"The Executive Committee meeting held this Saturday, July 11, 2026, decided to initiate the termination procedure for the national head coach, Mr Pape Thiaw, as well as his entire technical staff," FSF Head of Communications Bakary Cisse said.

He added that the decision followed a review of the team's recent performances and future prospects.

Senegal's football federation has also tasked FSF President Abdoulaye Fall with formally notifying Thiaw and overseeing a broader reorganisation of the country's national teams.

Senegal were knocked out in the Round of 32 of the World Cup after surrendering a 2-0 lead to Belgium before losing 3-2 after extra time.

The disappointing campaign has prompted criticism of the federation's leadership, with local reports questioning the team's preparations and raising concerns over the FSF's financial management.

Viory reports that former France international Patrick Vieira, who was born in Dakar, has been linked in local media as a possible successor to Thiaw.

Inside the Association des Sénégalais d'Amerique (ASA) office, Senegal Rekk by legendary Senegalese musician Youssou N’Dour and other songs composed for the World Cup blasted from a giant speaker. 

By kick-off, the room was packed with Senegalese, other African nationals, and fans from different countries as well as the New York City media. The chatter in the room was reduced to grunts and shouts at missed opportunities by Senegal to score in the early moments of the game. 

When Habib Diarra scored Senegal’s first goal in the 24th minute, there was an explosion of joy and hugs all around. With Senegal taking the lead, fans were hopeful they would win the match. Ismaila Sarr’s 51st-minute goal was greeted with shouts of celebration from the stores lining 116th Street. 

But the mood soon changed when Romelu Lukaku scored in the 86th minute of the game. The disappointment of Senegal’s supporters was managed as they hoped the game would end 2-1 in their favour until Youri Tielemans’ equaliser a few minutes later. And when Belgium finally took the lead in extra time, most fans knew there was no coming back. 

The drumming, singing, and euphoria that preceded the game never returned after Belgium’s first goal. As fans walked out of the viewing centre, their disappointment with the team was evident. Some blamed the coach for his choices, particularly his latter substitutions, but others felt the team as a whole did not approach the match as though they really wanted to advance to the next stage. 

Nii Akrofi Smart-Abbey is an award-winning international journalist, writer, and host of the A55 Podcast. Nii Akrofi has worked with local and international media in Ghana, Congo and the United States . He has contributed to news platforms like Zenger News, Africanews, W42ndST, and foreignpresscorrespondents.com.

The session descended into chaos after opposition MP Abdou Mbow was physically removed from the podium and escorted out by gendarmes after refusing to leave.

Opposition lawmakers said the incident reflected what they described as growing authoritarianism within the Assembly.

"The objective has been achieved. The point was to show the world that what is happening at the National Assembly is a dictatorship and an abuse of power. Gendarmes were deployed to evacuate an MP who was merely exercising a single right: the right to speak," opposition parliamentary leader Aissata Tall Sall said.

After being removed, Mbow also criticised the ruling majority.

"No security force, no army, will ever make us back down. We will continue to say no to this regime because Ousmane Sonko is a dictator. He is someone who was convicted of corrupting youth, and he is incapable of leading even a neighbourhood, let alone a National Assembly," he said.

Despite the opposition boycott, the ruling PASTEF party passed the constitutional revision bill with 129 votes in favour.

Justice Minister Moussa Sarr defended the reforms, saying they would address key constitutional issues and rebalance power between the executive and the legislature by simplifying motions of censure and limiting the president's authority to dissolve parliament.

Addressing lawmakers after the vote, National Assembly President Ousmane Sonko rejected criticism of the reforms.

"The Constitution does not belong to Bassirou Diomaye Faye. To come and say, 'No, I will no longer declare my assets at the end of my term,' or 'No, I want to be a party leader,' even though these were commitments made during a political dialogue and championed by the party," Sonko said.

The constitutional package proposes replacing the Constitutional Council with a Constitutional Court, preventing the president from leading a political party, expanding parliamentary oversight powers and reducing presidential authority.

The reforms come amid a political dispute between President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and former Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko, who was dismissed in May before later becoming Speaker of Parliament.

President Faye has said the proposed constitutional changes will be put to a national referendum following their approval by the National Assembly.

“It hurt us very, very much to know that the president dismissed the prime minister,” activist Nourdine Diallo said. “We campaigned by saying ‘Diomaye is Sonko - Sonko is Diomaye.’ This slogan was really real, it wasn’t just words.”

Some supporters compared the political split to historic divisions among African leaders.

“As an African, it’s the usual in our history ,” said Adama Fall, a PASTEF municipal councillor in Thies-Ouest. “Today, we are reliving history.”

Despite Sonko’s dismissal, supporters insisted he remained central to the movement’s future. “He will rest and come back to us in force to lead us in this revolution,” activist Maimouna Goudiaby said.

Fall accused President Faye of leading a “counter-revolution” against the movement Sonko built through the PASTEF party.

President Faye announced Sonko’s dismissal in a decree read on state television late Friday night. The decree also dissolved the government but did not name a replacement prime minister.

Sonko later reacted on social media , writing: “Praise be to Allah. Tonight I will sleep light-hearted in the city of Keur Gorgui.”

The two men rose to power together during the 2024 election after Sonko was barred from running because of legal cases he denied. Faye, backed by Sonko’s opposition movement, defeated then-president Macky Sall in a major political upset.

“By decree number 2026-1128 of May 22, 2026, the President of the Republic… has terminated the duties of Mr Ousmane Sonko, Prime Minister, and consequently those of the ministers and secretaries of state members of the government ,” Ba said.

He added that the outgoing administration would remain in charge of handling current affairs until a new government is appointed.

The presidency did not immediately announce a replacement prime minister.

Sonko reacted shortly after the announcement in a social media post, writing: “Praise be to Allah. Tonight I will sleep light-hearted in the city of Keur Gorgui.”

Relations between Faye and Sonko had reportedly deteriorated in recent months over political control, economic policy and the allocation of state contracts.

The two leaders were key allies in the 2024 presidential election, after Sonko was barred from running because of legal cases he described as politically motivated. Faye, backed by Sonko’s opposition movement, went on to defeat former President Macky Sall in a major political upset.

The Atlantic route accounted for around 9,757 deaths in 2024, making it the deadliest migratory passage in the world. Caminando Fronteras also notes the increasing cases via the Algerian/Mediterranean route, which accounted for almost half of the victims.

2025 registered a drop in illegal migration along Europe’s maritime routes. A report shows that about 17,000 migrants made it to Spain’s Canary Islands in 2025, just 40% of the previous year’s numbers. Another report indicates a drop in migrant mortality, but reveals that 70 boats disappeared with everyone on board, casting a shadow on the decline.

For the families of Senegalese migrants who brave that terrifying journey across the Atlantic on wooden boats commonly known as pirogues – only to die or disappear before reaching Spain’s Canary Islands – the crisis offers numbing anxiety and despair.

Children, whose parents vanished in the sea, have been left with limited or no care, struggling with unspoken trauma , often engaging in child labour to afford their day-to-day basic necessities. Some hang onto the hope that their parents will show up one day, a longing that gradually spirals into hopelessness and nightmares.

Eleven-year-old Sokhna’s father perished in a pirogue fire in 2022 and now lives with her equally traumatised mother. “I always think about my father when I see the sea,” she confesses to AFP, adding: “When I dream about him and I’m scared because I really feel like he’s talking to me, the next day I go see my grandmother.”

Poverty is a major push factor for Africans who opt for these dreadful journeys, seeking greener pastures on the other side of the sea. Boats keep loading beyond their capacity, despite the obvious risks.

“One day, my father told my brother and me that he wanted to go to Spain and asked us what we thought. I said to him, ‘Dad, don’t go, don’t leave me alone, I only have you and Mum’,” Sokhna recalls her father’s burning desire to seek opportunities that would enable him to take care of her then hospitalised mother and the rest of the family.

This situation reflects the reality of thousands of children in Senegal and across West and North Africa who live with unanswered questions and regrets.

Europe’s attempts to patrol its waters and provide funding to African countries to help fight illegal migration are moderately succeeding in reducing the numbers, but it does not address fundamental issues like human rights concerns : arbitrary arrests, detention of innocent people, and forced returns.

Equally noteworthy, the policy does not fix the problem’s root causes, particularly the socio-economic hardship that pushes thousands to risk precious life. With widespread corruption and management gaps, the funding is largely diverted to the benefit of political actors, offering less or no relief to the masses who bear the brunt of unemployment and deprivation.

More importantly, the EU’s approach does little to provide relief to the victims’ suffering families, which deepens poverty and inequality, thereby fuelling the continuity of the risky treks.

It is commendable that Europe acknowledges that the problem should be addressed from the source. But this realisation must be backed by robust, evidence-based actions that not only prevent illegal migrants from getting to European shores, but also foster genuine collaboration with different players in African communities, both in government and civil society. The response should aim at eradicating the push factors, especially through advancing people’s human development.

The article solely represents the views of Simpson Muhwezi, a Ugandan freelance writer and development practitioner.

Their return was marked with music , dancing and celebrations.

“It is a great source of pride to be back in our beloved country, Senegal,” said Abdoulaye Dieng, one of the freed supporters. “It was a very long and difficult ordeal. But God gave us the strength to overcome it.”

Dieng returned with Ibrahima Diop and Aziz Wade. Fifteen other Senegalese supporters remain detained in Morocco, while Senegalese authorities continue talks with Rabat to secure their release.

“Our satisfaction is not complete,” Wade said. “We are thinking of the 15 others who are still being held in Morocco.”

He called on Senegalese state and religious authorities to help secure their release.

The supporters were part of a group convicted by the Rabat Court of Appeal over violence linked to the AFCON final between Senegal and hosts Morocco.

Eighteen Senegalese fans were prosecuted on charges including public disorder, throwing projectiles and damaging stadium property. They received prison sentences ranging from three to 12 months, which were upheld on appeal.

The final was overshadowed by unrest after Senegal’s 1-0 extra-time win over Morocco. The Confederation of African Football later ruled that Senegal had forfeited the match and awarded Morocco a 3-0 victory and the title.

Lawmakers voted 128 to 11 in favour of the bill during a plenary sitting on Tuesday. The proposed law seeks to revise rules around ineligibility linked to criminal convictions, potentially changing who is permitted to stand for election under existing legislation.

The reform was tabled by the ruling majority, Pastef-Les Patriotes, which controls the National Assembly following the latest legislative cycle. The party is also central to the current administration, shaping both legislative and executive agendas.

Opposition groups have questioned the intent behind the proposal, pointing to its timing and scope. They argue that the changes could directly affect the eligibility of political figures ahead of the 2029 presidential contest, including Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko.

“This law is for one person only,” said Aissata Tall Sall, who leads the Takku Wallu Senegal Parliamentary group. She added that the bill introduces retroactive provisions which, in her view, lack a clear legal foundation.

Government officials have defended the reform, presenting it as a step to broaden democratic participation rather than restrict it. They maintain that the changes align with constitutional principles and aim to remove barriers to political engagement.

“I agree that democracy should not accept the idea of preventing people from standing for election or from exercising their right to vote,” said Interior Minister Mr Bamba Cisse. “It is time for Senegal to open itself to a new era.”

