The independent commission, led by retired Chief Justice Mohamed Chande Othman, found that 518 people were killed during clashes between security forces and protesters. It also identified major failures in security protocols and law enforcement across several regions.

Samia expressed regret over the deaths and announced measures including a special criminal investigation body, a reconciliation commission and possible constitutional reforms to improve electoral transparency.

She also accepted recommendations to fast-track a new constitution by 2028, reform the National Electoral Commission before the 2029 local polls and review the 2014 draft constitution with fresh public input.

Tanzania, which imports nearly all of its fuel, is particularly vulnerable to global price swings. Energy Minister Deogratius Ndejembi said petrol prices rose by 69% between February and March 2026, while diesel jumped by 104%, with kerosene and jet fuel also seeing sharp increases.

Economist Kelvin Mouris pointed to the potential of natural gas and electric vehicles to reduce costs, but noted that infrastructure gaps remain a challenge despite Tanzania’s large gas reserves.

The government has introduced measures to stabilise supply, including building fuel reserves to cover at least three months. The price surge is linked to disruptions in global oil supply chains, particularly in the Strait of Hormuz.

Tanzania’s tourism sector continues to expand, with visitor numbers reaching 5.9 million by December 2025 as the government targets eight million arrivals by 2030. Tourism currently contributes about 17 percent to the national economy, with plans to raise this to 20 percent. Natural Resources and Tourism Minister Ashatu Kijaji said the growth reflects strong collaboration between government and private stakeholders, as well as sustained marketing efforts such as The Royal Tour. She stressed the need for a supportive legal environment, warning that “we must not allow laws to become an obstacle to achieving the target of eight million tourists by 2030.”

Universal electricity access by 2030

Tanzania is accelerating efforts to achieve nationwide electricity access, with plans to connect the remaining 14,000 hamlets by 2030. So far, about 40,000 hamlets, over 60 percent, have been electrified, while more than 11,000 are currently under implementation. Despite progress, rural access remains uneven at 37.1 percent compared to a national average of 52 percent. Authorities say expanding rural electrification is key to boosting economic activity, education and healthcare delivery.

Luxury safari camp gains global recognition

Mapito Safari Camp near the Serengeti has been nominated for “Africa’s Leading Luxury Tented Safari Camp” at the 2026 World Travel Awards, marking a milestone for Tanzania’s high-end tourism sector. The camp , part of Marriott’s Autograph Collection, highlights growing international investment in conservation areas. However, its development also raises questions about balancing luxury tourism with environmental protection and community impact, particularly in ecologically sensitive regions like the Serengeti.

President Samia leads reconciliation talks with former presidential candidates

President Samia Suluhu Hassan has held high-level consultations with candidates from the 2025 general election, bringing together representatives from 16 political parties in a push for national unity. The discussions focused on strengthening reconciliation, democratic governance and political tolerance, in line with her “R4” philosophy, Reconciliation, Resilience, Reforms and Rebuilding. Participants emphasised the need for ethical leadership and sustained dialogue to maintain stability and public trust.

Government bans foreign food aid

Tanzania has directed organisations providing relief food to procure supplies locally, rejecting imported fortified food aid from the United States. Agriculture Minister Hussein Bashe said the country has sufficient domestic production and urged that funds be redirected to support local farmers instead. “Let us purchase the maize, beans and rice from our local farmers,” he said , adding that the policy aims to boost agricultural output and reduce import dependence while strengthening food security.

That changed when he converted his vehicle to run on CNG. Almost immediately, his daily fuel costs dropped from 25,000 Tanzanian shillings (about USD 9.70) to just 10,000 shillings (about USD 3.88). With expenses slashed, Kayaula began reaching his income targets earlier, shortening his workday and reclaiming time with his family.

“Now I can save more, and taking care of my family has become easier,” he says. “I even get to have dinner with them – something I couldn’t do before.”

Cheaper fuel, shorter days

Kayaula is one of more than 7,000 drivers across Tanzania who have switched to CNG, a transition gaining momentum particularly in commercial transport.

In Dar es Salaam, the country’s commercial hub, CNG is steadily emerging as a viable alternative to petrol and diesel. An 11-kilogram tank, costing around 15,000 shillings (about USD 5.82), can power a bajaji for up to 180 kilometres – significantly farther than petrol.

Although converting a vehicle can cost as much as 1 million shillings (around USD 388), many drivers recover this investment within months through fuel savings. Government data indicates that CNG can cut fuel costs by more than half, a compelling advantage for low-income earners.

Private garages, such as NK CNG AUTO LTD in Dar es Salaam, have responded by offering instalment plans to make conversions more accessible. According to the company’s head mechanic, Mackline Rwamugira, interest is steadily growing.

“Once drivers see the savings from their fellows, they’re convinced,” he says.

While still a fossil fuel, CNG burns more cleanly than petrol or diesel, producing lower emissions of carbon dioxide and nitrogen oxides. In densely populated cities like Dar es Salaam, this could help ease air pollution and reduce climate impacts.

Transport currently accounts for nearly 60 percent of Tanzania’s energy-related carbon emissions. With vehicle numbers rising, the need for cleaner alternatives is becoming more urgent.

“If scaled properly, CNG can bridge the gap toward sustainable transport while improving air quality now,” says Fatma Mshindo, a government urban transport analyst.

Another advantage lies in supply. Unlike petrol and diesel, which are imported, CNG is produced domestically. The Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC) supplies gas from local reserves, with nearly 80 percent used in transport.

By June 2024, more than 1,900 CNG vehicles were refuelling daily. Though still a small share of the total, the number is growing. Infrastructure is expanding too. A new mother station opened in Dar es Salaam in May 2025, capable of serving over 1,000 vehicles per day.

Since 2020, the number of CNG refuelling stations has risen from just two to around nine, all located in Dar es Salaam. The government is also planning mobile stations to extend access to other regions.

Infrastructure gaps remain

Outside the capital, however, access to CNG remains limited. In Bagamoyo, about 70 kilometres north of Dar es Salaam, bajaji driver Juma Mbasso is eager to switch but cannot.

“We hear about the savings from fellow drivers and want to switch,” he says. “But there’s no CNG station here. Even if I converted, I’d have to drive to Dar to refuel.”

His situation underscores a major challenge: without wider infrastructure, the benefits of CNG risk remaining concentrated in urban areas.

Even so, momentum is building. More than 60 companies have applied to construct new refuelling stations. The Dar Rapid Transit system is testing gas-powered buses, and the government is considering tax incentives to accelerate adoption.

Early concerns among drivers – ranging from fears about engine performance to higher maintenance costs – have gradually eased. Rwamugira says better information has been key.

“We explain how CNG works and what to expect,” he notes. “With routine care, CNG engines perform just as well.”

Challenges persist. Fuel supply can be inconsistent, sometimes leading to long queues at stations. Insurance options for converted vehicles remain limited, and safety regulations are still evolving. Analysts emphasise that strong oversight will be crucial.

“There’s real momentum,” says Mshindo. “But clear standards, consistent enforcement, and long-term pricing policies are essential.”

Tanzania’s experience reflects a broader regional shift. Egypt’s CNG programme had reduced carbon dioxide emissions by around 5 million metric tonnes by 2021 and converted more than 500,000 vehicles by 2023. Kenya is also piloting CNG buses and ride-hailing fleets, part of a wider push for cleaner and more affordable transport across Africa.

“These developments show what’s possible with the right strategy and investment,” Mshindo adds.

Beyond fuel savings

In Dar es Salaam, the effects are already being felt beyond the drivers themselves. Lower operating costs are translating into more flexible fares for commuters.

“Before, some drivers wouldn’t even discuss prices,” says Oliver Francis, a city resident. “Now they’re more open to fair rates.”

Office worker Nasra Muniri has noticed the difference in her daily commute. “I used to pay 3,500 shillings (about USD 1.35) each way. Now it’s often 2,000 (about USD 0.77) or less,” she says. “It makes a difference.”

For small business owners like Joyce Masambaji, who relies on bajajis for deliveries, the shift has brought greater predictability.

“Drivers charge less and aren’t stressed about fuel,” she explains. “It’s easier to plan.”

CNG is not a complete solution to Tanzania’s transport or climate challenges. Yet in a difficult economic climate, it is already offering tangible relief – not just in reduced costs, but in time regained.

For Kayaula, the change goes beyond economics.

“Before, I barely saw my children awake,” he says. “Now I help with homework, I rest, and I feel like a real part of home again.”

With thousands of drivers already making the switch and adoption continuing to grow, Tanzania is positioning itself as a potential model for cleaner, more affordable transport systems in emerging economies.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Mweha Msemo is a Tanzanian freelance journalist based in Dar es Salaam. He focuses on stories of marginalised communities, social justice, and digital rights. With a passion for amplifying unheard voices, his work highlights the lives and challenges of underrepresented groups, reflecting his commitment to raising awareness and fostering understanding.

Assistant Director for Human Rights at the Ministry of Constitution and Legal Affairs, Beatrice Edward Mpembo, said the commission was set up by President Samia Suluhu Hassan on November 18, 2025, to investigate what happened, examine root causes and advise the government on solutions.

The commission is chaired by retired Chief Justice Mohamed Chande Othman and includes eight other commissioners. It is mandated to assess issues such as youth grievances, opposition actions, security responses and possible financing behind the violence , and to recommend reforms to strengthen reconciliation and democratic institutions.

Authorities said the process includes public participation through a website and hearings, and that the commission’s report is expected in April 2026 after an extension.

Based on its work, Tanzania has proposed a National Reconciliation Initiative and announced other measures, including pardons for 1,787 youths convicted of minor offences linked to the unrest and the creation of a new Youth Ministry to address unemployment and skills development.

The seizure included 105 boxes of Pethidine containing 1,045 bottles, 31 boxes of Morphine Sulphate with 310 bottles, and 44 boxes of Fentanyl holding 440 bottles, the Authority said. Seven suspects were arrested in connection with the case.

DCEA said the medicines are legally used in hospitals to manage severe pain, but warned that when diverted from authorised channels, they can be abused and may cause addiction.

In Tanzania, opioid medicines are regulated under the Drug Control and Enforcement Act and the Tanzania Medicines and Medical Devices Act, which designates the Medical Stores Department as the only authorised importer and distributor of narcotic medicines.

