed fragments of the past into immersive experiences. Nighttime districts inspired by the Tang Dynasty blend performance, architecture, and digital spectacle, attracting visitors not only as spectators but as participants in a stylised historical narrative.

These developments are not without complexity. Such projects often rely on significant investment and are shaped by the logic of the attention economy, raising questions about sustainability and long-term value. Yet their popularity underscores a broader point: there is a strong domestic appetite for cultural experiences rooted in Chinese history, even when mediated through modern technology and commercial frameworks.

Elsewhere, sites like Dujiangyan or the preserved homes of classical poets reveal another dimension of this trend. Here, the emphasis is less on spectacle and more on continuity - on the endurance of philosophical traditions, environmental harmony, and moral ideals. The steady flow of visitors to these locations reflects a renewed interest in the intellectual and ethical foundations of Chinese civilisation, suggesting that cultural confidence is not confined to aesthetics alone.

Confidence not fear

Importantly, this inward turn does not equate to isolation. China’s recent expansion of visa-free entry policies for numerous countries points in the opposite direction. By simplifying access for foreign visitors, the country is signalling openness and a willingness to engage. The ease with which travellers can now enter, navigate, and transact within China challenges outdated perceptions of inaccessibility.

However, this openness coexists with a more self-assured posture. The willingness to welcome outsiders is no longer accompanied by a perceived need to cater to external cultural expectations. Instead, visitors are invited to encounter China on its own terms and engage with a society that is increasingly confident in the value and appeal of its own traditions.

Taken together, these developments suggest a nuanced transformation. China is not closing itself off from the world, but it is preparing for a future in which cultural leadership is more diffuse and less centred on Western paradigms. Fashion, tourism, and everyday cultural practices are becoming vehicles for this transition, expressing a society that is rediscovering its roots while redefining its place in a changing global landscape.

In this context, the resurgence of traditional dress, the reinvention of heritage tourism, and the expansion of visa-free access all point to the same underlying reality: a country that is opening its doors wider, even as it grows more confident in what lies within them.

The article solely represents the views of Yubin Du, a journalist for Chinese broadcaster CGTN, who was based in Washington DC and London between 2012 and 2025.

KCNA said the visit was part of efforts to improve living standards and promote a “socialist civilisation.”

During the tour, Kim pointed to a rise in pet ownership in Pyongyang and other areas, and called for expanded production of pet-related goods, including food, grooming tools and veterinary medicines. 

He wanted to develop consumer-oriented industries, a notable emphasis in an economy still constrained by international sanctions.

The appearance also offered a rare glimpse of a more domestic, curated image of the North Korean leader — one that contrasts with the state’s usual focus on military capability and strategic strength.

Yet animals, particularly dogs, have long played a role in Kim’s political signalling.

In 2018, following a summit in Pyongyang, Kim gifted two white Pungsan hunting dogs — a breed indigenous to North Korea — to then South Korean president Moon Jae-in. The move was widely seen as a gesture of goodwill during a brief thaw in inter-Korean relations.

The dogs, named Gomi and Songgang, were initially hailed as symbols of reconciliation. However, their fate later reflected the fragility of such diplomacy. In 2022, they were transferred to a South Korean zoo after a dispute over the cost of their upkeep between Moon and the administration of President Yoon Suk Yeol.

More recently, Kim extended a similar gesture to Russian President Vladimir Putin, gifting him a pair of Pungsan dogs in 2024 as ties between Pyongyang and Moscow deepened.

Kim ultimately leverages such gestures to serve dual purposes: reinforcing diplomatic ties while projecting a softer imagery of leadership. 

From symbolic gifts to staged public appearances, dogs have become an unlikely but consistent feature of Kim’s political playbook.

Protesters accused the government of failing to manage the energy shortage and blamed both weak regulation and poor diplomacy for the disruption in fuel supplies. Some said the crisis had been worsened by conflict-linked disruption to routes from the Middle East , a key source of Bangladesh’s energy imports.

Others said the authorities were downplaying the severity of the shortage, pointing to long queues at petrol stations as evidence of growing public hardship.

The protest, led by Jamaat-e-Islami and an 11-party opposition alliance, comes as wider instability in global energy markets adds pressure on fuel-dependent economies.

Figures drawn from multiple media and defence sources indicate that more than 1,300 ballistic missiles and nearly 3,900 drones were deployed by Iran in roughly the first five weeks of the conflict, underscoring the scale of its initial offensive.

The bulk of Iran’s launches occurred in the opening phase of the conflict . In the first week alone, hundreds of missiles and over a thousand drones were reportedly fired, reflecting what analysts describe as a “shock-and-saturation” strategy aimed at overwhelming air defence systems.

Data compiled by Al Jazeera shows that in the first 24 hours, Iran fired 167 missiles and over 500 drones at targets in the region, including the United Arab Emirates.

This intensity was consistent with broader patterns observed in the early days of the conflict, when large salvos were used to expand the battlefield and test defensive systems across multiple countries.

However, the pace of launches dropped significantly in subsequent weeks.

Sustained U.S. and Israeli airstrikes targeting missile infrastructure and launch sites led to a dramatic reduction in Iran’s firing rate , in some cases by up to 90% compared with the early days of the war.

By mid-conflict, Iran was launching roughly 20 to 30 missiles per day on average, alongside continued drone attacks, according to defence analysts tracking the war.

Despite the reduction, attacks continued across the region, with Gulf states reporting interceptions of missiles and drones targeting energy infrastructure and military bases.

One of the most notable trends has been the scale of drone warfare. Drones accounted for the majority of Iran’s launches during the first five weeks, reflecting their lower cost and ability to evade defences when used in large numbers.

Even as launch rates declined, Western intelligence assessments suggest Iran retained a significant portion of its arsenal and operational capacity.

Recent reporting indicates that only part of Iran’s missile and drone inventory has been destroyed, with mobile launch systems and underground storage allowing continued attacks despite heavy bombardment.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), India’s ruling party, stands as the largest political organisation globally by membership, with around 180 million registered members. The figure places it far ahead of its closest rival, China’s Communist Party, which reports roughly 98 million members.

The scale of these numbers reflects not just population size, but increasingly sophisticated political outreach strategies, digital enrolment systems, and grassroots expansion efforts.

India also accounts for four of the ten largest political parties worldwide. The Indian National Congress, once the dominant force in Indian politics, remains third globally with about 50 million members. Regional and newer parties are also prominent: the AIADMK is estimated at 16 million members, while the Aam Aadmi Party has crossed the 10 million mark.

In the United States, where party membership is less formally structured, estimates place the Democratic Party at just over 47 million members and the Republican Party at around 36 million. These figures are typically derived from voter registration data rather than formal enrolment, making direct comparisons more complex.

Outside Asia and North America, Turkey’s AK Party holds approximately 11.24 million members, while Ethiopia’s Prosperity Party is close behind with 11 million. Pakistan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf rounds out the top ten with roughly 10 million members.

In India, political membership drives have become highly organised operations, often linked to election cycles, welfare outreach, and ideological campaigns. Mobile technology and social media have further lowered the barrier to entry, enabling parties to scale rapidly.

The data also highlights the growing institutional strength of ruling or dominant parties in several countries, raising questions about political competition, internal party democracy, and the evolving nature of civic participation.

Political divisions are sharpening after opposition leader Fred M’membe declared that the upcoming August elections will be a “sham” , raising concerns about electoral transparency and fairness. The remarks add to a growing chorus of criticism from opposition figures, who argue that the electoral environment remains uneven. Meanwhile, political realignments are underway, with Brian Mundubile facing public scrutiny after Justice Minister Mulambo Haimbe Mwiimbu stated that “no one is above the law,” signalling a tougher stance on accountability. At the constituency level, Chato announced plans to contest in Bwacha North following electoral boundary delimitation, highlighting how redistricting is reshaping the political landscape.

Calls for opposition unity intensify

Amid the rising tensions, political figure Mwamba has urged Makebi Zulu to help unify the Patriotic Front (PF) and broader opposition forces ahead of the polls. Analysts say fragmentation within opposition ranks could weaken their chances in what is expected to be a highly contested election cycle.