The debate comes against the backdrop of recent political developments. President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, elected in 2024, is a member of the same ruling party, although reports suggest tensions have emerged between him and Mr Sonko.

Mr Sonko was previously barred from contesting elections due to a criminal conviction, which he has described as politically motivated. The proposed changes could alter how such convictions are treated under electoral law.

The bill now moves to the president, who will decide whether to sign it into law. It may also face legal scrutiny, as opposition parties retain the option of referring it to the Constitutional Council for review.

A French man of Algerian origin was also released on Saturday after completing a three-month sentence for throwing a water bottle during the match.

The unrest erupted after the referee awarded Morocco a late penalty shortly after ruling out a Senegal goal. Senegal’s players briefly walked off the pitch in protest , while some supporters attempted to enter the field and hurled objects onto the grass.

The match later resumed, with Moroccan forward Brahim Díaz missing the penalty. Senegal eventually won 1-0 in extra time through a goal by Pape Gueye.

The controversy has continued beyond the final. On March 17, the Confederation of African Football awarded the title to Morocco, prompting Senegal to appeal the decision to the Court of Arbitration for Sport .

The issue has drawn attention because it comes after the IMF said an audit by Senegal’s Court of Auditors found “significant underreporting” of fiscal deficits and public debt between 2019 and 2023.

According to the IMF, the average fiscal deficit over that period was revised upward by 5.6 percentage points of GDP, while central government debt at the end of 2023 was revised from 74.4% to 99.7% of GDP. The Fund said the revision reflected previously undisclosed liabilities, including hidden loans equal to 25.3 percentage points of GDP. 

Those findings became central to Senegal’s discussions with the IMF after its earlier $1.8 billion programme was derailed. 

What is established on the public record is therefore twofold: Senegal’s debt and deficit figures for 2019-2023 were officially revised after an audit, and fresh questions have since arisen over the disclosure of newer financing operations. 

What has not been officially established in the same way is that the more recent €650 million transactions are identical in nature to the historical hidden liabilities identified by the audit. 

Senegal fits a broader African pattern

Senegal’s case fits into a broader African pattern in which debt distress has been worsened not only by the scale of borrowing, but by weak disclosure, delayed reporting, off-balance-sheet obligations and borrowing through state-owned entities. Across these cases, the central issue has often been whether official debt records fully captured the state’s true obligations at the time they were incurred.

Mozambique: the clearest hidden debt scandal

Mozambique remains the clearest documented example of hidden sovereign borrowing in Africa. The World Bank says the crisis erupted in 2016 after the discovery of previously undisclosed debts linked to three state-owned companies. Those companies contracted more than $2 billion in debt in 2013 and 2014, backed by government guarantees issued without parliamentary approval. The Bank said about $1.3 billion of that debt remained undisclosed until 2016. 

The consequences in Mozambique were severe and immediate. Donor confidence collapsed, external support was suspended, and the country entered a fiscal and debt crisis that became one of the continent’s most prominent debt scandals. Later legal proceedings reinforced the scale of the case. In 2024, London High Court rulings and legal summaries said Mozambique was entitled to about $825 million from Emirati-Lebanese multinational shipbuilding group Privinvest and related parties, plus an indemnity for future liabilities estimated at about $1.5 billion in litigation tied to the $2 billion borrowing scheme. 

Republic of Congo: oil-backed debt and incomplete reporting

A joint World Bank-IMF debt sustainability analysis said Congo had weaknesses in public debt management and claims reporting, highlighted by the disclosure in June 2017 of oil-backed loans contracted between 2014 and 2015. 

The analysis said the debt stock included oil-backed debt contracted by the state oil company Société Nationale des Pétroles du Congo (SNPC) and guaranteed by the central government. It also said some liabilities, including debt from other state-owned enterprises and non-guaranteed SNPC debt, were not included because information was limited. 

Congo’s case showed how borrowing routed through a state-owned oil company and backed by future oil revenues could complicate the visibility of public obligations. IMF and World Bank documents linked those reporting weaknesses to the country’s debt distress and restructuring challenges. 

Zambia: incomplete disclosure of creditor exposure

In 2021, Reuters, citing research by the China Africa Research Initiative, reported that Zambia’s debt to Chinese public and private lenders was about $6.6 billion, nearly double the amount previously disclosed by the former government. 

The same reporting said Chinese banks and funds had disbursed $7.77 billion in loans to Zambia and its state-owned enterprises from 2000 to August 2021, of which at least $1.2 billion had been repaid. The researchers said this did not change Zambia’s total debt load, but showed that the previous authorities had not been transparent about the heavy weight of Chinese financiers among external creditors. 

That distinction matters because not all transparency failures take the form of secret loans missing entirely from headline debt statistics. In Zambia, the issue was also the composition of the debt, the role of state-owned enterprises, and the scale of exposure to one creditor group, all of which became more important once the country entered default and restructuring talks required a clearer picture of the debt stock.

Debt transparency concerns are widening

The wider context is that international institutions have warned that public debt is becoming harder to track as governments use more complex financing arrangements. 

The World Bank said in its 2025 Radical Debt Transparency report that while the share of low-income countries publishing some debt data has risen from below 60% in 2020 to above 75%, only 25% disclose loan-level information on newly contracted debt. 

They also said that complex financing arrangements have complicated debt reporting, indicating that the issue is not only whether debt data is published, but also how much detail is made public.

But World Reframed is made of sterner stuff so we decided to enter the Jollof Wars.

What is Jollof rice?

At its core, Jollof rice is a one-pot dish made with rice, tomatoes, peppers, onions, and a blend of spices. Simple on paper.

In reality, it is anything but.

Across West Africa , Jollof is a symbol. It sits at the centre of celebrations, gatherings, and everyday life. In countries like Ghana and Nigeria, no event feels complete without it. It is not just a dish - it is a statement.

Where did Jollof come from?

Historically, Senegal is widely credited as the origin of Jollof rice, linked to the Wollof people of Senegal and The Gambia.

Interestingly, in Senegal it is not even called Jollof. The dish is known as Thieboudienne, pronounced Chee-boo-Jen, and is typically made with fish and vegetables in a more stew-like style.

But while Senegal may have started the story, the loudest voices in the modern debate belong to Ghana and Nigeria.

When the debate went global

For years, the Jollof debate lived online. Then in 2017, it spilled into the real world.

Festivals and competitions were held in cities like Accra, Lagos, and even Washington DC, turning a cultural rivalry into an international spectacle.

The results only added fuel to the fire:

Yes, no tomatoes. Chaos.

And Ghana? No wins that year. A detail quietly left in the past.

Fast forward to 2025, and Nigeria secured another major victory - this time in Accra itself. For Ghanaians, that one stung.

So what is the difference?

Despite the arguments, each version of Jollof rice reflects its country’s culinary identity.

Ghana Jollof

Nigeria Jollof

Senegal (Thieboudienne)

Gambia Jollof

So yes - everyone is doing something different. And still arguing about who does it best.

The recipe: Ghana Jollof rice

If you want to understand the debate, you have to try it yourself.

Step 1 - The base

Blend tomatoes, onions, peppers, garlic, and ginger into a smooth mixture.

Step 2 - The stew

Fry tomato paste with onions, then add the blended mixture. Let it cook down until thick, rich, and deeply flavoured.

Step 3 - Seasoning

Add spices such as curry powder, thyme, and bay leaves. Pour in your protein stock for depth.

Step 4 - The rice

Add washed rice directly into the stew, allowing it to absorb all the flavour.

Step 5 - The magic

Cook on low heat with a tight cover. Let it steam, not boil.

The secret is patience and balance. Ghana Jollof is not aggressive - it is confident.

More than food

Jollof rice has moved beyond the plate. It appears in music, pop culture, and everyday language. Entire songs have been written about it, sometimes as humour, sometimes as rivalry, sometimes even as metaphor.

It is food, but it is also storytelling.

So who actually has the best Jollof?

Ask a Ghanaian, and the answer is obvious. Ask a Nigerian, and you will get the same certainty.

Ask anyone else, and you may get a diplomatic response.

Perhaps that is the real point.

The Jollof Wars are not about winning. They are about pride, identity, and the joy of sharing something deeply rooted in culture . There are no casualties - only full stomachs and bruised egos.

And if even the King of England and the King of YouTube refuse to choose a side, perhaps you do not need to either.

World Reframed episode 34

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

Rather than using a conventional loan, Senegal relied on total return swaps, a complex financial tool that can provide cash upfront while keeping the arrangement less visible in standard public-debt disclosures. In broad terms, Senegal pledged rights tied to government bonds in exchange for immediate funding, with lenders protected by collateral worth more than the cash advanced.

Under the AFC arrangement, Senegal could access up to €350 million, beginning with €105 million backed by €150 million worth of bonds and interest costs above a floating rate, the documents indicate. In a separate FAB deal, Senegal secured about €300 million by pledging roughly €400 million in bonds, also with additional interest costs. Both arrangements are expected to run until 2028.

The structure has raised concerns because it can create hidden liabilities and sharp repayment risks. The deals reportedly include conditions that may allow lenders to demand early repayment if Senegal’s credit ratings drop below certain thresholds, adding pressure at a time when ratings have already been downgraded. Other clauses could increase costs if Senegal runs into repayment trouble.

Senegal has previously faced scrutiny over undisclosed borrowing linked to a prior administration.

The bookmaker confirmed that all payouts will remain intact and that it will not reverse winnings already issued to Senegal backers.

After the pomp and pageantry that greeted Senegal’s national football team back home in Dakar and the extra celebration for some of the players back at their respective football clubs, the decision of CAF’s Appeal Board has rubbed many football fans the wrong way. 

The Appeal Board’s decision, published on Tuesday March 17, noted that in applying “Article 84 of the Regulations of the CAF Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON), the Senegal National Team is declared to have forfeited the Final Match of the TotalEnergies CAF Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) Morocco 2025 (“the Match”), with the result of the Match being recorded as 3–0 in favour of the Fédération Royale Marocaine de Football (FRMF).”

But the Board’s interpretation of article 84 has come under scrutiny from many analysts and fans alike. CAF’s Disciplinary Board, responsible for enforcing its regulations, investigated the outcome of the tournament and upheld the 1-0 victory, which led to Senegal being crowned continental champions. So why did the Appeal Board decide to apply article 84, and what is contained in that article?

Article 84 of the CAF regulations states: “The team which contravenes provisions of articles 82 and 83 shall be eliminated for good from the competition. This team will lose the match 3-0 unless the opponent has achieved a more advantageous result at the time the match was interrupted; in this case, the score will be maintained. The Organising Committee may adopt further measures.”

The Board’s statement also noted that it found that “the conduct of the Senegal team falls within the scope of Articles 82 and 84 of the Regulations of the Africa Cup of Nations.”

And that is where many have a problem. Former CAF Disciplinary Board member, Raymond Hack, speaking on Robert Marawa’s football show on Wednesday, March 18, pointed out that a crucial component of article 84 may have been overlooked by the Board.

“They (Appeal Board) based their decision on article 82, which says that if a team goes off the field of play without the authority of the referee, article 84 comes into play,” Hack said.