The Authority said the bus interception came during broader nationwide operations in January and February 2026, which it said resulted in the seizure of 9.93 tonnes of illicit drugs, the confiscation of 1,795 bottles of controlled medicinal narcotics , and the destruction of 87.5 acres of cannabis farms. It said 151 suspects were arrested, while six vehicles and 29 motorcycles were impounded.

Not long after they had settled in Tanzania, the late president John Pombe Magufuli came to power with a nationalistic “Tanzania first” approach, translating to a shift in the country’s humanitarian policy. His government ceased supporting refugee programmes, and some Burundian refugees were allegedly abducted, tortured and forcefully repatriated. 

In the aftermath of Magufuli’s presidency, the situation was exacerbated by funding cuts that led to significant reductions in food rations , putting refugees at the risk of malnutrition and vulnerability to disease.

Towards the end of 2025, the Tanzanian government announced plans to close Nduta and Nyarugusu refugee camps in March and June 2026, respectively, and in coordination with the UNHCR, intensified its effort to voluntarily repatriate about 142,000 Burundians to their country.

Thousands have been repatriated through this programme, however there are concerns that refugee shelters are being demolished and the process is rather coercive. This may expose refugees to harm, especially those who allegedly fled Burundi because of political persecution. Yet the international refugee law requires that refugees and asylum-seekers must not be returned to a place where their lives or freedom would be at risk.

“Burundian refugees remain in a desperate situation. They are too scared to return home, but are unsafe – without adequate food, shelter, or protection – in a country that purportedly provides them with asylum,” some analysts observe , emphasising the need for adequate preparation and political will.

This is reiterated by UNHCR’s  Bahia Egeh , who urges that repatriation “be carried out in safety and dignity, and based on free and informed choice rather than pressure.”

Although voluntary repatriation is a UN-established measure, it is susceptible to conflicts between returnees and their communities back home. This often leads to renewed forced displacement, with more devastating consequences.

There are lessons to draw from Uganda’s progressive policy. The country has achieved considerable success in repatriation, particularly of South Sudanese refugees, owing to a strong focus on inclusivity . The decision-making and implementation processes are designed to ensure all key stakeholders – government at different levels, non-governmental organisations, development partners, refugee communities, among others – are involved.

Additionally, specific programmes are put in place to offer information and sensitise both the returnees and the communities back home, to create social, economic and cultural conditions that foster cohesion. For instance, the Ugandan government, in collaboration with UNHCR and the South Sudanese government, supports refugees to visit their home country in order to assess the situation first-hand before deciding to move. This is vital in the repatriation process, as it allows the returnees to make informed decisions and to actively participate in the policy-making process.

On top of this, the returnees are provided with reintegration support in the form of cash allowances, healthcare screening and tools to support their food security, to enable them adapt quickly. These steps could be adopted by Tanzania to offer Burundian refugees and asylum seekers better treatment and more protection.

According to Silayo, 70 honey samples were collected from 34 districts and tested in Germany to verify quality for export markets.

“Our country has the opportunity to access the European Union market and other international markets because 96 per cent of our honey has been proven globally to meet high-quality standards,” he is quoted .

Silayo urged honey producers to avoid using non-standard processing equipment and poor storage containers, warning that quality lapses could undermine export opportunities.

He also said TFS is pushing for more investment in honey processing, noting Tanzania currently has 97 medium and large processing factories. The agency is finalising construction of a new honey processing plant in Nzega, Tabora Region, and rehabilitating two others in Manyoni District and at the Sao Hill tree plantation in Mafinga District.

TFS said production of bee products has risen to an average of 33,861 tonnes, up from 31,179 tonnes, while honey exports have reached 9,500 tonnes valued at 93.3 billion shillings.

According to data from the Chinese Loans to Africa (CLA) Database, managed by Boston University’s Global Development Policy Centre, Chinese institutions signed 1,319 loan commitments worth $180.87 billion with 49 African governments and seven regional bodies between 2000 and 2024. The loans came from 42 Chinese lenders, including state policy banks, commercial banks and government agencies.

It is important to note that the database tracks loan commitments, not actual disbursements, repayments or defaults, which means that the figures are not the same as total debt owed.

Chinese lending to Africa accelerated sharply in the 2010s, especially after Beijing launched the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013. In several peak years, annual commitments to Africa exceeded $10 billion, funding large-scale infrastructure projects such as railways and expressways.

More broadly, 2025 recorded the highest BRI engagement globally, with $128.4 billion in construction contracts and $85.2 billion in investments worldwide. China’s energy-related engagement alone reached $93.9 billion in 2025, more than double the level recorded in 2024, the highest since the BRI began.

Although recent lending to Africa has slowed compared to its 2016 peak, China remains deeply involved in strategic sectors.

China’s footprint in East Africa

In East Africa, Chinese loans have heavily targeted transportation and energy. Kenya has received billions for projects such as the Standard Gauge Railway, bypass highways and port-linked infrastructure.

Ethiopia has secured major financing for the Addis-Djibouti Railway, expressways and telecom expansion.

Uganda used Chinese loans to build the Kampala-Entebbe Expressway and upgrade oil-region roads.

Tanzania, Rwanda, Djibouti and Burundi have also tapped Chinese financing for roads, power projects and ICT systems.

Energy and telecom investments, especially in Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda, have been central to China’s role in the region.

Meanwhile, recent data suggest Beijing is shifting strategy. Instead of funding mega-projects, China has increasingly moved toward smaller, more commercially viable and strategic investments.

According to the World Health Organisation, one paediatrician should care for no more than 50 children with complex health needs. In Tanzania, however, access to specialised care remains limited, particularly outside major urban centres.

The country’s health professionals told The Citizen that the shortage is one reason neonatal deaths, particularly those occurring within the first 28 days of life, continue to account for a significant share of under-five mortality. While Tanzania has made notable progress in reducing maternal deaths, improvements in newborn and child survival have been slower.

“This gap explains why preventable deaths still occur,” said Prof Pascal Rugajo, Dean of the Aga Khan University (AKU) Medical College in Tanzania. He noted that as maternal mortality declines, national health priorities are increasingly shifting toward strengthening specialised care for children.

Under President Samia Suluhu Hassan, maternal mortality reportedly dropped from about 556 deaths per 100,000 live births to around 104, a milestone that earned international recognition. However, specialists caution that achieving similar gains in child health will require significantly expanding the number of trained paediatricians.

Dr Elisamia Ngowi, one of the newly graduated paediatric specialists, said the current ratio is not sustainable. “One specialist cannot adequately serve thousands of children,” he said, adding that advanced training improves early diagnosis and management of complex childhood illnesses.

According to the files, investigators flagged Kenya and Somalia as locations associated with paedophile activity, while Tanzania and Senegal were identified as transit points used in Epstein’s international movements. Coastal areas such as Malindi in Kenya were mentioned as places frequented by individuals connected to the network 

Several emails contained in the files suggest Epstein coordinated travel to Kenya involving young women, some described in the correspondence as “finally turning legal.” In other exchanges, associates discussed arranging “safaris” and “internships,” language that experts say can be used to mask trafficking activity.

One email from 2013 references Epstein’s communication with a Kenyan businessman who said he was attending the inauguration of then-President Uhuru Kenyatta. While the correspondence itself does not allege criminal conduct by Kenyan officials, it illustrates Epstein’s proximity to influential figures and international events.

Other messages, some written jokingly, included disturbing references to bringing children from Kenya. Investigators say such language reflects common patterns in trafficking networks, where casual wording is used to obscure exploitation.

The documents also point to Tanzania’s role as a transit hub, with Epstein’s associates visiting high-end destinations such as Mnemba Island. Children from Ethiopia , Somalia, South Sudan and Sudan were allegedly trafficked through regional ports, including Mombasa, according to investigative records cited in the files.

The released material does not accuse governments in the region of wrongdoing.

President Samia attended the launch of the Global Africa Investment Summit (GAIS) and the World Governments Summit (WGS), where she said Tanzania was seeking “structured collaboration” with investors rather than one-off projects.

“What investors seek today is not only opportunity but trust in institutions, policy consistency, and governments that honour commitments,” she said in remarks shared by State House.

Tanzania is using the Dubai meetings to highlight priority sectors such as ports, industrial zones and regional trade logistics, as part of efforts to position the country as a stable destination for long-term investment.

On the sidelines of the summits, President Samia also held talks with leaders from Antigua and Barbuda and officials from the United Nations tourism agency to explore new partnerships, according to her office.

The World Governments Summit brings together global leaders, investors and policy experts to discuss governance, economic growth and innovation, with this year’s event focusing on technology, sustainability and future governments.

The diplomatic push comes as Tanzania continues to face scrutiny over its October 2025 election, which was followed by youth-led protests and a heavy security response. Official results showed President Samia winning nearly 98 percent of the vote, a figure widely questioned by opposition groups and international observers.

In recent weeks, Tanzania has stepped up diplomatic outreach, with senior officials visiting Europe and the Vatican in an effort to reassure partners and counter concerns over political stability and human rights .

The European Union is expected to decide soon whether to suspend financial support to Tanzania over reported violations during the election period.

Tanzania is facing a sharp rise in diabetes cases, with uneven access to insulin worsening the burden on patients, especially in rural areas. Data from the National Health Information System (DHIS2) show the number of people living with diabetes climbed from 680,445 in 2021 to 863,741 in 2025, a 27 percent increase. Speaking at the International Conference on Access and Distribution of Insulin (ACCISS) in Unguja, Zanzibar, Vice President Hemed Suleiman Abdulla said equitable access to insulin remains critical. “Diabetes is a global health challenge… ensuring equitable access to life-saving insulin remains essential,” he said . More than 2.9 million Tanzanians live with diabetes, with over 10,000 relying on insulin to survive.

Samia pushes Africa-Caribbean cooperation

President Samia Suluhu Hassan has advanced Tanzania’s economic diplomacy at the World Governments Summit in Dubai, holding talks with Antigua and Barbuda Prime Minister Gaston Browne and UN Tourism leadership. Discussions focused on strengthening Africa-Caribbean ties, expanding trade, investment, aviation connectivity, tourism, and security cooperation. Prime Minister Browne praised Tanzania’s handling of recent post-election security issues, noting that the formation of an independent Commission of Inquiry reflected “commitment to accountability and constitutional order.” President Samia also highlighted ongoing reconciliation and constitutional reform efforts.  