Hichilema reaffirms anti-war position

On the international stage, President Hakainde Hichilema reiterated Zambia’s anti-war stance during engagements with the European Union, positioning the country as a voice for peace and diplomacy. The statement aligns with Zambia’s broader foreign policy approach, which emphasises multilateral cooperation and regional stability.

EU pledges $57 million for railway rehabilitation

In a boost to Zambia’s infrastructure ambitions, the European Union pledged an additional €50 million to support the rehabilitation of Zambia Railways. The funding is expected to enhance transport efficiency , lower logistics costs, and improve trade competitiveness, particularly for the mining sector. Officials say modernising rail infrastructure is critical to unlocking economic growth and reducing reliance on road transport.

Digital and economic growth gains momentum

Zambia’s economic outlook is also being shaped by rising business activity and calls for technological investment. The number of registered business establishments has surpassed 480,000, reflecting steady entrepreneurial growth and expanding private sector participation. At the same time, the Smart Zambia initiative has called for increased investment in digital infrastructure, highlighting the need to modernise public services and improve connectivity.

Zimbabwe is entering a period of heightened political uncertainty, with the country facing a constitutional crisis . While the document does not spell out the exact trigger, the context strongly suggests tensions linked to constitutional amendments and the broader balance of power within state institutions. The absence of specifics signals that this is still unfolding, rather than a resolved dispute, with potential implications for governance and legal stability.

Zanu PF intensifies long-term political positioning

Zanu PF is actively advancing its 2030 Bill campaign , taking the message to Heroes Acre, a site loaded with national and historical symbolism. This move underscores the strategic weight of the campaign, positioning it as part of a longer-term political project rather than routine legislation. At the same time, provincial outreach on Amendment No. 3 is being stepped up, indicating a coordinated national effort to build public backing for constitutional changes.

Referendum stance signals confidence in mobilisation

The Zanu PF party’s assertion that it does not fear a referendum reflects a calculated posture. It suggests confidence in its ability to secure public approval if a national vote is called. When viewed alongside the intensified outreach campaigns, this stance points to active preparation for a referendum scenario, even if no formal timeline has been announced.

ZiG transition exposes gap between policy and confidence

The debate around the Zimbabwe Gold currency is sharpening, highlighting a distinction between adoption and stability. Authorities are pushing for ZiG-only payments as a key step in the transition, but the need to emphasise stability separately suggests that confidence in the currency remains uncertain. The reference to the latest Monetary Policy Committee statement indicates that this is an ongoing policy challenge, not a settled issue.

Economic measures reflect mounting pressure on households and growth

Government responses point to rising economic strain, with plans to cut fuel taxes aimed at cushioning consumers. At the same time, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe has held interest rates despite global fuel shocks, while authorities review construction sector fees to stimulate activity. Taken together, these measures reflect an attempt to balance immediate cost-of-living relief with broader economic stability.

Europe is not immune. In the coming weeks, Slovenia and Hungary will hold parliamentary elections that go far beyond routine political contests: they are a referendum on whether citizens will stop the normalisation of authoritarian power, or permit it to entrench itself at the heart of the European Union.

On March 22 in Slovenia and on April 12 in Hungary, our people will each face drastically contrasting visions of our future. On one side, the promise of a democratic and European future represented by liberal values and politics based on trust and consensus.

On the other, authoritarianism and destruction of our most fundamental democratic institutions.

Hungary knows this choice all too well, having lived this nightmare to become the EU’s worst performer in terms of press freedom, rule of law, electoral interference, and corruption . That is what happens when authoritarians like Viktor Orban and his Fidesz party dominate a nation’s politics for most of the past 30 years.

Slovenia has been more fortunate, but only because Orban’s authoritarian soulmate, Janez Jansa, has been electorally impotent, as his party, the SDS, has only been able to form a post-election coalition one time in the past 15 years.

Still, Jansa appears determined to pull out all the stops to reverse this losing trend and is relying on tried-and-true methods from Orban’s bag of dirty tricks that Hungarians know all too well. On Monday of this week, one of the most active NGOs in Slovenia called March 8, held a press conference at which they presented jaw-dropping proof that the Israeli firm Black Cube masterminded a series of secret recordings meant to discredit the current democratic coalition led by Prime Minister Robert Golob.

Hungary, of course, is no stranger to Black Cube’s dirty tricks, as they intervened similarly to help Viktor Orban cling to power in the past.

These manipulations, encouraged and financed by parts of the extreme American right, along with election interference by Russia in Romania and Moldova, are a direct affront to our national sovereignty. They must be defeated and rejected.

Hungarians know how sophisticated modern autocrats have become. They no longer rely only on open repression. They capture newsrooms through politically connected oligarchs, intimidate critical voices in the name of “sovereignty,” invent imaginary enemies, and slowly build a quasi-autocracy inside the European Union itself.

Slovenia must not be allowed to become the next case study in that method. No one from abroad should dictate to Slovenian citizens whom they should entrust with leading their country, just as no European nation should be forced to accept foreign-backed interference as the new normal.

This year’s campaign has shown how low the extreme authoritarian rights are prepared to go in the pursuit of power. They are not interested in the lives of people in this country. What they seek is total control — control over everyone and everything in society — and the ability to rule without limits.

Democracy can’t survive on inertia alone. Personal freedom is a value that must be nurtured and protected. Once fear is normalized, hatred follows, and hatred can turn into violence. That is not the future we want for our children in Slovenia, in Hungary, or anywhere in Europe. As European women elected to office to represent our fellow citizens, we are particularly aware of the danger and legacy of hate that pervades right-wing ideology in our region.

Most Slovenians – and most Hungarians – oppose this brand of politics and do not want to live in a country where the authorities suppress the freedoms of individuals or groups, silence different opinions at home, and at the same time behave submissively toward authoritarian regimes abroad.

In the coming weeks, our two countries have a chance to prove that this politics of manipulation, intimidation, and institutional corrosion can still be defeated in the most democratic way possible: by citizens who think for themselves, who refuse to surrender their sovereignty, and who turn out in large numbers to defend their freedom at the ballot box.

We love our respective nations and will not allow our sovereignty to be taken away now or ever. And we personally will never be submissive to anyone. We are convinced that the events of this campaign will only motivate free-thinking, proud and active citizens even more to participate in the elections in large numbers.

Slovenia and Hungary must remain an independent, confident and sovereign states. And when we prevail at home, we will also strike a victory for the rules-based order, for consensus-based foreign policy that respects vaulted institutions like the European Union and the United Nations.

This opinion article represents the views of its authors and publication does not imply endorsement by Global South World.

Malawi’s Ministry of Agriculture is facing growing scrutiny after reportedly deciding to withhold updated national crop production estimates , a move that has sparked debate among farmers, economists and policy observers. Crop forecasts are a critical indicator for Malawi’s food security planning and market stability, particularly in a country where agriculture remains the backbone of the economy. Analysts say limited transparency around production data could affect planning for imports, food reserves and agricultural policy. Agriculture contributes significantly to Malawi’s GDP and employs a majority of the population, making any uncertainty around crop performance a matter of national concern.

Mining company under question over sector role

Malawi’s emerging mining sector has also come under the spotlight after questions were raised regarding the role and operations of a mining company active in the country. The scrutiny reflects broader concerns over transparency, regulatory oversight, and the economic impact of mining projects, as Malawi increasingly looks to mineral extraction as a driver of economic growth. Officials and analysts have stressed the need for stronger governance in the sector to ensure mining revenues contribute to national development.

Former MBC chief arrested

In another major development, Malawi Police arrested former Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) chief Aubrey Kasakula, marking a significant legal development involving one of the country’s most recognisable figures in public broadcasting. Authorities have not released full details surrounding the arrest, but the case has drawn widespread attention due to Kasakula’s long-standing role in the national broadcaster. The arrest forms part of a broader trend of heightened law enforcement actions involving former public officials and executives.