“But they didn’t read article 84 too well. Article 84 says the team that contravenes article 82 AND article 83 will be eliminated from the competition. It doesn’t say the provisions of articles 82 or 83. It says articles 82 and 83 and that’s where they award the three points or 3-0.”

Article 82 of the CAF regulations states: “If, for any reason whatsoever, a team withdraws from the competition or does not report for a match, or refuses to play or leaves the ground before the regular end of the match without authorisation of the referee, it shall be considered the loser and shall be eliminated for good from the current competition. The same shall apply for the teams previously disqualified by decision of CAF.”

Article 83, on the other hand, states: “A team that shall not be present on the ground, dressed to play at the time fixed for kick-off or at most 15 minutes later, shall forfeit the match. The referee shall register the absence of the team and shall write it in his report. The Organising Committee shall take the final decision in this respect.”

So if article 84 kicks in when articles 82 and 83 have been violated, then the Appeal Board should probably not have invoked it at all in this matter. Senegal’s walk-off was in the final minutes of the match - not at the beginning nor 15 minutes after the scheduled kick-off - therefore article 83 does not apply. So if that does not apply, what else did the Appeals Board miss which led them to invoke article 84 anyway?

“The point they’re all missing is [that] the referee’s decision in terms of article 6 of the CAF disciplinary code is final,” Hack said. “So when is final? If you look in terms of the IFAB rules, whether it be 5.2, where it talks about the referee, the game is finished when the referee blows the whistle for it being finished.”

Considering all this, it begs the question of whether the CAF Appeal Board is misinterpreting the confederation’s regulations. Sports journalist Benedict Owusu said such differences in interpretation of the law are common. So is the Appeal Board suggesting that the referee, as an arbiter of the match, no longer has the authority to make a final determination in the match he or she oversees?

Crucially, what does this all mean for African football?

Benedict Owusu has covered African football extensively, including multiple AFCON and World Cup tournaments. He says the Board’s decision puts African football in a bad light.

“There is no hiding from this, it’s an absolute embarrassment not only for football but for the continent,” he said. “AFCON is a tournament many people outside the continent have tried to downplay, and this embarrassment fuels those people to continue spreading their negativity about it. The level of attention this news has received worldwide should tell you where this has gotten to, and it is sad that it is for the wrong reasons.”

Senegal’s football federation, in a reaction to the Board’s decision, said it denounced “this unfair, unprecedented, and unacceptable decision, which discredits African football. To defend its rights and the interests of Senegalese football, the Federation will initiate an appeal as soon as possible before the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) in Lausanne.”

The fallout from the CAF Appeals Board’s decision has been swift. There are calls on social media for the nine members of the Appeal Board to be sacked. On Thursday, a video of a news conference surfaced on social media showing Djibouti’s representative on the Appeal Board, Mohamed Robleh Djama, and two others. Djama distanced himself from the decision to strip Senegal of the title, saying he was neither present nor took part in the decision-making process.

While Senegal prepares to present its case to CAS, which some fans on social media are certain will lead to an overturn of the CAF Appeal Board’s decision, Benedict Owusu says, “This will never go away, even if it gets overturned again. The damage has already been caused, and it will be hard to repair it. The tournament’s reputation and CAF’s are in tatters. At this point, you cannot begrudge anyone who talks down on the AFCON. It is a mess, a really big mess.”

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Nii Akrofi Smart-Abbey is an award-winning international journalist, writer, and host of the A55 Podcast. Nii Akrofi has worked with local and international media in Ghana, Congo and the United States. He has contributed to news platforms like Zenger News, Africanews, W42ndST, and foreignpresscorrespondents.com.

The occasion was a state banquet held in honour of Bola Ahmed Tinubu, marking the first visit by a Nigerian leader to Britain in nearly four decades. Tinubu and First Lady Oluremi Tinubu were received with full ceremony on March 17, complete with a guard of honour — a fitting welcome for the head of Africa’s most populous nation.

That evening, around 160 guests gathered in St. George’s Hall, including Prime Minister Keir Starmer and the Prince and Princess of Wales, Prince William and Catherine, Princess of Wales. The long tables were set with elaborate displays from the Royal Collection.

Opening his speech with the greeting “Ramadan Mubarak,” the King nodded to Nigeria’s religious diversity before recalling his 2018 visit to the country. He then turned, lightly, to a subject that is anything but trivial in West African circles: jollof rice.

“I was delighted to host a rather lively group for a ‘Jollof and Tea’ party,” he said, referring to a recent reception at St. James’s Palace. “I was firmly assured that the jollof was only the best: Nigerian, of course… or perhaps Ghanaian or Senegalese.”

“Diplomatically, I cannot remember,” the King quipped, drawing laughter.

For decades, the so-called “jollof wars” have pitted countries against one another in a spirited contest over whose recipe reigns supreme. 

For decades, the so-called “ jollof wars ” have pitted countries against one another in a spirited contest over whose recipe reigns supreme.

Nigerians champion a smoky, party-style version; Ghanaians argue for a richer flavour; Senegal, widely considered the dish’s originator, traces it to thieboudienne.

What may seem like a playful rivalry has also helped push West African cuisine into the global spotlight. Social media has amplified the debate, turning it into a wider conversation that travels well beyond the region.

Research suggests that the rivalry does more than entertain. The study describes the “jollof war” as an “occasionally fierce online debate” that has spread widely on social media, particularly between Nigerians and Ghanaians.

Far from being purely divisive, it argues that these exchanges are “harnessing West African culinary soft power” — effectively turning everyday arguments about food into a form of cultural promotion.

As for the King, his answer was carefully balanced. In the jollof debate, even a monarch appears to know better than to take sides.

The move comes as Senegal pushes back against CAF’s appeal ruling and prepares to take the dispute to the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS). Senegal’s football federation has said it will challenge the decision after CAF overturned the result of the final against Morocco.

CAF, in a ruling issued March 17, 2026, said it upheld an appeal filed by the Fédération Royale Marocaine de Football (FRMF) relating to Match No. 52 of AFCON Morocco 2025. The CAF Appeals Jury declared Morocco’s appeal admissible and overturned an earlier decision by CAF’s Disciplinary Jury on procedural grounds, saying Morocco’s right to be heard had not been respected during the initial proceedings.

After reviewing the case, CAF said Senegal’s conduct during the final breached Articles 82 and 84 of the tournament regulations, which deal with misconduct and forfeiture. CAF ruled that Senegal forfeited the match and recorded the final as a 3 - 0 win for Morocco, effectively handing the hosts the title.

The controversy stems from chaotic scenes late in the final in Rabat on January 19, when Senegalese players briefly left the pitch after a disallowed goal and a penalty awarded to Morocco. CAF’s appeal body said the walk-off amounted to a forfeitable offence under the rules.

Senegal’s federation has rejected the ruling and vowed to seek relief at CAS. Senegalese officials have also indicated they will not return the trophy while the case is pending, insisting the matter should be settled through international arbitration.

But the football almost became a side story. Because this final had everything: tension before kick-off, drama in stoppage time, a full-on pitch walk-off.  a failed “Panenka” penalty, and a moment of leadership that stopped the whole game from falling apart.

The trouble started before the first whistle.

Senegal’s Football Federation (FSF) raised “serious concerns” about security. They claimed their team bus had been swarmed by fans, and said they were even denied access to a training pitch at Morocco’s base. That alone was enough to create a hostile build-up, but the heat didn’t stop there.

On social media , the debates grew louder by the day. People argued over referee appointments, and there were accusations that Morocco was being given favourable treatment as tournament hosts. By the time players stepped out onto the pitch, it already felt like more than just a football match.

Despite the noise around it, the game itself stayed tight for most of the normal time.

For 90 minutes, no side had drawn first blood. Although it wasn’t a match full of goals or chaos early on, it was tense, cagey, and hanging on a knife-edge.

But as the clock ran out, that pressure didn’t disappear. 

The final completely lost control in the 98th minute.

Senegal head coach Pape Thiaw was already enraged after Congolese referee Jean-Jacques disallowed a close-range goal by Crystal Palace forward Ismaila Sarr, judging there was a foul in the build-up.

Then came the moment that pushed everything over the edge.

Ndala was advised by the Video Assistant Referee (VAR) to award Morocco a penalty for a challenge by Senegalese defender El Hadji Malick Diouf on Real Madrid forward Brahim Diaz. And Thiaw snapped.

In a move Morocco coach Walid Regragui called “shameful,” Thiaw ushered his players off the field in protest. Senegal walked toward the tunnel, and for around 17 to 20 minutes, the match was suspended while the football world stared in disbelief.

Even FIFA President Gianni Infantino, watching from the stands, later condemned the scenes, calling them “ugly” and unacceptable.

For a final, it was unheard of. And for African football, it was a moment that threatened to leave a stain far beyond one night.

While Senegal walked off, Sadio Mane stayed on the pitch.

Mane was credited with persuading his teammates to come back and finish the match.

Later, he explained, “It would be crazy to not play this game because... the referee gave a penalty.”

He also said he’d rather lose than see African football damaged by abandonment.

But it wasn't to be. The match was subsequently deemed to have been abandoned by Senegal, and the Confederation of African Football awarded a 3-0 win to Morocco.

When play returned in the 20th minute of stoppage time, Morocco had the perfect chance to win the title.

Their star man, Brahim Diaz, the tournament’s top scorer, stepped up.

And instead of going safe, he must have listened to the voices in his head, afterall, he had been on fire the entire tournament, what could go wrong?

The Spanish-born forward, who switched allegiance just 3 years ago, saw himself delivering the second AFCON title to the Atlas Lions after a 50-year wait.

Brahim Diaz tried the one penalty technique that had befallen many famous footballers before him: the “Panenka”.

Senegal goalkeeper Edouard Mendy read it easily and caught it. Just like that, the chance was gone — and Morocco’s momentum went with it.

That miss didn’t just waste a penalty. It swung the entire final toward Senegal.

Senegal entered extra time with a different energy. Just three minutes into extra time, Villarreal midfielder Pape Gueye stepped up and smashed in what was described as a “piledriver” left-footed strike from the edge of the box.

It flew straight into the top corner.

Morocco tried to respond with desperate attacks, and Brahim Diaz even had a close-range effort saved by Mendy. But Senegal held firm, protected their lead, and saw out the game.

When the final whistle came, it was over. Senegal were champions again.

Back home, the reaction was immediate.

The win triggered “ecstasy” in Dakar, and celebrations spread fast. Senegal’s President Bassirou Diomaye Faye declared Monday a public holiday, giving the country space to properly celebrate the achievement.

After the dust settled, one name stood above the rest: Sadio Mane.

He was named AFCON 2025 Player of the Tournament.

And even though he wasn’t the top scorer — that honour went to Brahim Diaz, who finished with five goals — Mane was praised by the Confederation of African Football (CAF) for his leadership and calmness, especially during the final’s most volatile moments.

At 33 years old, and with speculation growing that this might be his last AFCON, the award felt like a tribute as much as a prize.

When Mane lifted the trophy — handed to him by captain Kalidou Koulibaly — it closed the curtain on a tournament that was as controversial as it was historic.