Drone technology in agriculture

Tanzania has officially introduced drones as part of efforts to modernise agriculture and increase productivity. Prime Minister Dr Mwigulu Nchemba launched the initiative in Dar es Salaam at the African Conference on Sustainable Use of Agricultural Tools. Officials said the drones can spray up to 3.5 acres in just 10 minutes and carry up to 60 litres or 60 kilograms of agricultural inputs. The drones will be operated through partnerships involving the Tanzania Agricultural Research Institute (TARI), the Cashew Board and crop regulatory authorities.  

Routine US immigration raids

Tanzanian communities in the United States are increasingly living under fear as immigration enforcement operations intensify. What were once sporadic arrests have become routine daytime raids in workplaces, transport hubs and streets. Many Tanzanians have withdrawn from public life, stopped posting online, or avoided community gatherings. “I just feel like they could track me online,” said a Tanzanian resident in New York. In Minnesota, several Tanzanians have reportedly been detained and transferred to a Texas deportation camp, while others describe frequent ID checks. Community members note ICE restrictions, including the requirement for a judicial warrant to enter private homes.

Uganda secures $6.3m meteorological upgrade

Uganda has secured a $6.3 million UN-backed grant to modernise its weather infrastructure through the Systematic Observation Financing Facility (SOFF). The project will improve forecasting, expand compliance with global observation standards, and strengthen nowcasting capacity for extreme weather alerts. Officials said shifting rainfall patterns and rising temperatures underscore the urgency of stronger climate resilience across the region.

Uber launched in Tanzania in June 2016, starting in Dar es Salaam as part of its broader expansion across Africa. The app quickly gained popularity for introducing digital ride-hailing, competitive pricing and cashless payment options.

But Uber’s experience in Tanzania has been marked by regulatory and market challenges.

In April 2022, the company suspended operations after the government introduced new rules, including caps on fares and limits on commissions charged to drivers. Uber said at the time that the regulations created an environment that was difficult for its business model.

“Current regulations… have been a challenge to our business ,” the company told users, adding that it hoped to reach an agreement with authorities.

Uber resumed services in early 2023 after adjusting its operations, but it continued to face pressure from ongoing regulation and growing competition from local and regional ride-hailing platforms.

The company’s full exit in 2026 highlights the difficulties international tech firms can face in markets with tight transport controls and rapidly evolving competition.

The company still operates in about 80 countries worldwide, including 11 in Africa.

Kombo also delivered a special message from President Samia Suluhu Hassan, emphasising the role of the Catholic Church in helping Tanzania maintain stability during sensitive political periods.

“Your teachings have consistently reminded the world that peace is not merely the absence of violence, but the presence of justice, compassion, and care for one another,” Kombo told the Pope.

He described the Church as a vital moral presence in Tanzanian society , saying its voice is most important when it brings people together and rises above division. “The Church’s voice has long offered comfort in moments of uncertainty and clarity in moments of reflection,” Kombo said.

The minister asked Pope Leo XIV to continue encouraging unity and dialogue in Tanzania, adding that such guidance “carries deep meaning” for citizens and strengthens the Church’s role as a source of peace .

Kombo also requested prayers for Tanzania’s stability, a request the Pope welcomed. The Pontiff noted his personal connection to the country, having previously lived in Morogoro, Ruvuma, Arusha and Dar es Salaam, and assured the minister that he would pray for peace. During those discussions, the Holy See formally asked Tanzania to open an embassy at the Vatican. Tanzania is currently represented through its embassy in Germany.

Chaired by retired Chief Justice Mohammed Chande Othman, the commission has been hearing testimony from victims, witnesses and community members.

One of the most disturbing accounts came from Aurelia Joseph, 75, who told the commission she was shot inside her home in Magomeni Kota and later left unattended for hours at Mwananyamala Hospital after being presumed dead.

“I was left there for hours because they thought I was dead,” she said, adding that she lay among more than 20 bodies and saw other injured patients die. She said security officers later interrogated victims at the hospital, accusing them of inciting unrest and questioning their political choices.

Joseph said patients with gunshot wounds were ordered to leave the hospital, whether or not they had been treated. Unable to get care at another hospital, she resorted to traditional remedies. Bullet fragments remain lodged in her body, leaving her in constant pain and with limited mobility.  

Other witnesses described the loss of loved ones in attacks that occurred near or inside their homes. Veronica Lyimo, 37, said her husband was shot and later confirmed dead at Mwananyamala Hospital. Rahma Said, 49, said her son was shot at home and died the following day after failing to receive treatment.

Juma Matari, 25, a mobile phone trader, said his shop in Manzese Darajani was destroyed during looting, with goods worth more than Sh60 million stolen or burned.

Another witness, George Chipeta, a car mechanic, said he was shot in the leg while riding a motorcycle on election day, an injury that eventually led to amputation. He told the commission that fellow ‘bodaboda’ riders raised money to buy him a three-wheeled vehicle so he could continue working. Victims told the commission they hope the process will lead to accountability and ensure such violence is never repeated.

“I express my sincere sympathy for the uncertainty, service restrictions, and internet shutdown you experienced,” President Hassan said , adding that the government would remain vigilant to prevent similar disruptions in the future.

The president also addressed concerns about violence that occurred during and after Election Day, insisting that security measures were taken to safeguard lives and restore order. While defending the government’s response, she acknowledged that democracy is an ongoing process that inevitably produces grievances.

To promote national healing, President Hassan said her administration had taken steps to expand political inclusion, including the creation of a Ministry of Youth within the President’s Office to increase young people’s participation in governance . She also confirmed the establishment of an independent commission of inquiry and reiterated plans to form a truth and reconciliation commission as part of a broader constitutional reform process.

On the economy , President Hassan told diplomats that Tanzania remains among Africa’s fastest-growing economies, with GDP growth close to six percent and inflation contained at about 3.3 percent. She said the country’s public debt remains sustainable.

Looking ahead, the president outlined Tanzania’s 2026 foreign policy priorities, including a shift from aid dependence toward strategic investment, particularly in healthcare. She invited international partners to engage in medical diplomacy and support Tanzania’s ambition to become a regional hub for specialised healthcare and pharmaceutical manufacturing.

“You can hide bodies, but you cannot hide funerals,” Dr Nchemba said, adding that it would be impossible for thousands of people to die in Dar es Salaam within a few days without leaving visible traces.

The Prime Minister also criticised what he described as attempts to sensationalise the unrest, saying some images shared online were taken from conflict zones outside Tanzania and falsely presented as evidence of events inside the country. He warned that spreading unverified information about loss of life was dangerous and could fuel further tension.

According to Dr Nchemba, the government has established a presidential committee to investigate what happened during and after the protests. He said families who are still searching for missing relatives will have their cases reviewed as part of that process.

Despite the government’s rejection of the 10,000-death claim, authorities have not yet released an official death toll. A full account of casualties and damage is expected once the special investigation commission completes its work.

The protests erupted after the October 29 elections and were followed by a heavy security response. While the government maintains that order was restored lawfully, opposition groups and rights activists continue to raise concerns about the use of force and the lack of transparent information on casualties.

In its petition, filed on December 3, LHRC says the shutdown violated provisions of the treaty that require member states to uphold human rights, good governance, transparency and accountability. The organisation is asking the court to declare the blackout unlawful and to bar the government from imposing future internet shutdowns without legal justification or a court order.

“The blackout had far-reaching economic and social repercussions,” said LHRC lawyer Peter Majanjara. “It paralysed online banking, disrupted digital health services and denied citizens access to critical information during a crucial election period,” he added.

Majanjara said the government’s explanation that the shutdown was meant to prevent violence failed to meet democratic standards of legality, necessity and proportionality.

Internet and mobile data services were cut nationwide without prior notice on election day, leaving Tanzania digitally isolated for seven days as voters elected councillors, MPs and a president in both mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar.

Government spokesperson Gerson Msigwa has defended the move, saying it was aimed at stopping online criminals who were allegedly spreading inflammatory content and inciting violence. He said such activities had led to deaths, injuries and property destruction.

The Attorney General is expected to respond to the case within 45 days of receiving the court documents.

In Ghana, the story begins with a law. The 1999 Export and Import (Prohibition of Importation) Instrument bans the importation of “fire crackers (knock-outs), display shells, artillery shells, ball and canister shells”. That prohibition is backed by enforcement agencies: in a December 2024 press release, the Ghana National Fire Service reminded the public that importing, distributing or selling such fireworks is a criminal offence . Still, come December, multiple markets in Accra and other cities reportedly sell firecrackers openly.

In Tanzania, the legal landscape is similarly strict. According to amendments to the Firearms and Ammunition Control Act (Cap 223), anyone wishing to import, sell or supply fireworks must obtain approval from the Inspector General of Police. Without that approval , such activities are punishable by law. Yet local market surveys suggest that fireworks, often of uncertain origin, appear in private and informal markets during festive times.

In Nigeria, too, certain states enforce bans . For example, the Delta State Police Command has repeatedly issued statements ahead of Christmas and New Year, reminding citizens that the sale, use and display of pyrotechnics, including “knock-outs” and firecrackers, remain prohibited, and warning of arrests for offenders.

South Africa similarly allows fireworks but under strict licensing requirements. Only licensed suppliers can import or sell them, and specific rules govern the types and quantities permitted. Yet illegal fireworks continue to circulate during festive seasons.

So why does the trade continue, despite these laws?

Smuggling across porous borders seems to be the first reason. Firecrackers are light, compact, and easy to conceal in luggage or small cargo. With many busy land and sea entry points, often under-resourced, understaffed, or easily bypassed, illegal shipments find their way in. Once inside, they are rarely intercepted.

Firecrackers are sometimes packaged as “toys,” “party supplies,” or other innocuous goods. Unless customs officers physically inspect each container, an unlikely feat in high-volume ports, the illicit fireworks pass through with minimal scrutiny.