Business leadership transition

Meanwhile, the Malawi Confederation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (MCCCI) is set for a l eadership transitio n after its president, Wisely Phiri, declined to seek a second term. Phiri’s decision opens the race for new leadership within one of Malawi’s most influential business organisations, which represents the interests of the private sector and plays a key role in policy dialogue with the government. Business leaders say the transition comes at a crucial time as Malawi seeks to strengthen economic recovery and attract investment.

JCM Power donates a K383 million school

In a development highlighting corporate social investment, JCM Power handed over a school worth K383 million to a local community. The project is expected to improve access to education in the area and forms part of broader initiatives by private sector actors to support community development alongside energy and infrastructure projects. Education advocates say partnerships between companies and communities can play an important role in improving learning infrastructure in rural areas.

The United States spent an estimated $4.7 trillion (inflation-adjusted) on World War II between 1941 and 1945, making it the most expensive war in American history.

According to historical cost estimates analysed by Norwich University and U.S. Naval History and Heritage Command, the spending surge was driven by massive industrial mobilisation, troop deployments across multiple continents and large-scale wartime production.

The conflict required the United States to convert large parts of its economy to wartime manufacturing, producing ships, aircraft, tanks and weapons on an unprecedented scale.

The wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, launched after the September 11 attacks, rank as the second most expensive U.S. conflicts, with total costs estimated at around $4 trillion.

Research from the Costs of War Project at Brown University’s Watson Institute shows that the total financial burden includes military operations, reconstruction, veterans’ healthcare and long-term interest payments on war borrowing.

The study notes that these wars became some of the longest military engagements in modern U.S. history.

The Vietnam War ranks third in inflation-adjusted costs at roughly $843 billion, according to historical analyses cited by Norwich University and U.S. government sources.

The conflict , which lasted from the mid-1950s to 1975, required sustained troop deployments and extensive air and naval operations.

Other major conflicts include:

Both wars required large-scale mobilisation and had significant long-term economic impacts on the United States.

Additionally, the 1990–1991 Gulf War cost about $102 billion, though a large portion of that expense was offset by financial contributions from U.S. allies, according to reports summarised by the U.S. Congress and historical defence spending analyses.

More limited conflicts or short military operations tend to cost far less, though they can still involve billions in military expenditures.

For example, a brief six-day military campaign against Iran since February 28, 2026, is calculated at roughly $11 billion, reflecting the high cost of modern precision warfare and advanced weapon systems even during short engagements.

The enormous financial burden of large-scale wars has shaped U.S. foreign policy and defence strategy over time.

Despite advances in military technology and changes in warfare, the historical data show that major conflicts remain among the most expensive undertakings any nation can face.

The figures highlight the growing role of school feeding initiatives in tackling hunger, improving child nutrition and boosting school attendance worldwide.

Data summarised by WFP show that large-scale programmes across Asia, Africa, and the Americas collectively reach hundreds of millions of students each year, with developing and emerging economies dominating the list of countries serving the most children.

India’s Midday Meal Scheme, officially known as the PM POSHAN programme, is the largest school feeding initiative globally. It provides cooked meals to primary and secondary school students in government schools nationwide.

According to India’s Ministry of Education and WFP reports, the programme reaches approximately 118 million beneficiaries, making it the most extensive school meal system in the world.

Experts say the initiative plays a critical role in improving educational outcomes.

“School meals increase attendance, reduce malnutrition and support cognitive development,” the World Food Programme says in its global school feeding overview.

Indonesia ranks second globally, with 61.2 million total beneficiaries, including about 49 million students receiving school-only meals, according to data updated on March 3, 2026.

The Indonesian government has been expanding nutrition programmes aimed at tackling childhood stunting and improving learning outcomes.

Large-scale feeding programmes are increasingly seen as a tool to address both poverty and education challenges simultaneously.

Several major economies also operate extensive school feeding systems.

The latest WFP-linked summary shows:

Brazil’s National School Feeding Programme (PNAE) is widely regarded as one of the world’s most comprehensive systems , linking school meals with local agricultural supply chains.

In the United States, the National School Lunch Program, administered by the U.S. Department of Agriculture, provides free or subsidised meals to tens of millions of children each school day.

Beyond the top five, several countries run national programmes feeding millions of students daily.

Other major programmes include:

In Africa, countries such as South Africa, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Kenya and Malawi have also scaled up school feeding programmes to address food insecurity and encourage school attendance.

Nigeria’s National Home-Grown School Feeding Programme, for example, provides meals to nearly 10 million children while supporting local farmers who supply food to schools.

These installations serve as logistical hubs, training grounds and command centres for American and allied forces, forming the backbone of NATO’s deterrence posture in the region.

U.S. military installations are located in several European countries, including Germany, Italy, Spain, the United Kingdom, Poland, Romania, Greece, Portugal, Belgium, the Netherlands, Turkey, Norway, and Kosovo.

Germany hosts one of the largest concentrations of American military facilities in Europe. Among the most prominent is Ramstein Air Base, a major command centre for U.S. Air Forces in Europe and NATO Allied Air Command.

Ramstein plays a central role in coordinating air operations and logistics for missions across Europe, Africa and the Middle East . The base alone hosts more than 16,000 military personnel and civilian staff, making it one of the largest U.S. military communities outside the United States.

Other key hubs include:

U.S. European Command (EUCOM), headquartered in Stuttgart, Germany, oversees American forces across the region. Estimates suggest more than 65,000 active-duty U.S. troops are stationed within the EUCOM area, according to Department of Defence data cited by Newsweek.

These troops are supported by thousands of civilian employees, contractors and family members living near bases throughout Europe.

The network of bases is believed to allow the United States to maintain a rapid response capability and reassure NATO allies, particularly following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Forward-deployed forces help Washington project power, conduct joint exercises, and support allied operations, while also signalling the United States' commitment to European security.

Many bases date back to the early Cold War era but have since evolved into modern logistical and command centres integrated into NATO’s collective defence structure.

Despite their strategic role, the scale of the American presence has become a subject of debate in recent years.

Recent discussions about possible troop reductions in Eastern Europe have heightened concerns among NATO allies about maintaining deterrence near the alliance’s eastern flank.

The timeline shows that Finland was the first European country to grant women full voting rights in 1906, while Liechtenstein became the last in 1984, highlighting the long and uneven path toward political equality.

Finland made history in 1906 when it granted women both the right to vote and the right to stand for election. According to the European Parliament’s historical archives, Finland was also the first European country to elect women to parliament, with 19 women elected in the 1907 parliamentary elections.

This milestone positioned Finland as a global pioneer in democratic participation and women’s political rights.

Shortly afterwards, other Nordic nations followed:

World War I accelerated suffrage across Europe

A major wave of reform occurred following World War I , when many European governments expanded democratic rights amid social and political change.

Several countries granted women voting rights during this period:

Historians note that women’s contributions to wartime labour and public life helped strengthen the case for political equality.

According to Britannica, the suffrage movement across Europe had been growing since the late 19th century, but the war accelerated political reforms.

In contrast to Northern and Central Europe, several countries in Southern Europe introduced women’s suffrage later in the 20th century.

Key milestones include:

France’s decision came after decades of debate. Women first voted in French municipal elections in 1945, shortly after the end of World War II, following a decree issued by the provisional government led by Charles de Gaulle.

Italy followed shortly after, allowing women to vote in a 1946 referendum that abolished the monarchy and established the Italian Republic.

Despite Europe’s democratic reputation, some countries introduced women’s suffrage much later.

Switzerland granted women the right to vote at the federal level in 1971, after a national referendum approved the reform.

Even more striking, Liechtenstein did not allow women to vote until 1984 , when male voters narrowly approved the measure in a national referendum. The vote passed by a margin of just 51%.

The gradual expansion of suffrage across Europe reflects broader social and political transformations throughout the 20th century.

Women’s suffrage movements were driven by decades of activism, including demonstrations, petitions, and campaigns led by suffragists across Europe.

Today, universal suffrage is widely recognised as a fundamental pillar of democracy. Yet historians often note that the path to equal political rights varied dramatically across countries.