After reviewing the case, the Appeals Jury ruled that Senegal’s conduct during the final breached Articles 82 and 84 of AFCON regulations on misconduct and forfeiture. CAF said Senegal was sanctioned and the match was awarded to Morocco by forfeit, recorded as a 3-0 victory for the hosts.

The decision stems from chaotic scenes late in the final in Rabat on January 19, when Senegalese players briefly left the pitch after a disallowed goal and a penalty awarded to Morocco. CAF ruled the walk-off amounted to a forfeitable offence under the tournament rules.

Senegal’s Fédération Sénégalaise de Football (FSF) rejected the ruling, calling it “unfair, unprecedented and unacceptable” and warning it damages the credibility of African football. The federation said it will appeal to the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) in Lausanne, Switzerland, to overturn CAF’s verdict and defend Senegal’s interests.

“With the case now heading to international arbitration,” the FSF said it would keep the public informed, as the dispute escalates into one of the most controversial decisions linked to AFCON 2025.

"The CAF Appeal Board decided that in application of Article 84 of the Regulations of the CAF Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON), the Senegal National Team is declared to have forfeited the Final Match... with the result of the Match being recorded as 3–0 in favour of the Fédération Royale Marocaine de Football (FRMF)."

The ruling reverses an earlier decision by the CAF Disciplinary Board, which had dismissed a protest from the Moroccan federation and upheld Senegal’s victory.

On the field, Senegal had originally won the match 1–0 after extra time, with Pape Gueye scoring the decisive goal. Morocco had an opportunity to win during regular time, but Brahim Díaz missed a "Panenka" penalty in the final moments of the match.

Before the Appeal Board’s decision, both teams had already been sanctioned by the Disciplinary Board for "unsporting conduct" and breaches of "fair play and integrity".

Senegal head coach Pape Bouna Thiaw received a five-match suspension and a fine of USD 100,000 for bringing the game into disrepute. Players Iliman Ndiaye and Ismaila Sarr were handed two-match suspensions for their conduct towards the referee. The Senegalese federation (FSF) was also fined a total of USD 615,000 for the behaviour of supporters and staff, as well as multiple cautions during the match.

Morocco also faced penalties. Achraf Hakimi was suspended for two matches, with one suspended, while Ismaël Saibari received a three-match ban and a USD 100,000 fine. The FRMF was fined USD 200,000 for ball boy misconduct and USD 100,000 for interference by players and staff in the VAR review area.

Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko announced on Tuesday, February 24, in the National Assembly, the tabling of a bill aimed at increasing penalties for homosexual relations in Senegal. The proposed legislation would raise prison sentences from the current one to five years to a range of five to ten years. The announcement comes amid renewed arrests linked to “unnatural acts” and intentional transmission of HIV, reigniting debate over the country’s legal framework. The government’s approach has generated mixed reactions. Alioune Badara Coulibaly, spokesperson for the APR, criticised the move, arguing that it falls short of earlier commitments to criminalise homosexuality. He stated that the proposal appears to focus on strengthening existing penalties rather than undertaking a broader legal overhaul aligned with prior electoral promises.

Sonko condemns Morocco’s jailing of 18 Senegalese AFCON fans

Prime Minister Sonko has denounced Morocco’s sentencing of 18 Senegalese football supporters following incidents during the Africa Cup of Nations final in Rabat on January 19. The match was briefly suspended after Senegal players protested a late penalty decision in favour of Morocco, prompting some supporters to attempt to enter the pitch. The 18 fans were arrested and later sentenced to prison terms ranging from three months to one year, alongside fines of up to 5,000 dirhams ($545). Addressing parliament on February 24, Sonko said the matter appeared to go beyond sport and described the situation as regrettable between two friendly nations. He indicated that Senegal would seek a royal pardon from King Mohammed VI or request that the supporters serve their sentences in Senegal under existing bilateral agreements. The Senegal Football Association described the penalties as “incomprehensibly harsh", while defence lawyer Patrick Kabou said his clients denied wrongdoing and had initially awaited clarification of the charges. Some detainees reportedly went on a hunger strike. Senegal went on to win the final 1–0 after extra time when the match resumed.

Arrests reported in alleged homosexual networks 

Senegalese authorities have dismantled what has been described as a suspected homosexual network in Saint-Louis. According to local reports , three men aged between 43 and 52 are under investigation by the Research Section, with efforts ongoing to identify additional suspects. In Dakar, the first chamber of the Pikine-Guédiawaye court ordered the detention of four individuals identified as Abdourahmane Cissé, Abdoul Diop, known as “Dabakh”, Saliou Mbaye, known as “Zale”, and Mansour Baldé, known as “Zo Baldé”. The arrests come amid the National Assembly's tabling of a bill aimed at increasing penalties for homosexual relations.

Civil society seeks royal pardon for fans detained in Morocco

Justice Without Borders (JSF) on February 24 formally appealed to King Mohammed VI of Morocco to grant a royal pardon to 18 Senegalese football fans convicted following incidents at Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium in Rabat. The organisation cited Article 58 of Morocco’s Constitution, which grants the sovereign the power of pardon, noting that the supporters’ convictions are final after they waived their right to appeal. JSF President El Amath Thiam framed the request within the context of longstanding diplomatic and historical ties between Senegal and Morocco. While affirming respect for Moroccan judicial sovereignty, the organisation expressed hope that clemency would offer a second chance to the supporters convicted under laws criminalising violence at sporting events.

Business leaders push for stronger public-private partnership at agricultural show

Senegalese business and institutional leaders are advocating a performance-driven model of participation at the International Agricultural Show (SIA). During working sessions at the Exhibition Park, stakeholders emphasised the need to translate exhibition presence into concrete investments and export contracts. Representatives from major institutions, including SAED, the Autonomous Port of Dakar, CNAAS, LBA, ITA, and FONGIP, took part in discussions alongside interprofessional organisations representing maize, cassava, rice, tomato, onion, and cowpea sectors. The delegation also visited Côte d’Ivoire’s pavilion, with Mboup highlighting the importance of synergy between government institutions and the private sector as a model for strengthening Senegal’s agricultural development.

The bill still requires a vote in the National Assembly, but Sonko’s party controls parliament.

Sonko said the government could toughen penalties without reclassifying the offence as a more serious crime. “We can achieve the intended objectives without going so far as to elevate the acts,” he said.

The proposed amendments also relate to child sexual abuse, an issue that campaigners say is often conflated with same-sex relations in public debate. Sonko told lawmakers, “If the act is committed with a minor, the maximum sentence will be imposed.”

Rights groups have warned that conditions for LGBTQ+ people have worsened in recent years. Human Rights Watch said the detention of 12 men in Dakar in February on charges including “acts against nature” has heightened fears and stigma, particularly amid sensational media coverage.

There is no indication that any of the lobbying activities were illegal.

The files indicate that Epstein met Wade and travelled with him on his private jet in 2011. As minister for air transport, among other roles, Wade appears to have personally secured landing permission for Epstein.

After his father's defeat to Macky Sall in the 2012 election Wade was imprisoned on corruption charges, which he claimed were politically motivated. He was also fined the equivalent of $228 million. Shortly after the Supreme Court rejected his appeal, Wade's personal assistant contacted Epstein , asking him to pay a legal firm to lobby for the US to intervene.

Subsequent emails suggest that as the bill rose to $150,000, Epstein asked Wade's representatives to forward him payment so he could settle the bill. They then a sked if they could pay in cash instead of wiring the money.

Further correspondence shows the law firm Nelson Mullins informing Epstein of an opportunity to contact members of Congress to help push the case. That email came a month before Sall announced he would pardon and free Wade, who subsequently moved to Qatar.

“Tonight, I would like to announce that South Africa will be hosting the 2026 WAFCON, which we all know is a qualifying tournament for the 2027 Women’s World Cup in Brazil,” Mabe said .

Morocco hosted WAFCON in both 2022 and 2024 and was scheduled to host it once more in 2026, making it the first country to achieve this feat three consecutive times. Their exit comes just 60 days before the tournament was scheduled to begin. South Africa now has a limited timeframe to prepare for the competition, which is set to run from 17 March to 3 April 2026. 

The event will feature an expanded 16-team format and serve as a qualification pathway for the 2027 FIFA Women’s World Cup in Brazil. All four semi-finalist teams will earn automatic qualification for the global tournament.

Morocco’s exit linked to AFCON fallout

Although no formal statement has been issued by either the Confederation of African Football (CAF) or Moroccan authorities, Morocco’s withdrawal is widely believed to be related to tensions following the 2025 Men’s Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON). The men's tournament, hosted by Morocco, ended in a high-stakes final where Senegal defeated the host nation 1–0 in extra time.

The result has reportedly triggered internal pressure within Morocco to step back from hosting CAF competitions in the near term.

CAF sanctions

Following the controversial final, CAF’s Disciplinary Board has imposed a series of sanctions on both the Fédération Royale Marocaine de Football (FRMF) and the Fédération Sénégalaise de Football (FSF), citing breaches of the Disciplinary Code. These included violations related to fair play, integrity, and respect for match officials.

The FRMF faced US$315,000 in fines for the inappropriate behaviour of ball boys, players and staff interfering in the VAR review area, and the use of lasers by fans, while CAF officially dismissed Morocco's protest to overturn the final result

The FSF also received US$615,000 in fines for the improper conduct of supporters and staff, as well as team cautions; most notably, Senegal’s head coach, Pape Bouna Thiaw, was handed a five-match suspension and a US$ 100,000 fine.

Senegal, despite winning the final 1–0 after extra time, was penalised for conduct both on and off the pitch. 

The Senegalese national team head coach, Mr Pape Bouna Thiaw, received a five-match suspension from official CAF competitions. He was also fined USD 100,000 for what CAF described as “unsporting conduct in violation of the CAF Disciplinary Code principles of fair play and integrity and for bringing the game into disrepute”.

Two Senegalese players, Iliman Cheikh Baroy Ndiaye and Ismaila Sarr, were each suspended for two CAF matches for unsporting behaviour towards the referee.

The FSF received further disciplinary measures. The federation was fined USD 300,000 for the “improper conduct of its supporters, which brought the game into disrepute in violation of the CAF Disciplinary Code principles of fair play and integrity”. Another USD 300,000 fine was imposed for the “unsporting conduct of their players and technical staff in violation of the CAF Disciplinary Code principles of fair play, loyalty and integrity”. Additionally, CAF levied a USD 15,000 fine for the team receiving five cautions during the match.

The Moroccan federation also faced disciplinary actions. Star player Achraf Hakimi was suspended for two matches, with one match suspended under a one-year probationary period. Midfielder Ismaël Saibari was suspended for three matches and fined USD 100,000.

CAF sanctioned the FRMF for various conduct and organisational issues. A fine of USD 200,000 was issued due to the inappropriate behaviour of the stadium’s ball boys. The FRMF was also fined USD 100,000 after Moroccan players and technical staff entered the VAR review area and interfered with the referee’s duties, breaching Articles 82 and 83 of the CAF Disciplinary Code. A further USD 15,000 fine was imposed for the use of lasers by Moroccan supporters during the match.