In some cases, licensed importers misuse permits. A license for a small, legal shipment creates a channel through which larger, unapproved shipments can be mixed and smuggled, making enforcement based solely on paperwork ineffective. Officials in Ghana have admitted as much during behind-the-scenes discussions.

Once inside the country, fireworks enter a vast informal economy. Street stalls, open-air markets, commuter stations and roadside kiosks sell packets openly, often in plain sight. Some sellers even operate through social media or messaging apps, offering “home delivery” to evade spot inspections. The trade is seasonal but persistent: every December, new supply flows in to meet demand.

Many families view fireworks as an essential part of celebrations, from Christmas and New Year to weddings and local festivals.

The human cost is serious. Firecrackers contribute to seasonal spikes in burns, eye injuries, house and market fires, and even fatalities. Hospitals report December as one of the busiest months for fire-related injuries. In 2012, a warehouse fire in Lagos killed at least one person and destroyed multiple buildings. Similar incidents occur across Ghana, Tanzania, and South Africa.

Most fireworks sold in Africa originate from China, either imported directly or via Middle Eastern re-export hubs.

Agencies tasked with seizing or prosecuting offenders perhaps lack the manpower, resources, or political will to make a lasting dent. In Ghana, for example, holiday-season “task forces” are deployed to arrest illegal firecracker dealers , but every year the same markets reappear, and the same firecrackers fill the streets.

For many ordinary people, fireworks remain a part of celebrations, and demand continues to fuel a shadow trade. For regulators and safety officials, the challenge is enormous: dismantling a network that spans borders, disguises shipments, exploits informal markets, and thrives on festive demand is no small feat.

According to the charge sheet, prosecutors allege that Kimambi obtained the money in March 2022 in Dar es Salaam, knowing it was the proceeds of crime. They also claim she earned it by working as a journalist without accreditation and by “demanding money through intimidation.” The case is set for mention on December 4 at the Kisutu Resident Magistrate’s Court.

Kimambi confirmed in a video posted on December 2 that she had been notified of the charges, saying the government wants to force her return to Tanzania. The charges fall under the Anti-Money Laundering Act and the Economic and Organised Crime Control Act.

A former model, Kimambi became a prominent activist during the late President John Magufuli’s administration and later mobilised the recent 29 October anti-government protests from abroad. She has long pushed for electoral reforms, a new constitution and stronger safeguards for civil liberties . Although she once publicly supported President Samia Suluhu Hassan, she has since become one of the administration’s fiercest critics.

Her case comes in the midst of an apparent crackdown on high-profile activists. Earlier in November, Tanzanian influencer Jennifer “Niffer” Jovin was charged with treason, a capital offence, after participating in the viral “Nywinywi” dance challenge, which evolved into a digital protest movement during the general election.

According to the President, the burning of police posts, government buildings and private businesses went far beyond lawful demonstrations. “This was not a protest. These were organised riots with a specific purpose,” she said .

Samia dismissed claims that opposition candidates were barred from participating in the election, saying they withdrew on their own to avoid defeat. She argued that the unrest was partly driven by internal divisions within opposition parties, not government interference.

Youth and foreign actors  

A large number of young people took part in the clashes, which Samia said reflected a lack of proper guidance and political awareness. She insisted many were mobilised under false promises rather than genuine grievances.

“Our youth had no reason to be in the streets; they were simply sent there and made to chant things that were not in their interest.”

She also accused unnamed foreign-based coordinators of supporting the unrest and criticised external pressure on Tanzania following the election, including the EU Parliament’s decision to freeze aid pending a human rights assessment.

Religious voices and governance

The president cautioned religious leaders not to overstep their constitutional roles amid rising religious commentary on the political crisis. “We will run this country by its Constitution and its laws,” she said.

Samia reiterated her commitment to constitutional reform but said the government would proceed gradually. She insisted that Tanzania’s stability remains the priority and that the state was right to intervene forcefully on election day.

Tanzania has cancelled its 9 December Independence Day celebrations following calls for nationwide protests over mass killings linked to the disputed 29 October general election. Prime Minister Mwigulu Nchemba announced the decision on 24 November, saying funds would instead be used to rebuild infrastructure damaged during last month’s unrest. Opposition parties have urged citizens to use the holiday to protest the government’s handling of the election, in which President Samia Suluhu Hassan was declared the winner with 98% of the vote — a result they dismissed as fabricated. Key opposition figures were either detained or barred from running, including Chadema leader Tundu Lissu, who has been held on treason charges since April. Thousands protested the results, with rights groups condemning the security crackdown as violent and repressive. While the government has yet to release a death toll, it has formed a commission of inquiry that opposition leaders fear lacks independence. Nchemba urged Tanzanians to avoid violence and embrace dialogue, saying the country must not “return to what we went through.”

Government accelerates mining reforms for economic transformation

The Ministry of Minerals has launched an initiative to implement directives issued by President Samia Suluhu Hassan to transform the mining sector into a driver of national economic growth and prosperity. Speaking at a management workshop in Dodoma from 24–25 November, Minister for Minerals Anthony Mavunde said the President expects Tanzania’s mineral wealth to be managed in ways that generate tangible benefits for citizens and support development priorities. The directives — drawn from national addresses, the ruling party’s 2025–2030 manifesto, and the government’s early-term commitments — focus on boosting production, increasing value addition, and improving sector efficiency. Mavunde emphasised the need for innovation, discipline, and speed across the ministry and its agencies to meet these goals.

Energy ministry calls for stronger fuel systems and youth opportunities

Deputy Minister for Energy Salome Makamba has directed the Energy and Water Utilities Regulatory Authority (EWURA) to improve the efficiency of fuel transportation networks to address recurring national fuel shortages. During a working session with EWURA officials in Dodoma, she underscored the importance of expanding fuel storage capacity to safeguard supply and encouraged the regulator to explore ways to reduce the cost of household electrical installation materials to accelerate rural electrification. Makamba also highlighted the need to create more opportunities for young people in the energy sector. EWURA Director General Dr James Andilile reaffirmed the authority’s commitment to ensuring service quality, safety, efficiency, and good governance while implementing presidential directives.

AfDB approves $24.6 million loan to boost Tanzania’s agro-industrial growth

The African Development Bank Group has approved a $24.6 million senior corporate loan to Mohammed Enterprises Tanzania Limited (MeTL) to modernise and expand the country’s agro-industrial production. The investment will rehabilitate ageing tea estates, convert more than 1,000 hectares into organic plantations, and upgrade processing factories to double production capacity. It will also establish 15,000 hectares of sisal plantations and a new 200-hectare macadamia farm, while improving rural infrastructure and strengthening value chains connecting smallholder farmers to global markets. The project is expected to create over 1,400 jobs, generate more than $10 million in new annual export earnings, and contribute approximately $36 million in fiscal revenues. AfDB officials say the initiative strengthens Tanzania’s agricultural resilience and supports inclusive growth, particularly for women farmers. The funding forms part of a broader $74.7 million programme co-financed by ILX B.V. and MeTL equity.

Construction of long-delayed Bagamoyo port to begin in December

Tanzania will begin construction of the long-awaited Bagamoyo port in December, ending more than a decade of delays caused by disputes over earlier contract terms with foreign developers. Government spokesperson Gerson Msigwa said the port — part of a larger special economic zone project that includes industrial parks and transport links — will initially begin with 14 berths, eventually expanding to 28. The deep-water port, located 75 km north of Dar es Salaam, is designed to accommodate larger vessels than any other port in East Africa, with a planned depth of 20 meters. Tanzania originally signed a framework agreement with China Merchants Holdings International and Oman’s State General Reserve Fund in 2013, but the project stalled after the government rejected unfavourable terms. President Samia Suluhu Hassan revived negotiations after taking office in 2021, positioning the $10 billion project as key to boosting trade capacity and regional maritime influence. The port’s revival comes as Tanzania faces economic pressures and strained regional trade relations following a contentious and widely criticised election period.

Wanu, 43, is the MP for Makunduchi Constituency in Zanzibar, while Mchengerwa, 46, represents Rufiji Constituency in the Pwani Region.

The reshuffle also brought back another political family name, with former President Jakaya Kikwete’s son Ridhwani Kikwete appointed Minister for Public Service Management and Good Governance in the President’s Office.

Ridhwani, 46, serves as MP for Chalinze in Pwani and is a member of the ruling CCM party. His father is widely seen as a key figure in Samia's rise within the party and to the presidency.

Other appointments include Khamis Mussa Omar as Minister for Finance, replacing Mwigulu Nchemba, who became Prime Minister last week, and Mahmoud Thabit Kombo, who was retained as Minister for Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation.

The initiative is being developed as a proof‑of‑concept (POC) under the East African Community (EAC) payments integration agenda, with the goal of scaling to other partner states.

“This preparatory work marks a pivotal milestone in our regional payment system integration agenda, moving us closer to a single regional instant payment ecosystem that will facilitate secure, affordable, and real‑time transactions across borders,” said Eng. Daniel Murenzi, the EAC’s Principal Information Technology Officer.

Chairing the Kigali meeting, Fabian Ladislaus Kasole, Assistant Manager for Oversight and Policy at the Bank of Tanzania’s National Payments Directorate, said the two countries are building a “robust technical and operational framework” to ensure the switch‑to‑switch link runs safely and efficiently. “As a region, we remain committed to establishing a framework that enhances cross‑border payment efficiency and financial inclusion,” he added.

How it will work

Once live, the corridor will allow senders in Rwanda or Tanzania to push funds directly from existing bank accounts or mobile money wallets to recipients across the border, with immediate confirmation and settlement through the two national switches.

By creating a direct pathway between the switches, authorities expect to trim intermediary hops and foreign‑denominated routes, which should lower transaction costs, reduce delays, and improve transparency on fees and delivery times.

Following a disputed October 29 presidential election, Tanzania’s parliament has confirmed Mwigulu Nchemba, a former finance minister and close ally of President Samia Suluhu Hassan, as the new prime minister. The appointment , backed by a near-unanimous parliamentary vote, comes amid unrest and allegations of electoral irregularities that have drawn criticism from opposition groups and human rights observers. President Hassan, who won by a landslide according to official results, has dismissed claims of vote-rigging. The government projects 6% economic growth in 2025, driven by large-scale infrastructure projects, despite reduced foreign aid and political tensions.