According to The Times of Israel , Iran has launched about 810 ballistic missiles and roughly 1,245 drones during the opening phase of the war, one of the largest sustained missile and drone campaigns seen in the Middle East in years.

The data illustrates the scale of Iran’s retaliatory strategy after U.S. strikes targeted Iranian military and nuclear facilities, triggering the 2026 regional conflict.

The largest wave of attacks came during the first two days of the war.

On Day 1 (Feb 28), Iran launched approximately 350 ballistic missiles alongside 294 drones , according to figures reported by the IDF and defence researchers tracking the conflict.

The barrage intensified on Day 2 (March 1), when Iran deployed around 175 missiles and 541 drones, marking the highest number of drones launched in a single day during the first week.

Security analysts say the opening salvo reflected Iran’s attempt to overwhelm air-defence systems through a strategy combining ballistic missiles with large numbers of drones.

After the initial surge, the number of launches began to decline as the conflict progressed.

Missile launches fell to 120 on Day 3 and 50 on Day 4, before dropping further to 40, 32, 28 and 15 missiles over the following days.

Drone activity showed a similar trend. After peaking on Day 2, launches fell to 200 drones on Day 3, then 85 on Day 4, followed by 45, 38, 30 and 12 drones over the next four days.

Iran’s heavy use of drones reflects a broader military doctrine that emphasises relatively low-cost unmanned systems to complement missile forces.

Iran has spent years developing drones such as the Shahed-series loitering munitions, which have been deployed in conflicts across the Middle East and beyond.

Despite their very different historical paths, the two countries share an unexpected similarity: their geographic outlines appear remarkably alike when placed side by side on a map.

Yet beyond that coincidence, the stories of Yugoslavia and Iran reveal two very different political journeys shaped by revolution, empire, and regional power struggles.

Yugoslavia: A Balkan Federation born from war

Yugoslavia was created after World War I in 1918 as the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, bringing together several South Slavic territories that had previously been part of the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires. In 1929, the state officially became known as Yugoslavia, meaning “Land of the South Slavs.”

After the Second World War, the country was transformed into the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia under the leadership of Josip Broz Tito, a communist revolutionary who led the anti-Nazi resistance movement during the war.

According to Britannica , Tito established a federation consisting of six republics, Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slovenia, Montenegro and Macedonia, along with two autonomous provinces within Serbia.

Unlike most Eastern European communist states, Yugoslavia pursued an independent path during the Cold War. Tito broke with Soviet leader Joseph Stalin in 1948, allowing Yugoslavia to operate outside the Soviet bloc while still maintaining a socialist system.

The country later became a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement, positioning itself between the Western and Soviet camps.

Yugoslavia covered roughly 255,800 square kilometres and stretched from the Adriatic Sea to the Balkan interior, encompassing mountains, coastlines and fertile plains.

Iran: A state rooted in ancient civilisation

Iran’s history stretches back thousands of years, making it one of the oldest continuously inhabited political regions in the world. The country was historically known as Persia, home to powerful empires such as the Achaemenid Empire , founded by Cyrus the Great in the 6th century BCE, which once ruled territory from the Mediterranean to Central Asia.

Modern Iran began to take shape during the 20th century under the Pahlavi dynasty, which pursued rapid modernisation and centralisation of the state. In 1979, however, the Iranian Revolution transformed the country into an Islamic republic following the overthrow of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.

The revolution, led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, reshaped Iran’s political system and its relationship with Western powers.

Today, Iran is one of the largest countries in the Middle East, covering about 1.65 million square kilometres, according to the World Bank and CIA World Factbook. Its geography includes vast deserts, major mountain ranges such as the Zagros and Alborz, and strategic access to the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most important energy shipping routes.

Although Yugoslavia and Iran share surprisingly similar outlines on a map, their physical geographies and political histories developed independently.

Yugoslavia’s borders were shaped largely by European treaties, ethnic distributions and post-war political arrangements, while Iran’s boundaries reflect centuries of imperial expansion and negotiations with neighbouring states.

Cartographers often point out that such similarities are simply the result of how natural features, coastlines and historical borders intersect over time.

The dissolution of Yugoslavia

While Iran remains a single nation-state, Yugoslavia no longer exists. After the death of Tito in 1980, economic instability and rising nationalism weakened the federation. The country ultimately collapsed during the Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s, which followed the declarations of independence by several republics.

Between 1991 and 2006, Yugoslavia gradually fragmented into the independent states known today as Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo.

According to estimated figures cited by the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Kuwait have faced the highest number of Iranian missile or drone targets, followed by Qatar, Bahrain and Israel. The data reflects how the regional conflict increasingly involves countries hosting foreign military bases or strategic infrastructure.

The INSS estimates suggest that the UAE has been the most targeted country, with around 863 incidents, followed by Kuwait with 562.

Both countries host major US military facilities and play critical roles in regional logistics and defence cooperation. The UAE is home to Al Dhafra Air Base, which hosts US and allied forces, while Kuwait serves as a key staging hub for US operations in the Middle East.

According to The Guardian, Iran and its allies have increasingly relied on drones and ballistic missiles in recent years because they are cheaper, harder to intercept and capable of reaching targets across the region.

The INSS data also indicates that Qatar and Bahrain have experienced significant numbers of missile and drone targets, with 162 and 129 incidents, respectively.

Both countries host major US military installations. Qatar’s Al Udeid Air Base is the largest US military base in the Middle East, while Bahrain hosts the headquarters of the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet.

Because of their strategic importance, these locations are often viewed as potential targets during periods of regional escalation.

Israel is also listed among the countries affected, with an estimated 113 missile and drone targets.

The country has long been a central actor in regional tensions involving Iran and Iranian-backed groups. Iran has repeatedly denied directly targeting Israel in some incidents, while Israel has accused Tehran of orchestrating attacks through allied groups across the region.

Other neighbouring countries, including Jordan, Cyprus, Oman and Saudi Arabia, appear in the data with lower numbers of incidents.

Experts say unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) have become a defining feature of modern Middle Eastern conflicts .

According to Al Jazeera, Iran has significantly expanded its drone programme in recent years, developing systems capable of long-range strikes and supplying similar technology to allied groups across the region.

“Iran’s military strategy is derived from its political structure. Their political aim is to safeguard their own territorial integrity and stop foreign intervention targeted at overthrowing their rule,” a military specialist and former defence official, speaking to Al Jazeera on condition of anonymity, said .

These drones, including models such as the Shahed series, have been used in conflicts across the Middle East and beyond.

Analysts say the relatively low cost of drones compared with conventional missiles makes them attractive for asymmetric warfare.

Now recognised internationally as a symbol of Ukrainian resistance and solidarity, the slogan appears in many linguistic forms across the continent, including “Glory to Ukraine” in English, “Gloire à l’Ukraine” in French, “Gloria all’Ucraina” in Italian, and “Sláva Ukrajině” in Czech.

“Slava Ukraini” is a Ukrainian national salute meaning “Glory to Ukraine.” It is typically answered with the response “Heroyam Slava,” meaning “Glory to the heroes.”

According to the Britannica, the phrase has been used in Ukrainian nationalist movements since the early 20th century and gained wider popularity during Ukraine’s struggle for independence in the early 1900s.

In modern times, it became a widely recognised national slogan following Ukraine’s 2014 Revolution of Dignity, when protesters used it during demonstrations supporting democratic reforms and closer ties with Europe.

Since Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, the phrase has spread globally as a symbol of solidarity with Ukrainians.

The above map illustrates how countries across Europe have adapted the phrase into their own languages.

Examples include:

In Nordic countries, the phrase appears as “Ære til Ukraina” in Norwegian and “Kunnia Ukrainalle” in Finnish.

The widespread translations reflect the strong political and cultural support many European countries have expressed for Ukraine since the war began.

The phrase has appeared at protests, political speeches, sporting events and social media campaigns across Europe.

Several international leaders have publicly used the slogan when expressing support for Ukraine. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has ended speeches with “Slava Ukraini,” including remarks at the Ukraine Recovery Conference in Berlin in 2024 , where she concluded by saying: “Slava Ukraini. And long live Europe.”