CAF also dismissed a protest filed by the FRMF, which had challenged Senegal’s conduct and sought to overturn the final result. The disciplinary board ruled the appeal lacked merit, thereby confirming Senegal as the AFCON 2025 champions.

The final itself , held at the Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium in Rabat, was defined by high tension, including a missed "Panenka" penalty by Morocco's Brahim Díaz in the dying minutes of regular time before Pape Gueye secured the win for the Teranga Lions in extra time.

As if the so-called “towel-gate” scandal during the final game hadn’t generated enough tension between the two teams, coach Pape Thiaw’s decision to have Senegal’s players walk off the field in protest of a contentious Video Assisted Referee (VAR) awarded penalty has left fans divided.

Across social media, many who support Senegal’s walk-off believe it is justified as they point to moments throughout the tournament when they felt Morocco had been given undue advantage by referees and being spared punishment even for fouls they committed.

The fans have criticised the Confederation of African Football (CAF) for poor officiating and criticised FIFA president Gianni Infantino for taking sides by calling out Senegal for their walkout, but not the Moroccan fans.

“Unfortunately, we also witnessed unacceptable scenes on the field and in the stands,” Infantino wrote on Instagram as part of his message congratulating Senegal for their win and Morocco’s hosting of the tournament. “We strongly condemn the behaviour of some 'supporters' as well as some Senegalese players and technical staff members. It is unacceptable to leave the field of play in this manner, and equally, violence cannot be tolerated in our sport, it is simply not right.”

Since the tournament wrapped, Pape Thiaw has apologised for calling on his players to walk off. The Moroccan football federation, on the other hand, has hinted at its plans to pursue legal action over their final match with Senegal, indicating that the 15-minute delay in play impacted the result.

While CAF has condemned the “unacceptable behaviour from some players and officials” in a statement, it has not stated what form of punishment, if any, Senegal would face. CAF’s statement noted that it was “reviewing all footage and will refer the matter to competent bodies for appropriate action to be taken against those found guilty.”

The question on many minds, therefore, is what kind of punishment Senegal is likely to face.

Many commentators have pointed to FIFA regulations that call for a docking of 3 points from the team that walks off during a match. That rule references when a team walks off the pitch and decides not to continue the game. In this case, Senegal returned to finish the game. So do they lose three points?

Sports journalist Benedict Owusu says it is not likely, as this was the final match of the tournament.

But will there be punishment? It is highly likely that there would be some form of punishment based on CAF’s review of footage from the match, and those who are identified as culprits. Benedict explains that punishment in this case could be monetary .

“Potential punishments from CAF could be heavy financial fines, long-term suspensions for coaching staff, and key players who disrupted the game. It could be 4–6 matches and potential disqualification from future tournaments.”

That is likely to be the extent of the punishment, as this was a CAF-related event and not FIFA. “The only time a punishment from a CAF tournament is carried over to a FIFA tournament is for player sanctions. So, for instance, if a player was red-carded in the final or in the qualifiers, that player will serve the ban should their team qualify for the World Cup,” Benedict adds.

While CAF pores over video footage of the final match before reaching a decision, the Teranga Lions of Senegal can focus their energies on the upcoming World Cup this summer. The only worry they may have would be about the ever-changing and expanding US immigration policy. Senegal and the Ivory Coast, which have both qualified for the World Cup, were among the 15 African nations slapped with partial bans from entering the United States in December.

It is highly unlikely that Senegal will play their World Cup matches in half-empty stadiums as there is a sizeable Senegalese population in the United States. That aside, the large Senegalese diaspora in France, especially those with French passports, will be able to travel to the US, probably with less scrutiny than those with Senegalese passports.

In African football, the fans have always been the 12 th player on the team. For many fans, being able to watch their national team play in person is akin to a religious experience that is miles away from the television experience. It is why, despite the many challenges with air travel in Africa, thousands of fans still found their way to Morocco to support their national teams.

Unfortunately, that may not be the case this summer as nearly 30 African countries face full or partial travel bans to the US. But whether at the stadium or on television, the one thing that is certain for now is that the Teranga Lions are the new champions of African football, and many would look up to them for a repeat of what happened in Rabat. Not the walkout, but victory in all their matches and possibly best Morocco’s 2022 semi-final finish at the global tournament.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Nii Akrofi Smart-Abbey is an award-winning international journalist, writer, and host of the A55 Podcast. Nii Akrofi has worked with local and international media in Ghana, Congo and the United States. He has contributed to news platforms like Zenger News, Africanews, W42ndST, and foreignpresscorrespondents.com.

But the football almost became a side story. Because this final had everything: tension before kick-off, drama in stoppage time, a full-on pitch walk-off, a failed “Panenka” penalty, and a moment of leadership that stopped the whole game from falling apart.

The trouble started before the first whistle.

Senegal’s Football Federation (FSF) raised “serious concerns” about security. They claimed their team bus had been swarmed by fans, and said they were even denied access to a training pitch at Morocco’s base. That alone was enough to create a hostile build-up, but the heat didn’t stop there.

On social media , the debates grew louder by the day. People argued over referee appointments, and there were accusations that Morocco was being given favourable treatment as tournament hosts. By the time players stepped out onto the pitch, it already felt like more than just a football match.

Despite the noise around it, the game itself stayed tight for most of the normal time.

For 90 minutes, no side had drawn first blood. Although it wasn’t a match full of goals or chaos early on, it was tense, cagey, and hanging on a knife-edge.

But as the clock ran out, that pressure didn’t disappear. 

The final completely lost control in the 98th minute.

Senegal head coach Pape Thiaw was already enraged after Congolese referee Jean-Jacques disallowed a close-range goal by Crystal Palace forward Ismaila Sarr, judging there was a foul in the build-up.

Then came the moment that pushed everything over the edge.

Ndala was advised by the Video Assistant Referee (VAR) to award Morocco a penalty for a challenge by Senegalese defender El Hadji Malick Diouf on Real Madrid forward Brahim Diaz. And Thiaw snapped.

In a move Morocco coach Walid Regragui called “shameful,” Thiaw ushered his players off the field in protest. Senegal walked toward the tunnel, and for around 17 to 20 minutes, the match was suspended while the football world stared in disbelief.

Even FIFA President Gianni Infantino, watching from the stands, later condemned the scenes, calling them “ugly” and unacceptable.

For a final, it was unheard of. And for African football, it was a moment that threatened to leave a stain far beyond one night.

While Senegal walked off, Sadio Mane stayed on the pitch.

Mane was credited with persuading his teammates to come back and finish the match.

Later, he explained, “It would be crazy to not play this game because... the referee gave a penalty.”

He also said he’d rather lose than see African football damaged by abandonment.

When play returned in the 20th minute of stoppage time, Morocco had the perfect chance to win the title.

Their star man, Brahim Diaz, the tournament’s top scorer, stepped up.

And instead of going safe, he must have listened to the voices in his head, afterall, he had been on fire the entire tournament, what could go wrong?

The Spanish-born forward, who switched allegiance just 3 years ago, saw himself delivering the second AFCON title to the Atlas Lions after a 50-year wait.

Brahim Diaz tried the one penalty technique that had befallen many famous footballers before him: the “Panenka”.

Senegal goalkeeper Edouard Mendy read it easily and caught it. Just like that, the chance was gone — and Morocco’s momentum went with it.

That miss didn’t just waste a penalty. It swung the entire final toward Senegal.

Senegal entered extra time with a different energy. Just three minutes into extra time, Villarreal midfielder Pape Gueye stepped up and smashed in what was described as a “piledriver” left-footed strike from the edge of the box.

It flew straight into the top corner.

Morocco tried to respond with desperate attacks, and Brahim Diaz even had a close-range effort saved by Mendy. But Senegal held firm, protected their lead, and saw out the game.

When the final whistle came, it was over. Senegal were champions again.

Back home, the reaction was immediate.

The win triggered “ecstasy” in Dakar, and celebrations spread fast. Senegal’s President Bassirou Diomaye Faye declared Monday a public holiday, giving the country space to properly celebrate the achievement.

After the dust settled, one name stood above the rest: Sadio Mane.

He was named AFCON 2025 Player of the Tournament.

And even though he wasn’t the top scorer — that honour went to Brahim Diaz, who finished with five goals — Mane was praised by the Confederation of African Football (CAF) for his leadership and calmness, especially during the final’s most volatile moments.

At 33 years old, and with speculation growing that this might be his last AFCON, the award felt like a tribute as much as a prize.

When Mane lifted the trophy — handed to him by captain Kalidou Koulibaly — it closed the curtain on a tournament that was as controversial as it was historic.

Security concerns on arrival

The FSF said the Senegalese delegation was met with inadequate security when it arrived at the Rabat railway station, leaving players and staff exposed to unnecessary risks. 

According to the federation, the level of security did not meet the standards expected for a continental final and placed the team in close and unsafe proximity to the public.

Problems with accommodation  

Senegal also complained about delays in securing suitable accommodation. The FSF said it was only allocated a five-star hotel after submitting a formal written protest to organisers.

The federation said the delay affected the team’s ability to recover properly ahead of the final.

Dispute over training facilities

Training arrangements have become another major point of contention. Senegal rejected plans to train at the Mohammed VI Complex, arguing that the facility is the Moroccan team’s training base and gives the hosts an unfair advantage.

The FSF said it formally informed the Confederation of African Football (CAF) of its refusal and, at the time of the statement, had not been given an alternative training venue.

Ticket allocation concerns  

Ticket distribution has also added to the tension. Senegal said it received fewer than 3,000 tickets for its supporters at the 53,000-capacity Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium.

The federation said it was allocated just two VVIP tickets and was not allowed to purchase additional VIP or VVIP seats. It warned that the limited ticket numbers would exclude many Senegalese fans and affect the atmosphere of the final.

The FSF has called on CAF and the Local Organising Committee to take urgent action to address the issues and ensure fair treatment for both teams.

Several supporters described the US decision as discriminatory and at odds with the unifying spirit of football, calling on both Senegalese authorities and FIFA to intervene.

“It’s unfortunate because football represents unity, openness and cohesion among people ,” one fan said. “Trump was elected on a platform to limit immigration, but FIFA will have to act to ensure this decision is reversed.”

Others questioned whether the United States should host a global sporting event if fans from qualified nations are unable to attend.

“The United States should no longer host a world competition,” another supporter said. “Just because it is a powerful country doesn’t mean it should host the World Cup. I’m giving Donald Trump and the United States a red card.”

On Tuesday, President Trump announced new travel measures placing Senegalese and Ivorian nationals under what the administration described as “partial restrictions and entry limitations.” The rules would effectively bar many fans from travelling to the US for the tournament. Fellow World Cup qualifiers Haiti and Iran are also affected by the proclamation, though it confirms that players, officials and accredited team personnel will be exempt.

The White House said the decision was based on high rates of tourist visa overstays, as well as concerns over corruption, fraudulent documentation and criminal records.

The 2026 World Cup will be the first edition expanded to 48 teams and will be jointly hosted by the United States, Canada and Mexico .

“We are very happy. As you just saw, we have just completed the first TAVI valve implantation in Senegal. It is a great source of pride,” Dr Ndao said, noting that the achievement comes after two years of intensive preparation and collaboration among specialists.