Tanzania’s Amsons Group challenges Dangote with Kenyan cement acquisition

Tanzania’s Amsons Group has made a bold entry into Kenya’s cement market after acquiring a 29.2%  stake in East Africa Portland Cement (EAPC). The $5.6 million deal, executed through its subsidiary Kalahari Cement, involved purchasing 26.3 million shares from Associated International Cement Limited (AIC) and Cementia Holding AG. The acquisition, finalised in late July, strengthens Amsons’ position as one of the largest shareholders in the Nairobi-listed EAPC. Managing Director Edha Nahdi described the move as a strategic investment to reshape Kenya’s cement landscape through enhanced production capabilities and innovation, adding that it aligns with the company’s goal of building long-term regional value.

UN calls for probe into post-election killings in Tanzania

UN Human Rights Chief Volker Türk has urged Tanzanian authorities to investigate reports of hundreds of killings, detentions, and disappearances following the October 29 elections. The UN Human Rights Office cited credible information suggesting security forces removed bodies from streets and hospitals to undisclosed locations in what may be an attempt to conceal evidence. Türk called on the government to disclose the whereabouts of missing persons and return bodies to families for burial. He also demanded the release of opposition figures, including Chadema leader Tundu Lissu, and condemned the arbitrary detention of more than 150 people, some reportedly charged with treason.

Tanzania’s inflation hits two-year high amid unrest

Tanzania’s annual inflation rate rose to 3.5% in October 2025, the highest since June 2023, according to the National Bureau of Statistics. The rise , driven mainly by higher food and beverage prices, reflects growing economic instability following post-election unrest. Year-on-year food inflation reached 7.4%, while modest monthly price declines were observed in essentials such as poultry, bread, beans, and fuel. Despite the uptick, analysts note that the overall inflation rate remains manageable but could worsen if political instability continues to disrupt supply chains and investor confidence.

Rwanda and Tanzania advance cross-border payment integration

Rwanda and Tanzania have begun technical discussions to link their national retail payment systems — Tanzania’s Instant Payment System (TIPS) and Rwanda’s National Payment Switch (RSWITCH). The initiative, discussed during a high-level meeting in Kigali, aims to enable instant, low-cost money transfers between bank accounts and mobile wallets across the two nations. Once implemented, the system will simplify cross-border transactions for citizens and businesses, supporting trade and financial innovation in the East African region.

This list was developed using data from HypeAuditor , an AI-driven platform that measures influencer performance through its Audience Quality Score (AQS). The AQS evaluates engagement, audience authenticity, and growth dynamics, helping us identify journalists who combine credibility with a genuine connection to their audiences.

If you haven’t read parts three and two of this series yet, be sure to catch up.

Now, let’s move on to the final round, positions 25 to 1.

25. "Monte Oz" (Ghana)

"Monte Oz" is an international journalist and travel storyteller who has journeyed across 91 countries, documenting cultures, people, and places with depth and curiosity.

Through his digital platforms, he shares immersive narratives that highlight the connections between global experiences and local stories.

Check out his TikTok profile.

24. Frank Mavura (Tanzania)

Frank Mavura is a Tanzanian multimedia journalist, content creator, and mental health advocate. He serves as a journalist at BBC News Swahili, where he produces and presents content that resonates with audiences across East Africa.

Beyond his work at the BBC , Mavura is a prominent figure on social media platforms and is a voice-over artist, lending his vocal talents to various projects.

Check out his TikTok profile.

23. Christian Chez Vous (Republic of the Congo)

Christian Chez Vous is a Congolese journalist and digital news producer whose work explores political affairs and conflict across the Republic of the Congo.

Over time, Christian has built his platform as a forum for civic discourse, spotlighting underreported stories and holding power to account. Through his content, he bridges grassroots reporting and broader democratic debate across media channels.

Check out his TikTok profile.

22. Oratile Kekana (South Africa)

Oratile Kekana is a dedicated South African journalist and newsreader working at Capricorn FM , where she anchors weekend news segments and contributes reportage across diverse beats.

She began her broadcasting journey at Zebediela FM as a news reader and later volunteered at TUT FM, sharpening her craft in live radio environments. Over time, she has written for outlets such as City Press and The Citizen , covering issues ranging from health to governance, and has developed a reputation for clear, community-centred journalism.

Check out her TikTok profile.

21. Kwame Dela da Fishbone (Ghana)

Kwame Dela, also known by his moniker “da Fishbone”, is a prominent Ghanaian sports journalist whose commentary and analysis have become staples in Ghanaian radio and digital media.

He previously worked with Angel FM in Kumasi, before moving in 2022 to Wontumi Radio/TV to bolster their sports coverage.  Known for his sharp insights into football, especially Ghana Premier League narratives.

Check out his TikTok profile.

20. "Nsoatreman Tv" (Ghana)

Nsoatreman TV is a Ghanaian media figure who blends journalistic work with philanthropy and music promotion, often using broadcast and digital platforms to spotlight local stories and support community causes.

Check out his TikTok profile.

19. Fifame Salome Attadedji (Benin)

Fifame Salome Attadedji is a bilingual television journalist and live MC who seamlessly combines broadcasting, performance and fashion with journalism.

Her work demonstrates versatility, whether moderating discussions, reporting, or MCing live, she blends entertainment and information, with a distinctive style that emphasises mindset and cultural trends.

Check out her TikTok profile.

18. Kojo Kinn (Ghana)

Kojo Kinn is a Ghanaian entertainment journalist and musician who bridges reporting and creative expression.

He writes for outlets such as Modern Ghana and contributes features on music, culture and the arts, while simultaneously pursuing his own musical projects.

Check out his TikTok profile.

17. Mohamed El Amine Diop (Senegal)

Mohamed El Amine Diop is a Senegalese sports journalist and manager, known for his analytical coverage of football and mixed martial arts through respected outlets like Wiwsport and iGFM.

He often provides commentary on major national events, such as the announcement of Senegal’s squad for the Africa Cup of Nations, and dissects controversies in sport, combining insider access and critical perspective.

Check out his TikTok profile.

16. Hausa Guy (Nigeria)

Hausa Guy is a Nigerian multimedia journalist and content creator who leverages digital platforms to tell stories in Hausa and English. Based in Abuja, he combines reporting, video storytelling and narrative design to spotlight underreported issues, ranging from social justice to cultural identity, within Northern Nigeria and beyond.

Check out his TikTok profile.

15. Millard Afrael Ayo (Tanzania)

Millard Afrael Ayo is a Tanzanian journalist, broadcaster and digital media entrepreneur. He began his career in youth radio before moving into mainstream media with Clouds FM and ITV/Radio One , where he hosted flagship programmes including Amplifaya.

Voted the “Most Influential Young Tanzanian” in 2018 by Avance Media , Ayo has also broken ground online, his YouTube-channel content draws on breaking news and cultural commentary across Tanzania.

Check out his TikTok profile.

14. Peace Diane Bagala (Uganda)

Peace Diane Bagala is a prominent Ugandan sports journalist and presenter. She is recognised for her insightful football commentary and analysis on CBS FM and BBS Terefayina , where she has been a key voice in sports journalism.

From a young age, she demonstrated a keen understanding of football, even recalling the Uganda Cranes' starting lineup during her primary school years. Her journey from humble beginnings to becoming a celebrated media personality is a testament to her dedication and passion for sports journalism.

Check out her TikTok profile.

13. Astou Konaté (Senegal)

Astou Konaté is a Senegalese journalist and presenter based in Dakar, affiliated with Seneweb . She holds a degree in Communication from the Institut Supérieur d'Entrepreneurship et de Gestion (ISEG).

Astou is known for her dynamic presence in sports journalism, particularly covering football events. Her work extends to digital communication, where she engages audiences through various platforms. In 2024, she was nominated for the "Best Journalist" award at the Only Woman Awards , highlighting her impact in the media industry.

Check out her TikTok profile.

12. Beker (Ethiopia)

Beker, is an Ethiopian journalist and content creator who shares a variety of content on his platforms. While specific details about his career are limited, his presence on social media indicates a growing influence in the digital space.

He engages with his audience through a mix of posts, showcasing his interests and perspectives.

Check out his TikTok profile.

11. "Devlin’s Report" (Ghana)

"Devlin’s Report" is a Ghanaian journalist and content creator known for his timely coverage of national news and political developments.

Through his digital platforms, Devlin’s Report has established a reputation for delivering breaking news and in-depth analyses, engaging a growing community of followers interested in Ghana's current affairs.

Check out his TikTok profile.

10. Alex Nawej Tshikomb (Democratic Republic of the Congo)

Alex Nawej Tshikomb is a Congolese journalist, presenter, and content creator based in Lubumbashi. Known for his eclectic style, he blends journalism with MCing and live event hosting, often incorporating dance and fashion into his performances.

His dynamic approach reflects the vibrant media landscape of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Check out his TikTok profile.

9. Gethou Bapile Gbi (Democratic Republic of the Congo)

Gethou Bapile Gbi is a journalist and content creator known for his dynamic presence on social media. She engages her audience through a variety of content, showcasing her interests and perspectives.

Check out her TikTok profile.

8. Shaffie Zele (Kenya)

Shaffie Zele is a Kenyan sports journalist and digital creator, known for his energetic coverage of football and his role as a brand ambassador for BETKUMI and Sofascore.

He blends sports commentary with entertainment, bringing a lively and relatable tone to his content.

Check out his TikTok profile.

7. Cheikh Kébé (Senegal)

Cheikh Kébé is a Senegalese journalist, presenter, and reporter at 2sTV , a leading private television channel. He is known for his clear, engaging reporting and insightful commentary on social and cultural issues.

Cheikh covers significant events, from local disputes to national news, and hosts programmes that foster public discussion.

Check out his TikTok profile.

6. Nana Kwame Adasah (Ghana)

Nana Kwame Adasah is a Ghanaian broadcast journalist, professional MC, and poet, affiliated with the EIB Network, which includes GHOne TV , Kasapa FM , and Star FM.

He is renowned for his compelling spoken word performances, often featured on platforms like Onua TV , where he captivates audiences with his rhythmic recitations. Beyond his journalistic and poetic endeavors, Adasah serves as a master of ceremonies for various events, blending eloquence and charisma to engage attendees.