Other political figures who have used the phrase include former UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson, former New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte, and former US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who have referenced the slogan in speeches or public statements supporting Ukraine during the war.

The phrase has also become widely used by public figures beyond politics. Ukrainian athletes such as Oleksandr Usyk, Andriy Shevchenko, and Elina Svitolina frequently repeat the slogan in interviews and public appearances, while demonstrations around the world have adopted it as a chant of solidarity with Ukraine.

Operations of this kind are intended to decapitate a regime by removing its central decision-makers and disrupting its chain of command. Such strikes rarely occur by chance.

They typically reflect a prolonged process of intelligence gathering, surveillance and operational preparation. The ability to target senior figures simultaneously suggests highly detailed knowledge of internal structures and movements. In tactical terms, therefore, an operation that reaches the political and security leadership of a state constitutes a significant success. Yet the strategic implications are less straightforward.

But this isn't the end

The removal of high-ranking leaders does not automatically translate into the collapse of a political system. Authoritarian regimes in particular are often structured to withstand the loss of individuals, even at the highest level.

The Islamic Republic of Iran is not merely a collection of personalities. It is a layered institutional system combining ideological authority, religious legitimacy and an extensive security apparatus.

Succession mechanisms exist, formal and informal, and historically the regime has demonstrated an ability to replace key figures relatively quickly.

For this reason, the real test following such strikes lies not in the immediate casualties but in the regime’s ability to reconstitute its command structure. Can the leadership rebuild a coherent chain of authority?

Can it maintain internal order and prevent fragmentation within its security forces?

If the answer to these questions is yes, the strikes will ultimately represent a dramatic tactical blow rather than a decisive structural rupture.

And strikes can be counterproductive

The Iranian system has never been entirely unified. Long-standing tensions exist between hardliners and more pragmatic elements, between ideological conservatives and reform-oriented factions.

Even within the security apparatus there are differing views about strategy and risk. Some actors interpret the current confrontation as an existential struggle requiring uncompromising resistance. Others may consider that uncontrolled escalation threatens the survival of the regime itself.

External pressure can therefore produce contradictory effects. On the one hand, it may strengthen internal cohesion by rallying elites around the defence of the state. On the other, it can intensify disagreements over how best to respond. In moments of acute crisis, these divisions may become more visible.

The battle for control

The durability of the regime is closely linked to the interests of those who benefit from it.

Iran’s security elite is deeply embedded in networks of economic patronage and institutional power. At the centre of this system stand the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, numbering roughly 190,000 personnel, supported by the Basij militia and a range of internal security organisations.

These forces possess the capacity not only to defend the regime externally but also to suppress dissent domestically. The persistence of checkpoints, surveillance and internal security operations even during periods of external bombardment demonstrates that this apparatus remains operational. As long as the coercive machinery of the state remains intact, the regime retains the capacity to endure.

Alongside the Revolutionary Guards stands Iran’s regular army, a separate institution with a different historical identity and organisational culture. The Guards function as the ideological army of the Islamic Republic, closely integrated with the political leadership. The regular army, by contrast, represents a more traditional state institution. Should the regime face a severe crisis, the behaviour of the regular army could become decisive. It might remain neutral, support the existing system or attempt to act as an arbiter.

Iranian history offers a relevant precedent. During the revolution of 1979 the army initially participated in suppressing demonstrations but ultimately declined to intervene at a decisive moment. That episode continues to influence contemporary strategic thinking within the country.

So what IS next?

Another question concerns what might follow a weakened or collapsing regime. Some observers argue that Iran’s social structure and national identity make a descent into chaos less likely than in countries such as Iraq after 2003.

Iranian society possesses a strong sense of historical continuity and a relatively high level of education. Moreover, opposition movements exist, even if they remain fragmented and often operate outside the country.

These groups range from monarchists and republicans to centre-left movements and representatives of ethnic minorities.

Many share common demands centred on democratic governance, secular institutions and minority rights. Reza Pahlavi, the son of Iran’s last monarch, remains a controversial figure in this debate. While some see him as a possible rallying point for a transitional process, others question the legitimacy of any political figure who has spent decades in exile. A more sceptical view holds that organised opposition within Iran has been largely dismantled by decades of repression.

From this perspective, the absence of a coherent alternative could create the conditions for instability should the regime weaken dramatically.

This uncertainty creates a paradox.

Many Iranians may desire political change, yet fear the instability that might accompany the collapse of the current system.

The prospect of disorder can therefore slow political momentum and, in some cases, enable regimes under pressure to reconstitute themselves. It also explains why diplomatic appeals for negotiation may appear disconnected from the strategic reality of the conflict.

Once military operations begin targeting the highest levels of leadership, the confrontation moves beyond ordinary disputes. For the regime, the struggle becomes one of survival.

Under such circumstances, entering negotiations can appear indistinguishable from accepting defeat. The priority becomes internal consolidation rather than external dialogue.

There's a blame game

Perhaps the most destabilising element in such operations is not the immediate loss of leaders but the questions they raise about internal vulnerability.

Strikes that successfully target high-level meetings suggest either exceptional intelligence capabilities or the presence of informants within the system itself. In authoritarian regimes, the mere suspicion of infiltration can be corrosive.

Trust within the leadership becomes fragile. Senior figures begin to question the loyalty of colleagues and subordinates. Decision-making becomes slower and more defensive as individuals prioritise personal survival.

History shows that many authoritarian systems do not collapse primarily because of external pressure. Instead, they weaken when internal cohesion begins to erode.

The decisive question

For this reason, the critical issue is not simply the removal of key leaders. The decisive question is whether the Islamic Republic can maintain institutional, military and psychological cohesion after such losses.

If the regime’s elites retain confidence in one another and successfully reconstruct their command structures, the system may endure despite the shock. If, however, suspicion spreads within the leadership and the chain of authority begins to fracture, the consequences could be far more profound. In that scenario, the most consequential battlefield may not lie outside Iran’s borders but within the regime itself. This article is based on writing by François Chauvancy and Jean-Marie Montail for Atlantico.fr

In contrast, Latin America, Central America and large parts of Africa remained more focused on football-related searches, underscoring the sport’s deep cultural influence in these regions.

The data comes from Google Trends, which tracks the relative popularity of search terms rather than the total number of searches. Countries on the map are coloured according to which term generated greater interest, while colour intensity reflects the proportion of searches for the most popular term within each location during the selected time period.

Spikes in search interest often occur when major international events dominate headlines. As geopolitical tensions rise or diplomatic developments unfold, news coverage and social media discussions tend to drive audiences online in search of context and updates.

Tensions between Iran and the United States escalated sharply at the end of February 2026 after a series of military strikes that pushed the long-running rivalry into open conflict.

On 28 February 2026, the United States and Israel launched coordinated air and missile strikes targeting Iranian nuclear facilities , military infrastructure and senior leadership in what Washington described as a campaign to neutralise Iran’s missile capabilities and prevent it from developing nuclear weapons.

The attacks triggered an immediate response from Tehran. Iran launched missile and drone strikes against Israel and several US military installations across the Middle East, including bases in Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates.

The operation marked a dramatic escalation of a dispute that had been building for weeks during tense nuclear negotiations between Washington and Tehran.

In the days following the initial strikes, the confrontation widened into a broader regional conflict. US and Israeli airstrikes continued to hit Iranian targets, while Iran and its allied groups retaliated with attacks across the Middle East.

Missile strikes and drone attacks have targeted energy infrastructure, embassies and military bases, raising fears that the conflict could disrupt global oil supplies and destabilise the region further. Iran currently reports a death toll of over 1000 people from the strikes.

Still, football continues to dominate searches across many regions. In countries such as Brazil , Argentina and several African nations, the sport regularly drives online traffic during domestic leagues, international tournaments and major transfer periods. With billions of fans worldwide, football remains the most widely followed sport on the planet.