TAVI is a minimally invasive procedure used to replace a narrowed aortic valve that fails to open properly, a condition known as aortic stenosis. It is often recommended for elderly patients or those with high-risk factors such as hypertension, diabetes, or age-related degeneration of heart valves, which typically causes shortness of breath and fatigue.

The intervention was led by Lieutenant Colonel Mouhamed Cherif Mboup and his team, who emphasised that this development places Senegal among a growing number of African countries adopting advanced life-saving cardiac technologies.

The successful procedure signals a new chapter for cardiovascular care in the country and offers fresh hope to patients who previously had limited treatment options.

The Guinea-Bissau military has already installed a transitional leader, Gen Horta N’Tam, who is expected to govern for one year. The coup unfolded on Wednesday, one day before authorities were due to announce provisional results from presidential and parliamentary elections. The junta has suspended the entire electoral process and blocked the release of the vote tally.

Military leaders say they acted to prevent an alleged plot by unnamed politicians “supported by a well-known drug baron” to destabilise the country. They imposed a nighttime curfew, banned public protests, and prohibited any actions they said could disturb “peace and stability.”

Guinea-Bissau, positioned between Senegal and Guinea, has long struggled with political turbulence and has earned a reputation as a major drug-trafficking hub. The military has played a dominant role in national politics since independence from Portugal in 1974.

Tensions remained high in the capital, Bissau, on Thursday, with most businesses closed and soldiers patrolling the streets. Shortly after Gen N’Tam was sworn in as transitional president, the military reopened land, air, and sea borders, which had been sealed at the start of the coup.

Some civil society groups have accused Embaló of orchestrating a “simulated coup” with the military to prevent the publication of election results he feared he might lose. Dias made similar allegations, calling the takeover an “organised coup.” He told AFP he considers himself the president-elect, claiming to have secured around 52% of the vote. Embaló has not responded to the accusations.

Guinea-Bissau has experienced at least nine coups or attempted coups over the past five decades, making it one of West Africa’s most politically unstable states.

“Our debt service is exploding. This means money that could have gone to basic social sectors is instead being used to pay off the debt,” economist Mor Gassama said.

Residents in local markets report increasing living costs, but officials from the ruling Pastef party reject claims that internal disagreements are fuelling the crisis.

“To say there is a crisis is an exaggeration,” said party official Babacar Ndiaye. “There are two men at the head of state entrusted with leading the country. They may differ in their approach, but they share the same ideal: to pull Senegal out of the abyss into which the previous regime plunged it.”

Ndiaye insisted the government is taking steps to revive the economy and urged patience. He cautioned that expectations of rapid recovery are unrealistic.

“Before discussing takeoff, the country must first be on the path to emergence. We can’t expect a takeoff in the short term. To revive our economy, the government has already taken several steps, but economic sovereignty is a long value chain,” he said.

Opposition figures argue that internal strain within the leadership is delaying urgent action and worsening public frustration.

“They’ve been in power for almost two years, and they haven’t accomplished anything. They haven’t reduced government spending, they haven’t reduced the cost of basic necessities,” said Babacar Justin Mbengue of Geum Sa Bopp.

The debate over Senegal’s economic trajectory comes amid rising debt service obligations, increased cost of living, and heightened public scrutiny of the young administration’s policy direction.

In Dakar, Senegal, Djibril Gningue of the Research Group and Dappio – Council for Participatory Democracy and Good Governance (GRADEC) dismissed claims that the boycott is linked to allegations of a so-called “white farmer genocide” in South Africa. Instead, he argued that Washington’s decision reflects broader strategic anxieties.

Gningue said a “wind” of countries asserting their sovereignty is “blowing across the world and especially over Africa,” and warned that the US is ramping up pressure on the Global South as a result.

He suggested the boycott highlights a deeper shift in global power. “Isn’t it time to go in that direction, in the direction of a multipolar world ? Isn’t it also in the direction of sovereignism?” he asked, warning that attempts to pressure the Global South “will lead to the definitive decline of the West.”

This list was developed using data from HypeAuditor , an AI-driven platform that measures influencer performance through its Audience Quality Score (AQS). The AQS evaluates engagement, audience authenticity, and growth dynamics, helping us identify journalists who combine credibility with a genuine connection to their audiences.

If you haven’t read parts three and two of this series yet, be sure to catch up.

Now, let’s move on to the final round, positions 25 to 1.

25. "Monte Oz" (Ghana)

"Monte Oz" is an international journalist and travel storyteller who has journeyed across 91 countries, documenting cultures, people, and places with depth and curiosity.

Through his digital platforms, he shares immersive narratives that highlight the connections between global experiences and local stories.

Check out his TikTok profile.

24. Frank Mavura (Tanzania)

Frank Mavura is a Tanzanian multimedia journalist, content creator, and mental health advocate. He serves as a journalist at BBC News Swahili, where he produces and presents content that resonates with audiences across East Africa.

Beyond his work at the BBC , Mavura is a prominent figure on social media platforms and is a voice-over artist, lending his vocal talents to various projects.

Check out his TikTok profile.

23. Christian Chez Vous (Republic of the Congo)

Christian Chez Vous is a Congolese journalist and digital news producer whose work explores political affairs and conflict across the Republic of the Congo.

Over time, Christian has built his platform as a forum for civic discourse, spotlighting underreported stories and holding power to account. Through his content, he bridges grassroots reporting and broader democratic debate across media channels.

Check out his TikTok profile.

22. Oratile Kekana (South Africa)

Oratile Kekana is a dedicated South African journalist and newsreader working at Capricorn FM , where she anchors weekend news segments and contributes reportage across diverse beats.

She began her broadcasting journey at Zebediela FM as a news reader and later volunteered at TUT FM, sharpening her craft in live radio environments. Over time, she has written for outlets such as City Press and The Citizen , covering issues ranging from health to governance, and has developed a reputation for clear, community-centred journalism.

Check out her TikTok profile.

21. Kwame Dela da Fishbone (Ghana)

Kwame Dela, also known by his moniker “da Fishbone”, is a prominent Ghanaian sports journalist whose commentary and analysis have become staples in Ghanaian radio and digital media.

He previously worked with Angel FM in Kumasi, before moving in 2022 to Wontumi Radio/TV to bolster their sports coverage.  Known for his sharp insights into football, especially Ghana Premier League narratives.

Check out his TikTok profile.

20. "Nsoatreman Tv" (Ghana)

Nsoatreman TV is a Ghanaian media figure who blends journalistic work with philanthropy and music promotion, often using broadcast and digital platforms to spotlight local stories and support community causes.

Check out his TikTok profile.

19. Fifame Salome Attadedji (Benin)

Fifame Salome Attadedji is a bilingual television journalist and live MC who seamlessly combines broadcasting, performance and fashion with journalism.

Her work demonstrates versatility, whether moderating discussions, reporting, or MCing live, she blends entertainment and information, with a distinctive style that emphasises mindset and cultural trends.

Check out her TikTok profile.

18. Kojo Kinn (Ghana)

Kojo Kinn is a Ghanaian entertainment journalist and musician who bridges reporting and creative expression.

He writes for outlets such as Modern Ghana and contributes features on music, culture and the arts, while simultaneously pursuing his own musical projects.

Check out his TikTok profile.

17. Mohamed El Amine Diop (Senegal)

Mohamed El Amine Diop is a Senegalese sports journalist and manager, known for his analytical coverage of football and mixed martial arts through respected outlets like Wiwsport and iGFM.

He often provides commentary on major national events, such as the announcement of Senegal’s squad for the Africa Cup of Nations, and dissects controversies in sport, combining insider access and critical perspective.

Check out his TikTok profile.

16. Hausa Guy (Nigeria)

Hausa Guy is a Nigerian multimedia journalist and content creator who leverages digital platforms to tell stories in Hausa and English. Based in Abuja, he combines reporting, video storytelling and narrative design to spotlight underreported issues, ranging from social justice to cultural identity, within Northern Nigeria and beyond.

Check out his TikTok profile.

15. Millard Afrael Ayo (Tanzania)

Millard Afrael Ayo is a Tanzanian journalist, broadcaster and digital media entrepreneur. He began his career in youth radio before moving into mainstream media with Clouds FM and ITV/Radio One , where he hosted flagship programmes including Amplifaya.

Voted the “Most Influential Young Tanzanian” in 2018 by Avance Media , Ayo has also broken ground online, his YouTube-channel content draws on breaking news and cultural commentary across Tanzania.

Check out his TikTok profile.

14. Peace Diane Bagala (Uganda)

Peace Diane Bagala is a prominent Ugandan sports journalist and presenter. She is recognised for her insightful football commentary and analysis on CBS FM and BBS Terefayina , where she has been a key voice in sports journalism.

From a young age, she demonstrated a keen understanding of football, even recalling the Uganda Cranes' starting lineup during her primary school years. Her journey from humble beginnings to becoming a celebrated media personality is a testament to her dedication and passion for sports journalism.

Check out her TikTok profile.

13. Astou Konaté (Senegal)

Astou Konaté is a Senegalese journalist and presenter based in Dakar, affiliated with Seneweb . She holds a degree in Communication from the Institut Supérieur d'Entrepreneurship et de Gestion (ISEG).

Astou is known for her dynamic presence in sports journalism, particularly covering football events. Her work extends to digital communication, where she engages audiences through various platforms. In 2024, she was nominated for the "Best Journalist" award at the Only Woman Awards , highlighting her impact in the media industry.

Check out her TikTok profile.

12. Beker (Ethiopia)

Beker, is an Ethiopian journalist and content creator who shares a variety of content on his platforms. While specific details about his career are limited, his presence on social media indicates a growing influence in the digital space.

He engages with his audience through a mix of posts, showcasing his interests and perspectives.

Check out his TikTok profile.

11. "Devlin’s Report" (Ghana)

"Devlin’s Report" is a Ghanaian journalist and content creator known for his timely coverage of national news and political developments.

Through his digital platforms, Devlin’s Report has established a reputation for delivering breaking news and in-depth analyses, engaging a growing community of followers interested in Ghana's current affairs.

Check out his TikTok profile.

10. Alex Nawej Tshikomb (Democratic Republic of the Congo)

Alex Nawej Tshikomb is a Congolese journalist, presenter, and content creator based in Lubumbashi. Known for his eclectic style, he blends journalism with MCing and live event hosting, often incorporating dance and fashion into his performances.

His dynamic approach reflects the vibrant media landscape of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Check out his TikTok profile.

9. Gethou Bapile Gbi (Democratic Republic of the Congo)

Gethou Bapile Gbi is a journalist and content creator known for his dynamic presence on social media. She engages her audience through a variety of content, showcasing her interests and perspectives.

Check out her TikTok profile.

8. Shaffie Zele (Kenya)

Shaffie Zele is a Kenyan sports journalist and digital creator, known for his energetic coverage of football and his role as a brand ambassador for BETKUMI and Sofascore.

He blends sports commentary with entertainment, bringing a lively and relatable tone to his content.

Check out his TikTok profile.

7. Cheikh Kébé (Senegal)

Cheikh Kébé is a Senegalese journalist, presenter, and reporter at 2sTV , a leading private television channel. He is known for his clear, engaging reporting and insightful commentary on social and cultural issues.