Check out his TikTok profile.

5. Rose Jiya Nima (Nigeria)

Rose Jiya Nima is a Nigerian journalist, police officer, and on-air personality. She is known for her engaging presence on social media platforms, where she shares a mix of content related to her professional experiences and personal insights.

Her work bridges the gap between law enforcement and journalism, offering a unique perspective on both fields.

Check out her TikTok profile.

4. Hikma Temam (Ethiopia)

Hikma Temam is an Ethiopian journalist and digital storyteller who uses her platforms to share relevant and impactful stories from across Africa.

Through her YouTube-channel, HIKMA TEMAM , she explores the continent’s political, cultural and social realities, celebrating Africa’s progress while challenging global misconceptions. Her work offers authentic, locally grounded perspectives on the issues shaping Africa’s future.

Check out her TikTok profile.

3. "Miss Coumbae" (Senegal)

"Miss Coumbae" is a Senegalese sports journalist and presenter at RTS, known for her dynamic coverage of football events.

She is also a passionate supporter of Real Madrid. Her engaging presence on platforms like Instagram reflects her commitment to sports journalism and her vibrant personality.

Check out her TikTok profile.

2. Vito Gaye (Senegal)

Vito Gaye is a Senegalese journalist, radio host, and television presenter known for his dynamic presence in the media landscape. He serves as a TV presenter at 313 Digital and is recognized for his engaging commentary on current affairs.

In addition to his television work, Gaye is a radio host and voice-over artist, bringing a versatile skill set to his media engagements. His multifaceted career reflects a commitment to informing and entertaining audiences across various platforms.

Check out his TikTok profile.

1. Ogechi Emeh (Nigeria)

Emeh Lilian Ogechi is number one on this list. Known on TikTok as "Adaigbo Global", she is a Nigerian news reporter and digital storyteller who uses her platform to amplify Igbo culture, heritage and community voices.

She reports on social and economic issues affecting Nigerians both at home and abroad, often spotlighting stories of local development and entrepreneurship. Alongside her reporting, she also shares insights on real estate opportunities in Anambra and Abuja, linking them to broader narratives of economic empowerment.

Her work blends journalism and advocacy, driven by a deep commitment to cultural preservation and community progress.

Check out her TikTok profile.

This list was created with the help of  HypeAuditor  and is based on the  Audience Quality Score (AQS) . In cases of a tie, the engagement rate was used to determine the ranking. The keywords used in our search were 'journalist', 'journalism', 'host', 'reporter', and 'presenter' in all African countries.

Read more from this series exploring TikTok journalism across the Global South:

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 4.

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 3.

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 2.

Top journalists in Latin America. Part 1.

Top journalists in Southeast Asia. Part 3.

Top journalists in Southeast Asia. Part 2.

Top journalists in Southeast Asia. Part 1

“After hearing the government’s announcement that we could resume work today, we thanked God that we’re back to our jobs, even though things aren’t quite the same yet," said Emmanuel Adenia, a motorcycle taxi driver. " People are still a bit fearful here and there, but it’s not too bad because we’ve been sitting at home for nearly a week without work,” he told Viory.

“Customers are still a bit fearful, coming one by one, but we are satisfied because that’s just the reality of things right now," said Ester Joel Shangarai, a local vegetable seller.

The government lifted curfews and partially restored internet access this week, easing restrictions imposed during a period of nationwide shutdown. The unrest erupted following the announcement by Tanzania’s electoral commission that President Samia had secured 98 percent of the vote, a result widely rejected by opposition groups as fraudulent.

Despite a heavy security presence, Samia was sworn in for a second term on Monday. Opposition leaders claim that more than 800 people have died in clashes related to the election.

Hassan urged "unity and solidarity" in her speech, but she also claimed that some of the young demonstrators were from "outside Tanzania."

"Our defence and security agencies continue to investigate and examine in detail what happened," she added.

The election, held on 29 October 2025, has attracted significant global attention due to the exclusion of major opposition parties and reports of unrest in key cities. Concerns about the fairness and inclusiveness of the process have sparked debate among international observers.

Suluhu, who initially assumed the presidency in 2021, now faces the challenge of addressing criticism regarding democratic practices while consolidating her mandate. Her leadership will be closely scrutinised as she navigates these political pressures.

For investors and the international community, the election outcome raises questions about Tanzania’s political stability, governance, and the broader implications for democracy in East Africa . The president’s call for unity seeks to reassure citizens and external stakeholders alike.

Meanwhile, in Ivory Coast, President Alassane Ouattara coasted to victory after earning 90% of votes cast in the October 25 elections . The win handed Ouattara his fourth, five-year term, which would extend his rule to 20 years. 

More astounding was President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s win in Tanzania, as the country’s electoral body declared she won 98% of the vote in a widely participated election — 87% of registered voters turned out, compared with 50% in 2020. 

While these electoral wins are separated by distance and circumstance, the three are bound by ties that extend beyond their status as reelectionists and leaders in Africa. 

Opposition barred

One of the most glaring similarities between the Cameroon, Ivory Coast and Tanzania elections was that major opposition bets were barred from running — many of them disqualified on questionable grounds. 

In Cameroon, veteran politician and lawyer Maurice Kamto was dropped from the candidates' list after his party, the Movement for the Renaissance of Cameroon, fell into disarray after internal disputes led to rival endorsements. Before his candidacy came to an abrupt end, he was widely regarded as the strongest challenger to Biya. 

Ivory Coast’s electoral body stripped two challengers of their eligibility: Tidjane Thiam, whose acquisition of a French citizenship was seen as an automatic forfeiture of his Ivorian citizenship, and Laurent Gbagbo, the country’s former president who was barred over a 2018 criminal conviction.

Two opposition candidates were also prohibited from running in Tanzania, namely Chadema’s Tundu Lissu, who spent two months in jail for treason over his calls for fair elections, and Luhaga Mpina of ACT-Wazalendo.

Irregularities 

With the questionable disqualification of key challengers, many have alleged irregularities in the three elections. 

Even before this year’s polls, Cameroon has often been portrayed as a country practicing electoral autocracy — meaning it holds elections regularly, but ones that fall short of democratic standards. 

Opposition bet Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who placed second according to the Constitutional Court’s results, claimed he had won the October 12 vote with a 54.8% share of votes, based on partial data. 

Allegations of irregularities in the Ivorian polls primarily stem from the removal of key candidates from the ballots, resulting in what observers label as a “non-competitive” election. Residents said the election was held under a climate of fear, too, with a heavy police presence observed in the days leading up to, and after, the vote. 

In Tanzania, evidence of electoral fraud was more blatant, as the country entered an information blackout with the internet shut down. The European Union later slammed the “lack of level playing field” and “large number of fatalities and significant injuries” in the polls.

Protest and violence

Four protesters were killed a day before Biya’s proclamation in Cameroon, with many more reported to be hurt in demonstrations that have taken over major parts of the country, including its commercial capital, Douala. 

Biya has acknowledged this violence, but his government was quick to flip the script, blaming “perpetrators and instigators” who alleged electoral fraud for fuelling post-election chaos.

Meanwhile, protests in Ivory Coast had largely been quashed by the government as dozens of demonstrators were arrested for public order offences, in what Amnesty International described as a clear sign of repression.

Post-election violence in Tanzania was the most alarming, as the opposition claimed the death toll had reached 700. The actual count, they said, could be much higher as more killings took place during a nighttime curfew. 

Tanzania’s foreign minister dismissed the violence as a "few isolated pockets of incidents here and there,” adding the internet shutdown was a necessary measure to save lives. 

A video by Viory showed a column of smoke rising over the city. The protests, led by opposition supporters, called for political reforms and transparency in the electoral process.

Police used tear gas to disperse crowds, and authorities have imposed a curfew. Internet disruptions were also reported nationwide.

President Samia Suluhu Hassan, expected to secure re-election, has faced accusations of stifling dissent after key opposition candidates were disqualified. Human rights groups have condemned recent crackdowns on free speech and political activity.

Now there are widespread demonstrations across the country following the close of polls.

President Samia, who took office in 2021 following the death of former leader John Magufuli, is seeking her first full term. Since then, she has positioned herself as a reformer and bridge-builder, especially in international circles, but at home, her government has been criticised for systematically sidelining opposition figures and dissent.

The main opposition party, CHADEMA, has seen its most prominent leaders, including Tundu Lissu, being disqualified or detained in the run-up to the polls. The party’s vice chairperson, Tanzania Halima Mdee, has also faced legal pressure, while opposition rallies and media coverage have reportedly been restricted. These moves have left voters with limited choice and undermined the credibility of the democratic process.

United Nations Human Rights experts have expressed concern over “enforced disappearances, harassment of critics, and shrinking civic space,” warning that the political environment is becoming increasingly intolerant of dissent. In this context, the CCM’s overwhelming dominance - having been in power since independence in 1961 – appears set to continue largely unchallenged.

Despite these concerns, Samia has made new promises to address economic challenges, including youth unemployment, infrastructure development, and regional trade integration. Her administration has also pushed for reforms to attract foreign investment, framing the election as a mandate for stability and growth.

Meanwhile, as polls have closed, several hundred youth have begun demonstrations across the country, decrying the alleged lack of transparency in the voting process, internet shutdown across the country, among others.

This concludes our coverage of the October 29 elections in Tanzania, where incumbent leader President Samia Suluhu Hassan prepares to begin a fresh five-year term amid growing unrest and violence. Follow Global South World's official social media pages for more post-election updates from Tanzania.

Hassan declared winner by 98%

Tanzania's electoral commission declared on Saturday that President Samia Suluhu Hassan had won, with nearly 98% of the votes, an election that set off violent protests across the country this week.

The result hands Hassan, who took power in 2021 after the death in office of her predecessor, a five-year term to govern the East African country of 68 million people.

Protests erupted during Wednesday's vote for president and parliament, with some demonstrators tearing down banners of Hassan and setting fire to government buildings and police firing tear gas and gunshots, according to witnesses.

Demonstrators are angry about the electoral commission's exclusion of Hassan's two biggest challengers from the race and what they described as widespread repression.