The United States carried out extensive bombing of Japan and Germany in 1945 during World War Two, including the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

During the Korean War from 1950 to 1953 , U.S.-led forces conducted sustained air operations over North Korea. In Southeast Asia, U.S. aircraft bombed Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia between the mid-1960s and early 1970s. U.S. government figures show that more than two million tonnes of ordnance were dropped on Laos alone during that period.

In 1991, the Gulf War marked a major air campaign against Iraq following its invasion of Kuwait. Reuters archives show that coalition forces led by Washington launched thousands of air sorties during the conflict.

Subsequent U.S. air operations in Iraq occurred in 1993, 1996 and 1998, and again on a larger scale in 2003 during the U.S.-led invasion. Airstrikes continued in Iraq in later years as part of operations against the Islamic State.

After the September 11 attacks in 2001, the United States launched airstrikes in Afghanistan, beginning a conflict that lasted until 2021. According to data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data (ACLED) project, U.S. air and drone strikes continued in Afghanistan for nearly two decades.

Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia are also countries where U.S. forces have conducted drone strikes targeting militant groups.

Drone operations intensified in the 2000s and 2010s, with successive U.S. administrations expanding targeted strike programmes. ACLED data for 2025 indicates that U.S. air operations remain active in parts of Somalia and Syria.

Latest strike action

The most recent U.S. military strike activity is part of a large-scale joint US–Israeli offensive against Iran, launched on February 28, 2026. The campaign has involved coordinated air and missile strikes across multiple Iranian cities and military targets, including air defence systems, missile launchers and key leadership facilities.

U.S. Central Command has confirmed combat fatalities among American forces in the ongoing conflict zone, marking one of the first acknowledged deaths of U.S. service members in direct engagements with Iranian missiles or rockets.

Six U.S. service members were killed when Iranian forces launched missiles targeting a fortified U.S. tactical operations centre in Kuwait.

The above map displays individual guesses as yellow dots scattered across the globe, while correct answers are marked in green. The results reveal widespread confusion, with many respondents placing Iran in regions as varied as Europe, North Africa, Central Asia and even Australia.

Iran is located in Western Asia, bordered by Iraq, Turkey, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Afghanistan and Pakistan, with coastlines along the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea. It plays a central role in Middle Eastern politics and global energy markets .

The findings came at a time of heightened tensions between the United States and Iran in early 2020, following military escalations that brought the two countries to the brink of broader conflict.

It is 2026, and the US-Iran tensions are still blazing hot.

On Feb. 28, 2026, the United States and Israel carried out coordinated strikes across Iran . The operation, referred to by Washington as Operation Epic Fury and by Israel as Operation Lion’s Roar, targeted military infrastructure, command centres and missile installations.

Blasts were reported in Tehran and several other cities, with Iranian air defence systems and missile launchers among the sites hit. U.S. and Israeli officials described the action as pre-emptive, aimed at weakening Iran’s nuclear and missile capabilities following stalled negotiations over its nuclear programme.

Iranian state media reported that Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was killed in the initial wave of attacks, a claim later confirmed by multiple outlets, making it one of the most consequential moments in the conflict.

The comparative assessment, compiled by Military Power Rankings 2025 and cited by defence analysts, measures manpower, land, naval, air and nuclear capabilities.

The United States fields approximately 2.18 million military personnel, compared with 1 million for Iran and 643,000 for Israel. The figures include active-duty forces and reserve components.

In land forces, the United States deploys around 534,000 personnel, ahead of Iran’s 354,000 and Israel’s 145,000. While the U.S. Army remains the largest and most technologically advanced of the three, analysts say Iran’s ground doctrine emphasises missile units and asymmetric operations rather than conventional manoeuvre warfare.

Naval strength shows the widest gap. The United States Navy accounts for roughly 532,000 personnel and operates the world’s largest fleet, including 11 nuclear-powered aircraft carriers .

Iran’s naval forces total about 18,000 personnel, with a focus on fast-attack craft and anti-ship missile systems designed for operations in the Strait of Hormuz, Iranian state media, including Fars News Agency, have reported. Israel’s navy comprises approximately 10,000 personnel and centres on coastal defence and submarine-based deterrence in the Mediterranean.

The United States Air Force also includes around 339,000 personnel and operates advanced fifth-generation aircraft such as the F-22 and F-35. Iran’s air force numbers about 31,000 personnel and relies largely on ageing aircraft, though Tehran has invested heavily in drone and missile capabilities. Israel’s air force, with roughly 28,000 personnel, is widely regarded as one of the most technologically capable in the region and operates F-35 stealth fighters.

In nuclear capabilities, the United States is estimated to possess around 5,000 nuclear warheads. Israel is widely believed to maintain an undeclared arsenal of approximately 80 to 90 warheads, although it neither confirms nor denies possession . Iran does not possess nuclear weapons, though its nuclear programme remains under international scrutiny amid ongoing diplomatic tensions.

On Feb. 28, 2026, the United States and Israel launched coordinated military strikes against targets across Iran in a major escalation of regional tensions. The offensive, variously referred to as Operation Epic Fury by the U.S. and Operation Lion’s Roar by Israel, targeted Iranian military infrastructure, command and control facilities and missile sites.

Explosions were widely reported in Tehran and other cities, and Iranian air defences and missile launchers were struck. The strikes were described by both governments as pre-emptive and aimed at degrading Iran’s nuclear and missile capabilities, amid stalled diplomatic negotiations over Tehran’s nuclear programme.

Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was reported killed in the initial attack by Iranian state media and later confirmed by multiple outlets, marking one of the most significant developments in the conflict.

The offensive sparked immediate retaliation from Iran, including missile and drone strikes against Israeli territory and U.S. military bases in the region, leading to a wider conflict.

Explosions were reported overnight in Tehran and the nearby city of Karaj, with Iranian media saying airstrikes also hit Isfahan, Yazd and Khuzestan on Monday, March 2.

President Patrick Herminie has formally taken on the role of patron of the Seychelles Football Federation. As patron, he becomes the federation’s senior ceremonial representative, bringing the standing and influence of the presidency to its work. He is expected to champion the growth of football nationwide, supporting stronger grassroots systems, clearer youth pathways, improved coaching standards and better sporting facilities through active engagement with policymakers and partners.

Economist Impact highlights Nature Seychelles’ coral restoration

Nature Seychelles has taken centre stage in Back to Blue: Indian Ocean – On the Frontline, a project led by Economist Impact in partnership with The Nippon Foundation. The programme brings together research, data analysis and on-the-ground reporting to spotlight practical, proven responses to the ocean’s most urgent threats, reframing the narrative around action and measurable progress.

Tourism Seychelles launches interactive Travel Talk format in Prague

Tourism Seychelles reinforced engagement with the Czech travel trade through an interactive Travel Talk event in Prague, replacing formal presentations with open dialogue and practical exchange. Led by Lena Hoareau and Ingride Asante, the session highlighted Seychelles’ diverse accommodation options, island-hopping experiences and evolving traveller trends.

President Herminie receives Canada’s High Commissioner-designate

President Dr Patrick Herminie, on Tuesday, February 24, received the Letters of Credence of Canada’s High Commissioner-designate , Emily Burns, at State House, marking a new phase in bilateral relations as the two countries near 50 years of diplomatic ties. Discussions covered heritage cooperation, including progress on Venn’s Town, a potential air services agreement, and closer collaboration on climate action. The President also conveyed condolences following Canada’s recent tragic school shooting and reaffirmed Seychelles’ solidarity.

Club Med expands in Seychelles, linking tourism growth with community impact

Club Med is strengthening its presence i n Seychelles by combining its premium all-inclusive concept with local employment, community sourcing and global marketing. Following discussions with President Patrick Herminie, the brand reaffirmed its commitment to sustainable tourism growth that enhances visitor experiences while creating economic opportunities for Seychellois. Tourism development, economic opportunity and community partnership were central to talks at State House between President Herminie and Club Med Deputy CEO Gino Andreetta, highlighting how the group continues to shape Seychelles’ tourism landscape through premium hospitality, cultural integration and local empowerment.

For international audiences, the message was clear. America First remains firmly in place.