Cheikh covers significant events, from local disputes to national news, and hosts programmes that foster public discussion.

Check out his TikTok profile.

6. Nana Kwame Adasah (Ghana)

Nana Kwame Adasah is a Ghanaian broadcast journalist, professional MC, and poet, affiliated with the EIB Network, which includes GHOne TV , Kasapa FM , and Star FM.

He is renowned for his compelling spoken word performances, often featured on platforms like Onua TV , where he captivates audiences with his rhythmic recitations. Beyond his journalistic and poetic endeavors, Adasah serves as a master of ceremonies for various events, blending eloquence and charisma to engage attendees.

Check out his TikTok profile.

5. Rose Jiya Nima (Nigeria)

Rose Jiya Nima is a Nigerian journalist, police officer, and on-air personality. She is known for her engaging presence on social media platforms, where she shares a mix of content related to her professional experiences and personal insights.

Her work bridges the gap between law enforcement and journalism, offering a unique perspective on both fields.

Check out her TikTok profile.

4. Hikma Temam (Ethiopia)

Hikma Temam is an Ethiopian journalist and digital storyteller who uses her platforms to share relevant and impactful stories from across Africa.

Through her YouTube-channel, HIKMA TEMAM , she explores the continent’s political, cultural and social realities, celebrating Africa’s progress while challenging global misconceptions. Her work offers authentic, locally grounded perspectives on the issues shaping Africa’s future.

Check out her TikTok profile.

3. "Miss Coumbae" (Senegal)

"Miss Coumbae" is a Senegalese sports journalist and presenter at RTS, known for her dynamic coverage of football events.

She is also a passionate supporter of Real Madrid. Her engaging presence on platforms like Instagram reflects her commitment to sports journalism and her vibrant personality.

Check out her TikTok profile.

2. Vito Gaye (Senegal)

Vito Gaye is a Senegalese journalist, radio host, and television presenter known for his dynamic presence in the media landscape. He serves as a TV presenter at 313 Digital and is recognized for his engaging commentary on current affairs.

In addition to his television work, Gaye is a radio host and voice-over artist, bringing a versatile skill set to his media engagements. His multifaceted career reflects a commitment to informing and entertaining audiences across various platforms.

Check out his TikTok profile.

1. Ogechi Emeh (Nigeria)

Emeh Lilian Ogechi is number one on this list. Known on TikTok as "Adaigbo Global", she is a Nigerian news reporter and digital storyteller who uses her platform to amplify Igbo culture, heritage and community voices.

She reports on social and economic issues affecting Nigerians both at home and abroad, often spotlighting stories of local development and entrepreneurship. Alongside her reporting, she also shares insights on real estate opportunities in Anambra and Abuja, linking them to broader narratives of economic empowerment.

Her work blends journalism and advocacy, driven by a deep commitment to cultural preservation and community progress.

Check out her TikTok profile.

This list was created with the help of  HypeAuditor  and is based on the  Audience Quality Score (AQS) . In cases of a tie, the engagement rate was used to determine the ranking. The keywords used in our search were 'journalist', 'journalism', 'host', 'reporter', and 'presenter' in all African countries.

Read more from this series exploring TikTok journalism across the Global South:

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 4.

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 3.

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 2.

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 1.

Top journalists in Southeast Asia. Part 3.

Top journalists in Southeast Asia. Part 2.

Top journalists in Southeast Asia. Part 1

Some criticised President Ousmane Sonko’s administration for failing to deliver promised relief. “Everything is expensive, food, water , and electricity. Young people still have no jobs,” said protester Abdou Niang Thiam, adding, “One day, they will be held accountable.”

Many demanded transparency from the national electricity company of Senegal (SENELEC) over billing practices, chanting and marching across the city.

Russia has expressed its willingness to support Morocco’s autonomy plan for the Western Sahara, signalling a notable diplomatic shift that could influence the long-standing regional dispute. Moscow stated that it views Morocco’s proposal as “a realistic framework” for resolving tensions, though it emphasised that any support would be contingent on adherence to UN resolutions and respect for all involved parties. This development is particularly significant as it aligns Russia closer to the growing list of countries endorsing Morocco’s autonomy vision, which positions Western Sahara as part of the Kingdom under a degree of self-governance. The move has been welcomed in Rabat as a sign of increasing international recognition of Morocco’s stance, potentially reshaping alliances within North Africa and the broader Sahel region.

Senegal reaffirms strong support for Morocco’s Western Sahara autonomy plan

Senegal has once again reaffirmed its support for Morocco’s Western Sahara autonomy plan, underscoring the deep and enduring diplomatic relationship between Dakar and Rabat. Senegal’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs described Morocco’s plan as “credible and serious,” reflecting the country’s consistent position in favour of territorial integrity and stability in the Maghreb. Analysts note that Senegal’s stance is not merely symbolic; it highlights a broader African consensus emerging around Morocco’s approach, particularly as more nations withdraw recognition of the Polisario Front. The reaffirmation also reinforces Morocco’s growing diplomatic influence across sub-Saharan Africa, strengthening its position as a continental leader advocating pragmatic solutions to long-standing conflicts.

How Moroccan Gen Z is reshaping politics from streets to screens

In a vivid reflection of modern political engagement, Morocco’s Generation Z is reshaping activism through both street demonstrations and digital campaigns. Movements such as GenZ 212 have leveraged social media platforms to mobilise support, voice discontent, and demand structural reform on issues ranging from unemployment to corruption. This new wave of activism combines online visibility with physical protests, marking a generational shift from traditional political engagement to dynamic, tech-driven advocacy. Political analysts argue that Gen Z’s assertiveness could become a catalyst for deeper democratisation, compelling institutions to adapt to a more transparent and participatory governance model.

Morocco promises stronger anti-corruption measures under youth pressure

Facing sustained pressure from youth-led demonstrations, the Moroccan government has vowed to intensify its fight against corruption. Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch’s administration announced new transparency initiatives and public accountability mechanisms aimed at restoring public trust. Protesters, particularly from the Gen Z movement, have accused political elites of inertia and demanded institutional reform. The government’s commitment includes reinforcing judicial independence and implementing stricter monitoring of public funds. Observers believe that while the announcement is a step forward, the success of these measures will depend on consistent enforcement and the empowerment of civil oversight bodies.

Amal Seghrouchni challenges international perceptions of Morocco’s anti-corruption progress

Amal Seghrouchni, a prominent member of Morocco’s National Commission for Integrity and Anti-Corruption, has criticised international indexes for failing to accurately reflect Morocco’s ongoing efforts to curb corruption. Speaking at a policy forum, she argued that many assessments overlook domestic reforms and progress achieved in governance transparency, data access, and judicial reform. Seghrouchni called for international evaluation mechanisms that incorporate local realities rather than rely solely on perception-based metrics. Her remarks have reignited debate over how anti-corruption success should be measured globally, and how countries like Morocco can ensure fair representation in global governance rankings.

“The most concerning is the distressing dehumanisation of a world with selective emotions based on interests and geopolitical stakes,” Faye said. “There can be no justice based on law when what serves as international order is governed by the logic of double standards, by the law of the strongest and partisan spirit,” he remarked.

Faye warned that Africa remains on the front lines of insecurity, facing armed conflicts, terrorism in the Sahel, transnational crime, and political instability. He called for an integrated response combining prevention, resilience, and responsibility, backed by predictable and sustainable funding for African peace support operations. 

Turning to economic reform, the Senegalese leader said the current global financial system fails to serve developing nations. Faye also pressed for the full implementation of the Seville Commitment and the Sustainable Development Goals, arguing these reforms are essential to guarantee universal access to healthcare, water , food, education, energy, and digital technology.

According to rights groups and media reports , at least 66 people died in clashes with security forces during demonstrations in support of Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and against former President Macky Sall’s government. Families of the victims say no trials have yet been held for the bloodshed or alleged torture.

Protesters demand accountability

Many of Sunday’s protesters accused the government of applying a “two-tiered justice system.”

“Since they came to power, we've felt like we've had a two-tiered justice system. Still nothing for the young people who were killed during the protests,” said protester Alioune Gueye. “I expect nothing more from them than justice for our brothers and sisters who died for their country. That was their campaign promise, and they must keep it,” he added.

Another demonstrator, Boubacar Sonko, said the lack of accountability was unacceptable.

“We've been demanding justice for months. We fought to put Diomaye and Sonko in power. It’s regrettable that we see justice not being served for our brothers who were unjustly killed. We are here to ask the justice system to do its job,” he told Viory.

Government response

At the end of July, Justice Minister Ousmane Diagne reportedly requested that the Attorney General open an investigation into the killings. But protesters say progress has been too slow and that authorities must act swiftly to honour campaign promises of accountability.

Senegal produces about 250,000 metric tonnes of plastic waste each year, but only 11% is recycled.

“We noticed that every year, tons of plastic bottles are thrown into the wild,” Mbengue said. “Unfortunately, we cannot transform them all. Even if recently there have been many companies active in this area. And these bottles are a threat by nature . They are thrown away and do not disappear,” he told Viory.

“Our main targets are schools, farmers and hospitals,” he said. “For schools, the idea is to create didactic objects that students can use. This will prevent us from importing items such as rulers and other materials used by students. For agriculture, the idea is to make pots for farmers.”

Senegal is ranked among the world’s top contributors to ocean plastic pollution. The West African nation faces pressure to improve waste management.

A fishmonger, Fanta Sow, whose livelihood, like many others, is tied to the sea, told Viory that their "fish processing plant is on the brink of collapse. The plant has no light, and we're missing a lot of things. We can no longer get fish at a reasonable price.”

Sow says the promised benefits of the offshore gas project have not materialised for her community.

"We were told so many times that this would benefit us, but we’ve seen nothing. We've been abandoned. We have no place to keep our fish, no cold storage, nothing. So they haven’t kept their promises,” she added.

Despite infrastructure projects like schools in some areas, frustration simmers among residents near Diatara, one of the coastal villages closest to the gas operations.

El Hadj Dousse Fall, president of the Fishermen’s Association, explained in French how the gas exploration has drastically reduced access to traditional fishing areas. 

He said, "We used to fish peacefully in Senegalese and even Mauritanian waters. But now, due to the offshore gas blocks, we’re restricted. The area between Cayard and Sangomar is shrinking. These were vital fishing grounds, now we’re in real difficulty."

“Before, we didn't sleep at night because you had the impression that the waves were going to come at any moment,” said Oka, a local teacher. “But these days we sleep a bit more peacefully. Now we're expecting much more structured and sustainable solutions to be taken to eradicate this phenomenon once and for all,” he told Viory.

In response to the worsening situation, both local and national authorities have stepped in with emergency interventions, including the construction of breakwater-style dykes designed to blunt the sea’s advance. These protective structures have helped stabilize the shoreline and bring temporary relief to affected residents.

“I think there's reason to be optimistic since the authorities installed the breakwaters and also with the rehousing of some of those affected,” Oka added. “Now we're living in peace, we have the impression that the sea is either receding or continuing to stay put.”