Tanzania's main opposition party said on Friday that hundreds of people had been killed in the protests, while the U.N. human rights office said credible reports indicated at least 10 people were killed in three cities.

The government dismissed the opposition's death toll as "hugely exaggerated" and has rejected criticism of its human rights record.

Reuters could not independently verify casualty figures.

COMMISSION SAYS TURNOUT WAS 87%

The electoral commission said that Hassan received more than 31.9 million votes, or 97.66% of the total, with turnout nearing 87% of the country's 37.6 million registered voters.

Turnout appeared low on election day, according to witnesses, with some polling stations disrupted by the protests.

The Tanzanian authorities have imposed a nationwide curfew for the past three nights and restricted access to the internet.

Foreign Affairs Minister Mahmoud Thabit Kombo on Friday denied allegations that security services had used excessive force, saying there had only been a "very few small pockets of incidents" caused by criminal elements.

U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, in a statement issued on Friday by his spokesperson, called "for a thorough and impartial investigation into all allegations of excessive use of force" and deplored the loss of life.

RECENT CRITICISM FOR HASSAN

Hassan, 65, won praise after taking office in 2021 from predecessor John Magufuli for easing repression that increased under his tenure but has more recently faced criticism from opposition parties and activists after a series of arrests and alleged abductions of opponents.

She has denied allegations of widespread rights abuses. Last year, she said she had ordered an investigation into reports of abductions, but no official findings have been released.

During the campaign, she touted accomplishments expanding road and railway networks and increasing power generation capacity.

The main opposition party CHADEMA had called for protests during the election, which it said amounted to a "coronation".

CHADEMA was disqualified in April from the election after it refused to sign a code of conduct, and its leader Tundu Lissu was charged with treason.

The commission also disqualified the candidate for opposition party ACT-Wazalendo, leaving only minor parties to take on Hassan.

Violence breaks out in Tanzania's biggest city

Tanzania’s largest city, Dar es Salaam, descended into chaos on Wednesday, October 29, as protests broke out during the country’s general elections.

Demonstrators clashed with police, reportedly setting a police station ablaze and damaging public property.

A video by Viory showed a column of smoke rising over the city. The protests, led by opposition supporters, called for political reforms and transparency in the electoral process.

Police used tear gas to disperse crowds, and authorities have imposed a curfew. Internet disruptions were also reported nationwide.

President Samia Suluhu Hassan, expected to secure re-election, has faced accusations of stifling dissent after key opposition candidates were disqualified. Human rights groups have condemned recent crackdowns on free speech and political activity.

Ballots destroyed and officials flee as protests escalate

Reports from local sources describe ballots being destroyed and scattered on the streets as protests intensified. Election officials allegedly abandoned polling stations amid the unrest, raising further doubts about the credibility of the electoral process and the government’s ability to maintain control.

Police stations torched in Dar es Salaam and Arusha

Protesters burned police stations in both Dar es Salaam and Arusha, and a police patrol vehicle was also set alight in Dar es Salaam. The attacks on security infrastructure signal rising anger on the streets and a growing breakdown of public order.

Defiance on the streets as protests continue despite curfew

Demonstrations persist across Tanzania even after police enforced a nationwide curfew. Crowds have defied restrictions, demanding accountability and transparency following the country’s disputed election.

Influx of wounded patients at Muhimbili Hospital

Muhimbili National Hospital is witnessing an influx of injured patients following post-election violence across the city, hospital sources told the BBC. The surge in casualties comes as protesters took to the streets demanding electoral reforms and the restoration of free political activity. Demonstrators set vehicles ablaze and damaged public infrastructure in various parts of Dar es Salaam, prompting a swift response from authorities.

Tanzania’s police chief, Camillus Wambura, imposed a citywide curfew starting from 6:00 p.m. local time (15:00 GMT), urging residents to remain indoors. No end date for the curfew has been provided.

Dar es Salaam’s Regional Commissioner, Alfred Chalamila, warned earlier that the government would take firm action against anyone disturbing public order. Protests were also reported in other parts of the country, including Mbeya and Tunduma. “We are tired,” a protester told the BBC. “We want an independent electoral commission so that every Tanzanian can choose the leader they want.”

Opposition suppression, new promises, chaos – Tanzania’s incumbent president readies for another term?

Incumbent President Samia Suluhu Hassan and her ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), are widely expected to secure another term in office, as the country has wrapped up the nationwide vote.

But the path to re-election has been marked by the suppression of opposition voices, raising new concerns over the country’s democratic course.

Now there are widespread demonstrations across the country following the close of polls.

President Samia, who took office in 2021 following the death of former leader John Magufuli, is seeking her first full term. Since then, she has positioned herself as a reformer and bridge-builder, especially in  international  circles, but at home, her government has been criticised for systematically sidelining opposition figures and dissent. Read more .

US Embassy issues security alert over post election unrest

The U.S. Embassy in Tanzania has issued a security alert to American citizens and embassy staff following reports of demonstrations and unrest in several parts of the country after the elections.

According to the advisory, Tanzanian police have imposed a curfew in Dar es Salaam beginning at 6:00 p.m. on October 29, as security forces respond to protests in multiple locations. The embassy warned that the situation remains fluid, with reports of ongoing demonstrations and an increased security presence across major cities.

The embassy instructed U.S. government personnel to shelter in place at their residences and announced that, for October 30, operations at the U.S. Embassy in Dar es Salaam will be limited to emergency consular services only.

Social media reactions to curfew, alleged internet shutdown in Tanzania

Many Tanzanian netizens are reporting difficulties accessing platforms like X without resorting to VPNs. Digital rights commentators say these shutdowns curtail freedom of expression and limit democratic dialogue. For example, scholars warn that internet blackouts reduce the available space for political debate, activist organising, and citizen oversight. Some social media users are expressing frustration and fear - citing that restrictions may signal an attempt to limit dissent ahead of election results.

Unrest spreads across Tanzania as protests turn violent

In the hours following the vote, Tanzania has descended into turmoil.

Protesters have taken to the streets, torching buildings and destroying property in several regions, as anger over the electoral process intensifies. Police forces have been deployed nationwide, attempting to contain the chaos and restore order. But with demonstrations spreading and communication networks disrupted, the scale of unrest now threatens to overshadow the very legitimacy of Tanzania’s election.

President Samia cast her vote, urged Tanzanians to turn out peacefully

President Samia Suluhu Hassan began the day by expressing gratitude to Almighty God after joining fellow citizens of Chamwino to cast her vote. The Head of State described it as “a blessed morning,” commending the sense of unity and civic responsibility shown by voters who turned up early across the country.

President Samia encouraged all Tanzanians to continue turning out in large numbers to vote peacefully and calmly, noting that millions had already participated in an orderly manner. She emphasized that maintaining peace and stability during the election process was vital to strengthening democracy and ensuring that every citizen’s voice is heard.

Silence and tension mark Tanzania’s election day

In Tanzania, the right to vote has collided with the struggle to be heard.

As the country heads to the polls, violent clashes and an internet blackout have plunged the electoral process into uncertainty. Reports from local media describe streets under tight security, opposition leaders detained, and voters struggling to access information or communicate online. With most social networks blocked and news outlets operating under pressure, Tanzania’s election unfolds in a climate of fear and silence - one where the flow of information may prove as decisive as the vote itself.

Tanzania’s 2025 elections face a crisis of information control 

In Tanzania today, truth itself has become a battleground.

As the country approaches its general elections on October 29, 2025, it is not the ballot box but the control of information that may decide the nation’s future. Across newsrooms, churches, and social media, fear and censorship are reshaping the space for public debate and democracy.

Over recent years, the government has steadily tightened control over what citizens can read, post, or even discuss. Key online platforms once central to public conversation -Twitter (now X), Clubhouse, Telegram, and the influential Tanzanian forum JamiiForums - have been  blocked or restricted. Read more here .

Elections without opposition?

As Tanzanians prepare to vote in presidential, parliamentary, and local elections on Wednesday, October 29, much of the opposition has been pushed to the margins, with leading parties boycotting the race and several candidates disqualified or silenced.

The election is officially set to feature 17 presidential contenders, but only one, incumbent President Samia Suluhu Hassan of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), enjoys national recognition and institutional backing. 

The imbalance has prompted critics to question whether the poll represents a genuine democratic contest or simply a formality to extend CCM’s near five-decade rule. More here .

Blind political loyalty 

In Tanzania, as in many African democracies, politics has become less about reform and more about political loyalty. 

Politics in Tanzania is now less about policy and more about belonging – cheering for a team instead of striving for better governance. And when loyalty overshadows ideas, meaningful change disappears.

Once political identity becomes part of who we are – “I am CCM” or “I am Chadema” –  the goal shifts. People stop comparing policies and start defending their side while attacking the other. Political scientists call this  affective polarisation :  when people become emotionally attached to one camp and hostile toward another, no matter the issues. More here .

Controversial promises ahead of the elections

As Tanzanians vote in the 2025 general election, the campaign period closed with promises made over the past two months taking centre stage – some attracting attention for their controversy. The October 29 polls will elect the president, members of the National Assembly, and ward councillors. Campaigning officially began on 28 August and has been marked less by policy debate than by a series of unconventional pledges that have sparked both amusement and debate. While some of these promises appear light-hearted, analysts  suggest  their prominence reflects the limited participation of major opposition figures in this year’s race. Read more here .

Tanzania heads to the polls today in a high-stakes vote that could cement the ruling CCM party’s seven-decade grip on power.

With opposition candidates sidelined by arrests and intimidation, President Samia Suluhu Hassan appears poised to secure another term amid calls for fair competition and political reform.

Meet the candidates for next Tanzanian president

Over 37 million Tanzanian voters head to the polls today to select their new leader under a tense political climate marked by limited media access and growing state control.

Who among them will prevail?

Polls opened at 4 am GMT and closed at 1 pm GMT — vote counting is underway, and results will be made public within three days, according to the election commission.

BACKGROUND

Post-election protests turn violent

Violent protests broke out in Tanzania's biggest city, Dar es Salaam, on Wednesday during an election, President Samia Suluhu Hassan is expected to win following the disqualification of the leading opposition candidates.

Internet service was disrupted across the country, monitor group NetBlocks said, as unverified videos of young protesters throwing rocks at security forces and a petrol station in flames circulated on social media.