Back to Plan A

Trump not only defended the use of import duties after the Supreme Court ruled that he had exceeded his authority in imposing sweeping across-the-board raises, he promised more.

"So despite the disappointing ruling, it's saving our country ... many of the wars I've settled was because of the threat of tariffs , I wouldn't have been able to settle them without. [They] will remain in place under fully approved and tested alternative legal statutes."

Although the ruling insisted that revenue-raising was a matter for Congress, Trump told the chamber he wouldn't be needing their consent for the new measures.

For trading partners, this was intended to be a clear signal that legal obstacles at home will not soften Washington’s trade stance. Trump went further, reviving a long-held claim that tariffs could replace income tax revenue altogether. "I believe the tariffs paid for by foreign countries will, like in the past, substantially replace the modern-day system of income tax."

Economists dispute that foreign countries bear the full cost of tariffs, but the political message was blunt: the era of predictable US trade policy is not returning any time soon.

Iran and the magic words

The sharpest foreign policy focus was Iran. The United States has built up its largest regional military presence since the Iraq war, amid rising tensions over Tehran’s nuclear programme and missile development.

Trump framed Iran as an existential threat. "For decades, it had been the policy of the United States never to allow Iran to obtain a nuclear weapon. Many decades. Since they seized control of that proud nation 47 years ago, the regime and its murderous proxies have spread nothing but terrorism and death and hate. They've killed and maimed thousands of American service members and hundreds of thousands and even millions of people… this is some terrible people. They've already developed missiles that can threaten Europe and our bases overseas, and they're working to build missiles that will soon reach the United States of America."

While expressing a preference for diplomacy, he drew a firm red line. "My preference is to solve this problem through diplomacy. But one thing is certain, I will never allow the world's number one sponsor of terror, which they are by far, to have a nuclear weapon."

Immigration and crime

Immigration remains central to Trump’s domestic and international messaging. He declared: "After four years in which millions and millions of illegal aliens poured across our borders totally unvetted and unchecked, we now have the strongest and most secure border in American history by far. In the past nine months, zero illegal aliens have been admitted to the United States. But we will always allow people to come in legally, people that will love our country and will work hard to maintain our country."

He also linked immigration to crime and social disorder, inviting into the chamber families who had become victims.

And he didn't forget to mention his favourite theme, frauds perpetrated by some members of the Somali community: "The Somali pirates who ransacked Minnesota remind us that there are large parts of the world where bribery, corruption, and lawlessness are the norm, not the exception."

For many countries, particularly in Africa and Latin America , such rhetoric reinforces the perception of a United States that sees migration primarily through a lens of threat rather than opportunity. Trump insisted that he was ready to welcome in people who love the US, although in the past he has indicated that the ones he would like to see coming are from Norway, Sweden or white South Africans.

Military prowess

Trump balanced his hard-line positions with repeated praise for the armed forces. "Our military and police are stacked." "We have the most powerful military on Earth." "we love our military."

At the same time, he renewed sweeping claims about his role as a peacemaker. "In my first 10 months, I ended eight wars, including Cambodia and Thailand; Pakistan and India - would have been a nuclear war - 35 million people, said the Prime Minister of Pakistan, would have died if it were not for my involvement; Kosovo and Serbia; Israel and Iran; Egypt and Ethiopia; Armenia and Azerbaijan; the Congo and Rwanda; and of course the war in Gaza which proceeds at a very low level."

Some of those conflicts - Serbia and Kosovo, Ethiopia and Egypt - were either long-running diplomatic tensions or disputes that had not escalated into full-scale wars. For Trump, it didn't matter. He was the bringer or war or peace.

The broader message

Taken together, the speech offered a message of continuity rather than change. Whether that will be enough to revive the president's flagging approval ratings remains to be seen. And if it doesn't, the world may experience a new phase of America First.

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

According to a comprehensive list of openly LGBTQ heads of state and government, all nine such leaders in modern history have come from European countries.

This week’s spotlight falls on the Netherlands, where a newly sworn-in prime minister has added another chapter to that story.

Netherlands’ new Prime Minister makes history

On February 23 23, 2026, Rob Jetten was sworn in as prime minister of the Netherlands, becoming the country’s youngest leader ever and its first openly gay head of government. His minority coalition government must navigate a split parliament, but his appointment is being widely noted for its symbolic and political significance.

Jetten, who leads the centrist Democrats 66 (D66) party, has built a reputation as a progressive voice on climate policy and European cooperation. His rise comes amid a fragmented political landscape in the Netherlands, where his bloc holds a slim 66 out of 150 seats in the lower house of parliament.

Current LGBTQ leaders in Europe

Beyond the Netherlands, several European states are led or were led by openly LGBTQ figures:

Trailblazers

Several former leaders also broke barriers:

Today, it remains a live issue.

The European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) has reported that many Jewish Europeans experience harassment and feel antisemitism has worsened in their countries.

In response, the European Commission launched its EU Strategy on Combating Antisemitism and Fostering Jewish Life (2021–2030), acknowledging the need for coordinated action across member states.

Against that backdrop, the new Eurobarometer 2026 data offers insight into how the wider public perceives the scale of the problem.

Where Europeans see antisemitism as a problem

Concern is highest in parts of western Europe:

In these countries, more than seven in ten respondents say antisemitism is an issue.

Mixed views in Central Europe

In countries such as:

Between four and six in ten respondents perceive antisemitism as a national problem.

Lower perceived levels in parts of Eastern and Southern Europe

Some countries report lower percentages of public concern:

However, this perception does not equal incidence. Public awareness, media coverage and the size of Jewish communities can influence how respondents interpret the question.

The Great War resulted in the collapse of longstanding empires such as the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires. Its aftermath paved the way for political upheaval and national grievances that would later fuel the Second World War.

World War II remains the deadliest conflict in human history. Estimates suggest tens of millions of people were killed, both soldiers and civilians, as the war spread across continents and fronts.

The only European countries that suffered defeat in both World War I and World War II were Germany, Hungary and Bulgaria.

Germany

Germany’s role in both wars was central and controversial. As a leading member of the Central Powers in World War I, the German Empire faced defeat in 1918. The Treaty of Versailles , which formally ended that war, imposed heavy penalties, territorial losses and reparations on Germany.

Two decades later, Germany under Adolf Hitler once again plunged Europe into conflict. The defeat of Nazi Germany in 1945 reshaped the nation completely, destroying much of its infrastructure, splitting it into occupation zones and ultimately leading to decades of division during the Cold War.

Hungary

Hungary’s story in the 20th century is inseparable from the Treaty of Trianon , signed after World War I. That peace treaty dramatically reduced Hungary’s territory and resources, provoking decades of political frustration and revisionist ambitions.

In World War II, Hungary aligned with the Axis powers, partly driven by hopes of territorial restoration. That alliance ended in defeat, occupation and further disruption to the nation’s political order.

Bulgaria

Bulgaria’s path was slightly different. Initially neutral at the start of World War II, it eventually joined the Axis powers , in part to reclaim lands lost in World War I and other regional disputes.

Even then, it was unable to change the course of the war. Following the Allied victory, Bulgaria faced political upheaval and Soviet influence in its post-war government.

Long before that, in World War I, Bulgaria capitulated after prolonged fighting and was among the first of the Central Powers to seek an armistice in 1918.

The annual index, published by the Berlin-based anti-corruption organisation, ranks 180 countries and territories based on perceived levels of public-sector corruption. Scores range from 0 to 100, where 0 represents highly corrupt and 100 signifies very clean governance.

This year’s findings show that while a small group of countries maintain strong anti-corruption records, a cluster of nations at the bottom of the table continue to struggle with fragile institutions, conflict and weak rule of law.

Countries with the lowest CPI scores in 2025

According to Transparency International :

South Sudan once again sits at the bottom of the rankings, receiving one of the lowest scores globally. Transparency International attributes this to prolonged conflict, weak state institutions and limited public accountability mechanisms.

Years of political instability have hindered efforts to build transparent financial systems, leaving public resources vulnerable to misuse.

Syria and Somalia also rank among the world’s most corrupt countries in the 2025 index. Both nations have endured extended periods of conflict, which Transparency International says significantly erode oversight structures and judicial independence.