Among the displaced is fisherman Moussa Fall, who was relocated as part of a government resettlement program. “I personally thank the people who had the idea of moving us and bringing us here. They even deployed cars for our move. We didn't give any of our own money for this,” he said.

Fall recalled the harrowing conditions before relocation when they lost their homes and equipment as a result of the rising sea level. “We used to live by the sea, but at some point the situation got out of hand,” he said, adding that, “We used to take sandbags or tyres and put them around the walls or doors to stop the water. We lost a lot of equipment and spent whole nights without sleep just to absorb the water.”

While grateful for the housing solution, Fall says other challenges remain in the resettled area. “Our biggest problem is the installation of a police station or gendarmerie. Banditry is rife here. A checkpoint is essential,” he said.

Trachoma is a contagious eye disease that can lead to blindness if left untreated. It spreads easily in areas with poor hygiene and limited access to clean water.

In Senegal, it had been present since the early 1900s and was a leading cause of vision loss in many parts of the country.

Senegal began taking steps to eliminate the disease more than two decades ago.

In 1998, the country joined WHO's global push to stop trachoma. By 2017, it had completed detailed mapping of the disease across the country with help from global health partners.

Over the years, the Senegalese government integrated trachoma control into its national health plans and kept the fight going through its national eye health programmes.

The WHO says Senegal reached 2.8 million people across 24 districts through efforts that included surgeries for advanced cases, mass distribution of antibiotics, public awareness campaigns on face washing, and improved access to water and sanitation.

These actions followed the WHO’s SAFE strategy, which combines medical treatment with hygiene and environmental improvements.

“This long-awaited validation is not only a milestone for public health but a powerful tribute to the tireless dedication of frontline health workers, communities, government leaders, and partners who never gave up,” said Dr Jean-Marie Vianny Yameogo, WHO Representative in Senegal.

Senegal had earlier beaten another disease known as dracunculiasis, or Guinea-worm disease, in 2004. Its health officials say they are now focused on ending other neglected tropical diseases such as sleeping sickness and river blindness.

WHO data shows that trachoma still affects 32 countries and over 100 million people, mostly in Africa. In the African region alone, 93 million people were living in at-risk areas as of April 2024.

However, the number has dropped significantly in recent years.

WHO says it will continue working with Senegal to make sure trachoma does not return, and to support other countries still struggling with the disease.

The charges are based on findings from a parliamentary investigation.

The brother-in-law of former President Macky Sall has been denied bail and will remain in custody, his lawyer confirmed.

“We made an offer of bail, but it was not accepted,” he said. “We made serious objections, which were also rejected,” the lawyer was quoted by Senenews .

Faye is one of several former ministers now facing legal action as President Bassirou Diomaye Faye steps up efforts to address corruption in government .

Prior to this, four other former ministers were questioned by the courts: Moustapha Diop, who was arrested over allegations he diverted $4 million from Senegal’s Covid-19 relief programme and Aïssatou Sophie Gladima, who was placed in custody over accusations of mismanaging more than $300,000 meant to support miners during the pandemic.

The others are Ndeye Saly Diop Dieng, who was released on bail, and Ismaïla Madior Fall, who has been placed under electronic monitoring.

The High Court of Justice , which deals with cases involving government officials, is overseeing the investigations.

President Faye, elected earlier this year, has made fighting corruption one of his top priorities. He has promised to rebuild trust in state institutions and ensure that public funds are used properly.

Senegal currently criminalises same-sex relations under laws that punish “acts against nature with an individual of the same sex” with up to five years in prison. However, protesters argue the law is too lenient and have backed an initiative to introduce tougher legislation, which is now under discussion in parliament.

“We came here to fight homosexuality, as we did last year with President Macky Sall,” said Gorgui Guèye, one of the demonstrators. “We fought so that homosexuality is not tolerated in this country,” he told the AFP.

Another protester, Oumar Bâ, criticised the current government for failing to act. “They promised to criminalize homosexuality once in power, but a year later, there’s still no response,” he said. “If you see all these people , it’s to say no to homosexuality.”

Aminata Diaw added, “They visited every religious home, promising to act. Now is not the time to shy away.”

According to investigators, the girls had been trafficked by a foreign national and were being forced to make daily payments to repay alleged transportation costs totalling nearly 2 million CFA francs. DNLT officers raided the residence of the prime suspect, where the two girls were discovered alongside the trafficker.

During interrogation, the suspect admitted partial involvement, revealing collaboration with accomplices in Nigeria, Benin, and Senegal. She confessed to having purchased one of the girls for 500,000 CFA francs, while the other had been delivered to her by a Nigerian man from Tenkoto, Dakar Buzz reports.

Evidence collected at the scene included notebooks used for recording the amounts extorted from the victims. According to the entries, one girl had paid nearly 1 million CFA francs, and the other about 792,000 FCFA. The accused claimed that a portion of the funds was used to cover her brother’s medical expenses, with the rest spent on personal needs.

Further investigation revealed a highly organised human trafficking network operating between Lagos (Nigeria), Cotonou (Benin), and various locations across Senegal. The network is believed to handle the recruitment of victims, fabrication of false travel documents, their transportation, and subsequent exploitation.

On May 19, 2025, the suspect was brought before the public prosecutor at a high court of Kédougou. The two victims were placed in the care of a non-governmental organisation (NGO) providing immediate support and rehabilitation services.

But why is Gambia shaped this way? The answer lies in colonial history, rivalry, and the strategic importance of rivers.

Gambia’s shape dates back to the Scramble for Africa  in the late 19th century, during which European powers divided the continent with little regard for ethnic or geographic boundaries.

According to Oxford Research Encyclopedias :

To avoid conflict, both colonial powers agreed that Britain would claim control over the Gambia River and a strip of land extending 10 km north and south of the river, while the rest remained French. This agreement, formalised in the Anglo-French Convention of 1889, led to Gambia's present-day odd shape.

Gambia is almost like a country within a country. It is surrounded on three sides by Senegal and relies heavily on good diplomatic relations with its neighbour for trade and travel . This arrangement creates both logistical challenges and unique cultural exchange:

The role of the Gambia River

The Gambia River is the lifeline of the country which shapes its geography, economy, and even identity. It provides essential access for agriculture, fishing, and transportation. Much of the nation’s activity centers along the riverbanks, which explains why the country’s territory mirrors the river’s path so precisely.

Despite its unusual shape, Gambia is relatively easy to visit and is a growing tourist destination, especially for European travellers. The small coastal region around Banjul, the capital, and Brikama offers beautiful beaches, wildlife, and cultural experiences — all within a few hours' drive across the country’s narrow width.

“Life has been difficult for young people since the arrival of this new regime,” said street vendor Madiaw Pakha. “The police prevent us from selling on the street, and life is very expensive, which was not the case during President Macky Sall’s time. Sonko came here and made us many promises, but since then, we have not seen him again. It is time for the authorities to help us,” he told the AFP

Some young people, however, believe that the government needs more time to fulfill its promises. University of Dakar student Abdou Hakim Ndir acknowledged the economic challenges the administration is facing. “Currently, it's a bit difficult with the debt issues, but I believe that if we give them a little time, they will try to manage things,” he said. Fellow student Cheikh Astal Gadiaga echoed this sentiment, urging patience. “Citizens must be understanding while knowing that there were enormous difficulties in the past regime. Some issues need to be fixed before we can move forward.”

Fisherman Saliou Wade is among those who remain optimistic. “Compared to past years, Senegal now offers many opportunities, and I firmly believe that the new authorities can succeed if we support them. Many young people attempted illegal emigration because they had lost hope in this country, but today, we have authorities we trust. If we give them a little time, they will be able to succeed,” he said.

According to Modiene Joe Ndiaye, responsible for financing at the General Delegation for the Rapid Entrepreneurship of Women and Youth (DER), an overwhelming number of young people are seeking financial assistance. “We launched a campaign to receive funding requests with a budget of 5 billion CFA francs. In less than a month, we received 60 billion CFA francs in requests, which shows the motivation and expectations of the youth.”

Senegal's HIV/AIDS prevalence rate is just 0.3%, thanks to 70% access to antiretroviral therapy (ARV) and strong national commitment, particularly from youth, said Safietou Thiam, Executive Secretary of the National Council for the Fight Against AIDS. Speaking at the Youth Mobilisation Week Against AIDS launch in Dakar according to Social News XYZ , Thiam credited the government's efforts and widespread public engagement for maintaining low infection rates.

‘Strong’ initial results reported from Sangomar field production

Woodside Energy reports the first-phase development of Senegal’s deepwater Sangomar field cost approximately $5 billion. Production through the FPSO began last year, reaching over 94% capacity within nine weeks. Water and gas injection systems are now fully operational. The company highlighted strong performance from the S500 reservoirs, leading to reserve additions of 16.2 MMboe (proven) and 15.4 MMboe (proved-plus-probable) as reported by Offshore . Meanwhile, the S400 injector-producer well pairs have exceeded expectations, reducing connectivity risks. Water injection commenced late last year, with reserve migration expected later in 2025.

Mystical beliefs drive Senegal’s illegal big cat trade

As the morning sun filters through Senegal’s Niokolo-Koba National Park, Sgt. Abdou Diouf and his rangers scan for poachers. Fresh lion tracks mark the sand, and a guttural call echoes through the forest. Spanning 3,500 square miles, Niokolo-Koba is Senegal’s last refuge for critically endangered West African lions. But even here, they face growing threats. A new Panthera report links the illegal trade in lion and leopard parts to mystical beliefs in “gris-gris” talismans, fueling their decline, AP reports.

Senegal secures 33bn FCFA on UEMOA financial market

Senegal successfully raised 33 billion FCFA on the UEMOA financial market on February 14, 2025. As reported by Sene News , the General Directorate of the Treasury and Public Accounting (DGTCP) secured the funds through a simultaneous issuance of Treasury Bills (BAT) and Treasury Bonds (OAT). The Finance Ministry says the operation aimed to meet budgetary needs. While 30 billion FCFA (over $47 million)was auctioned, bids totalled 52.98B FCFA (176.6% coverage). Authorities retained 33B FCFA, with a 62.29% absorption rate.

Justice workers file strike notice and demand satisfaction of their claim

Sene News reports that the National Union of Justice Workers (UNTJ) filed a strike notice on February 14, 2025, citing unmet demands since 2018. In a press release, UNTJ highlighted key issues, including the reclassification of clerks to A2, the recruitment of non-clerk officers, the opening of professional exams for registry administrators, and the implementation of a housing allowance. The notice was submitted under Senegal’s constitutional and legal provisions.

The oil comes from the Sangomar oil field off the coast of Senegal, Agence France-Presse reports.

Since February 8, SAR has refined 650,000 barrels of crude oil, producing 90,000 tonnes of fuel, including diesel, petrol, kerosene, and butane gas. The company said the fuels are now being moved to storage areas for use.

Senegal began producing oil in June 2024. The Sangomar field is operated by Woodside Energy, an Australian company. In December, Senegal also started producing gas from a field it shares with Mauritania.

The country hopes to use its oil and gas for both exports and local needs.

While it does not produce as much as major oil-producing nations like Nigeria, the government expects billions of dollars in revenue. Officials believe this will help speed up the country’s economic growth.