In conflict-affected states, emergency spending, limited scrutiny and weakened enforcement systems can create conditions in which corruption flourishes.

Venezuela continues to post one of the lowest CPI scores globally. Transparency International points to weakened democratic institutions, limited transparency in public finances and restrictions on civic space as contributing factors.

Yemen, also affected by prolonged instability and humanitarian crisis, remains among the poorest performers in the index.

North Korea is consistently ranked among the lowest-scoring countries in the CPI. Transparency International cites the absence of transparency, independent oversight and public accountability in the country’s governance system.

While the countries at the bottom of the CPI attract the most attention, Transparency International warns that corruption remains a global challenge. The 2025 report highlights that many countries have either stagnated or declined in recent years.

The global average score remains in the low 40s, suggesting that corruption is far from being brought under control.

"Interestingly, the election atmosphere is beginning to feel almost festive, and many people are expressing hope for a fair and credible election this time, especially after past controversies," Ahmed said. "That expectation of fairness is shaping much of the public mood, there’s anticipation rather than visible unrest."

Bangladesh’s 2026 election is widely viewed as a defining moment in the nation’s democratic history. It follows months of upheaval in 2024, when widespread protests over quota reform and broader grievances evolved into a national uprising that eventually forced Sheikh Hasina’s 15‑year rule to an end.

Hasina’s party, the Awami League, was barred from participating in the election, and she remains in exile in India. The vote was conducted under an interim government led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, which has pledged a peaceful and transparent process.

Alongside the parliamentary vote, a referendum on the July Charter, covering 84 clauses to be accepted or rejected as a whole, prompted ongoing debate and discussion among voters, with some expressing uncertainty about the implications of a yes-or-no decision.

"Overall, I would describe the current atmosphere as engaged and anticipatory," Ahmed described. "Life is continuing as usual, but political interest, especially among younger citizens, is noticeably heightened, with cautious optimism surrounding the electoral process."

Empire and armed expansion

Colonialism was driven not only by trade and exploration but by military force, and according to Britannica , European imperial expansion from the 15th to the 20th centuries relied heavily on armed conquest and suppression of resistance, as powers competed for territory, resources and strategic advantage.

The British Empire, at its height the largest in history, is especially prominent in global records of colonial warfare. Campaigns in India, Sudan, South Africa and Afghanistan formed part of a long series of conflicts tied to imperial consolidation. The National Army Museum describes Britain’s imperial wars as “continuous and worldwide”, reflecting the scale of its overseas holdings.

Clusters of recorded battles appear across the Indian subcontinent, where the East India Company and later the British Crown fought a succession of wars against regional rulers and resistance movements. The 1857 Indian Rebellion , often described as a turning point in British rule, marked one of the most significant uprisings against imperial authority.

France and the conquest of North Africa

French colonial expansion is particularly visible across North and West Africa. France’s invasion of Algeria in 1830 initiated decades of warfare. Britannica notes that the conquest was prolonged and marked by widespread violence, with resistance continuing well into the 19th century.

Elsewhere in West Africa, French forces undertook military campaigns to establish control over territories that would later become Senegal, Mali and Côte d’Ivoire. These conflicts laid the foundations for French West Africa, a federation that endured until the mid-20th century.

Spain and Portugal: Early empires of the Americas

Spain and Portugal were among the earliest European colonial powers. Following Christopher Columbus’s voyages in 1492, Spanish forces established control across much of Central and South America . The Spanish conquest of the Aztec and Inca empires involved decisive military campaigns that transformed the political landscape of the Americas.

Portugal’s empire stretched from Brazil to parts of Africa and Asia. According to historical accounts, Portuguese forces fought to secure trading ports and coastal territories, particularly in Angola, Mozambique and Goa.

The Netherlands and Southeast Asia

Dutch colonial warfare is most closely associated with Indonesia. The Aceh War, fought between 1873 and 1904, was one of the longest and bloodiest conflicts in the Netherlands’ colonial history. Dutch efforts to consolidate control over the Indonesian archipelago required repeated military campaigns against local rulers and resistance groups.

The concentration of battles across Africa , Asia and the Americas highlights how colonial borders and political structures were often forged in conflict. The United Nations has stated that the consequences of colonialism continue to shape economic inequality and political instability in many parts of the world.

Federal investigators and journalists combing through the material have found that being named in the files does not in itself suggest guilt. The documents encompass schedules, contact lists, emails, photos and flight logs that map Epstein’s social circle, a network that spanned continents and decades.

According to multiple reviews of the Justice Department release, the files include references to prominent political figures and public leaders:

The release has also ignited political controversy in the United States and abroad. On Capitol Hill, lawmakers have accused the Justice Department of redacting names of influential individuals without clear justification, intensifying calls for full disclosure.

"Trump's FBI scrubbed these files in March. The documents Justice had the redactions that the FBI made back then. They need to unscrub the FBI files, so we know who the rich and powerful men are who raped underage girls," Democratic congressman Ro Khanna wrote on Facebook.

The department has responded by saying redactions protect victim privacy and comply with legal requirements, although all non-victims' names have been unredacted .

For the first time in decades, several nations that once marched under their own flags at the Olympic Games are once again kept on the sidelines, not for sport but for politics and global conflict.

This year’s line-up of excluded nations harks back to the earliest modern Games. In 1920, five countries, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey, were barred from competing in the Antwerp Olympics for their roles in the First World War.

Germany endured extended exclusion through the 1924 and 1948 Games, while more recent exclusions reflect very different world challenges, from state-sponsored doping scandals to sanctions tied to military aggression.

Today, Russia and Belarus find themselves at the centre of this ongoing tradition of Olympic discipline.

Both nations have been banned from competing as national teams in the current Olympic cycle following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, a move the International Olympic Committee (IOC) says conflicts with the foundational Olympic goal of promoting peace through sport.

While select athletes from these countries may qualify as individual neutral competitors, their nations will not be represented in the official parade of flags or team competitions.

What this really means is that the Games, even in 2026, remain as much a reflection of global politics as they are a celebration of athletic achievement, with exclusion once again telling as much of the story as the medals themselves.

Hasina’s rule had been marked by strong economic growth but also sharp criticism at home and abroad over restrictions on political competition and contested elections. Her government’s decision to eliminate the independent caretaker system and its handling of opposition parties had intensified political tensions.

The January 2024 election, held amid an opposition boycott, returned her to office but with low turnout and serious doubts about fairness, reinforcing perceptions that Bangladesh was heading toward one-party dominance.

Those tensions boiled over in 2024 when student-led protests erupted over a controversial quota system in public jobs and quickly broadened into nationwide demands for political reform and accountability. The unrest grew into a sustained uprising that culminated in Hasina’s resignation and departure from Bangladesh in August 2024, leaving an interim government in place and dissolving the old parliament.

The upcoming election is being held under that interim administration, led by Nobel Peace Prize-winning economist Muhammad Yunus, which has overseen a transition period focused on preparing for a credible vote. Many Bangladeshis view this election not as a regular political event but as a turning point after years in which successive polls were deeply contested and perceived to favour entrenched political elites.

With Hasina’s party, the Awami League, effectively excluded and banned from campaigning, the race has opened space for new and reconfigured political forces. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has emerged as a major contender, fielding candidates across most constituencies and staking its campaign on promises of economic reform and governance change. Other parties, such as the previously banned Jamaat-e-Islami, have also returned to the political arena, reflecting how much the landscape has shifted in the post-Hasina era.

For many voters, particularly younger Bangladeshis who were at the forefront of the protests, the election is both a culmination of public mobilisation and a test of whether demands for accountability, fairness and democratic renewal can be translated into tangible political influence at the ballot box. While hopes for a more open political system are strong, concerns about rising polarisation, political violence and the representation of women and minorities continue to shape public sentiment in the run-up to polling day.

As Bangladesh heads to the polls, the significance of this election lies not just in who wins, but in whether the vote can mark a credible reset for a country that has grappled with years of political tension and contested governance.