Hundreds of protesters were marching towards the Selander Bridge that leads to Dar es Salaam's centre, said a witness who asked not to be named.

Witnesses reported violent protests in at least four neighbourhoods of Dar es Salaam, while video from BBC Swahili showed police using tear gas to disperse protesters in another part of the city.

Who’s in

The incumbent president and the first woman to lead Tanzania, Suluhu Hassan has years of experience in government and initially projected herself as a moderate reformer. Running with Emmanuel Nchimbi as her vice-presidential candidate, she remains the dominant political figure in the race. Her strongest potential challengers, particularly from the Chadema opposition party, have been weakened by systematic state pressure. Opposition leaders have faced legal restrictions, arrests, and in some cases, violent intimidation. This has left Tanzania’s political opposition fragmented and largely unable to mount an effective national campaign.

Masoud, the former First Vice President of Zanzibar, has emerged as the main opposition figure in the campaign. Known for his legal background and measured political style, he has positioned himself as a reformist voice advocating for stronger governance , youth empowerment, and greater autonomy for Zanzibar within the union.

Although the National Electoral Commission reportedly barred his candidacy earlier this year, ACT Wazalendo continued to campaign with him as its symbolic presidential representative, drawing significant crowds, particularly in Zanzibar. His prominence underscores the frustration among opposition supporters over shrinking political space.

Kadege’s campaign centres on youth employment and vocational training, aiming to expand opportunities for young Tanzanians.

Mulumbe advocates for the use of satellite technology to boost sectors like agriculture, mining , and justice, and supports introducing dual citizenship to strengthen economic ties.

Mwiru focuses on agricultural reform, proposing zonal markets, fixed crop and livestock prices, and 24-hour access to essential public services.

Who’s out

Much of the opposition in Tanzania has been pushed to the margins in the presidential, parliamentary and local elections, with leading parties boycotting the race and several candidates disqualified or silenced.

The election is officially set to feature 17 presidential contenders, but only one, incumbent President Samia Suluhu Hassan of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), enjoys national recognition and institutional backing.

The imbalance has prompted critics to question whether the poll represents a genuine democratic contest or simply a formality to extend CCM’s near five-decade rule.

Tanzania’s two largest opposition parties, CHADEMA and ACT-Wazalendo, are not taking part after accusing the government of orchestrating a systematic crackdown on dissent. Several of their key leaders have been barred from running, while others face ongoing court cases or arbitrary detention.

In April, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) disqualified CHADEMA’s presidential candidate on what the party described as “manufactured technicalities.” International news agency Reuters later confirmed that other opposition figures were similarly struck off ballots at local and parliamentary levels.

Human rights groups, including Amnesty International, have reported a “climate of fear”, citing arbitrary arrests, media restrictions, and enforced disappearances in the lead-up to the vote.

“Authorities have intensified repression ahead of the elections, instilling fear among activists, journalists, and ordinary citizens,” Amnesty said in an October report.

When Samia Suluhu Hassan took office in 2021 following the death of John Magufuli, she was initially praised for loosening restrictions on the opposition and reopening civic space. But over time, that image has faded.

Opposition activists say the state has perfected a softer, procedural form of authoritarianism — one that relies less on overt violence and more on bureaucratic obstacles, judicial harassment, and control of the media landscape.

What’s at stake

Beyond the political contest, Tanzanians continue to grapple with everyday struggles; unreliable electricity, water shortages, unemployment, and poor healthcare.

Still, many voters feel there is little space for genuine alternatives, with the ruling party dominating the political narrative and state machinery.

Dearth of information

There are 17 candidates, but reliable information about most of them remains scarce. The campaign has been dominated by the ruling party’s candidate, while smaller contenders have struggled to gain visibility in a political environment marked by limited media access and growing state control.

The political climate is tense, with reports of repression, arrests, and intimidation targeting opposition figures. President Samia Suluhu Hassan, who assumed office in 2021 after the death of John Magufuli, entered power promising reform and reconciliation. However, critics argue that her government has since tightened its grip on the political system, leaving little room for genuine competition.

While smaller candidates remain part of the electoral process, there is very little publicly available information about most of them, and their campaigns receive limited coverage, giving them minimal capacity to challenge CCM’s entrenched dominance. Their participation, however, serves as a reminder of Tanzania’s multi-party structure, one that exists more in form than in genuine political balance.

While some of these promises appear light-hearted, analysts suggest their prominence reflects the limited participation of major opposition figures in this year’s race.

A Crocodile pond to fight corruption

In Tanzania mainland, African Farmers Party (AAFP) presidential candidate Kunje Ngombale Mwiru captured public attention with an unusual anti-corruption proposal – the construction of a crocodile pond at the State House.

Speaking in Morogoro on 2 September 2025, Mr Mwiru declared: “If elected, I will establish a crocodile pond – yes, a crocodile pond – for corrupt individuals. Anyone found guilty of embezzlement or economic sabotage will face the consequences.”

The statement, widely circulated on both mainstream and social media, quickly became one of the campaign’s most talked-about moments.

Polygamy as policy in Zanzibar

Across the Indian Ocean in Zanzibar Island, Khamis Faki Mgau, the National Reconstruction Alliance (NRA) presidential candidate, made headlines with a promise to make polygamy mandatory for young men.

Mr Mgau argued that economic prosperity under his leadership would remove any excuse for men to remain monogamous.

“Young men, be ready. When I become president of Zanzibar, it will be illegal for a man to have only one wife. Anyone with just one will face six years in prison,” he said.

Alongside his polygamy pledge, Mr Mgau promised sweeping economic reforms, including a monthly salary for every Zanzibari aged five and above, with a minimum of Sh900,000.

Opposition candidate endorses the incumbent

In one of the campaign’s more surprising developments, Juma Ali Khatib, the Tanzania Democratic Alliance (TADEA) presidential candidate, publicly endorsed Zanzibar’s incumbent president, Hussein Ali Mwinyi of the ruling CCM.

“We are satisfied with the great work President Mwinyi has done. We want him to continue. Even if I win, I won’t remove him; I want him to remain president,” said Mr Khatib.

He cited Article 39(3)(i) of the Zanzibar Constitution, which allows for the appointment of a First Vice President from any party securing at least 10 percent of the presidential vote.

Mr Khatib said his aim was not to compete with Dr Mwinyi but to support him in accelerating development. “We are not competitors in the narrow sense. Our goal is a partnership that delivers tangible results for Zanzibar,” he said.

Banning king-size beds to boost birth rates

Another AAFP presidential candidate in Zanzibar, Said Soud Said, Said Soud Said, a presidential candidate in Zanzibar, proposed banning king-size beds , which he believes contribute to declining birth rates in the region.

“In the past, when people used 4×6 beds, families were bigger and Zanzibar’s population was growing steadily,” Said, proposing to limit bed sizes to 4×6 to encourage larger families.

“When you sleep on a 6×6 bed, the wife is on one side and the husband on the other – you don’t reproduce. Our ancestors slept on smaller beds and had many children,” he said.

A veteran of the 2010, 2015, and 2020 elections, Mr Said maintained a respectful tone towards the current leadership, saying his aim was to build on existing progress “with greater speed.”

Monthly stipends for Zanzibaris

Ameir Hassan Ameir of the Makini Party also drew attention with a pledge to provide a monthly allowance of Tanzanian shillings 500,000 (about USD 202.9) to every Zanzibari citizen.

“Immediately after being sworn in, every Zanzibari will receive 500,000 shillings each month. This is not a dream; it is a vision – but it will require hard work and collective commitment,” he said.

He argued the initiative would be feasible through major economic reforms and increased national income.

A weakened opposition field

In June, 14 smaller opposition parties whose historical data show they rarely capture more than 5% of the vote.  announced their commitment to participate fully in the 2025 polls and uphold peaceful, issue-based campaigns.

The move followed a heated national debate over electoral reforms and a boycott threat from the main opposition party, CHADEMA, which maintained the slogan “ No Reforms, No Election. ”

Ultimately, CHADEMA chose to boycott the polls, citing the need for fundamental electoral changes. Meanwhile, ACT-Wazalendo, the second-largest opposition party, saw its presidential candidate, Luhaga Mpina, disqualified by the commission.

Author's bio

Mweha Msemo is a Tanzanian freelance journalist based in Dar es Salaam. He focuses on stories of marginalised communities, social justice, and digital rights. With a passion for amplifying unheard voices, his work highlights the lives and challenges of underrepresented groups, reflecting his commitment to raising awareness and fostering understanding.

The political climate is tense, with reports of repression, arrests, and intimidation targeting opposition figures. President Samia Suluhu Hassan, who assumed office in 2021 after the death of John Magufuli, entered power promising reform and reconciliation. However, critics argue that her government has since tightened its grip on the political system, leaving little room for genuine competition.

Samia Suluhu Hassan (Chama Cha Mapinduzi - CCM) – The incumbent president and the first woman to lead Tanzania, Suluhu Hassan has years of experience in government and initially projected herself as a moderate reformer. Running with Emmanuel Nchimbi as her vice-presidential candidate, she remains the dominant political figure in the race.

Her strongest potential challengers, particularly from the Chadema opposition party, have been weakened by systematic state pressure. Opposition leaders have faced legal restrictions, arrests, and in some cases, violent intimidation. This has left Tanzania’s political opposition fragmented and largely unable to mount an effective national campaign.

Other candidates represent smaller, lesser-known parties with limited influence on the national stage.

Othman Masoud Othman (Alliance for Change and Transparency – ACT Wazalendo): Masoud, the former First Vice President of Zanzibar, has emerged as the main opposition figure in the campaign. Known for his legal background and measured political style, he has positioned himself as a reformist voice advocating for stronger governance , youth empowerment, and greater autonomy for Zanzibar within the union.

Although the National Electoral Commission reportedly barred his candidacy earlier this year, ACT Wazalendo continued to campaign with him as its symbolic presidential representative, drawing significant crowds, particularly in Zanzibar. His prominence underscores the frustration among opposition supporters over shrinking political space .

Twailib Ibrahim Kadege (United People's Democratic Party – UPDP): Kadege’s campaign centres on youth employment and vocational training, aiming to expand opportunities for young Tanzanians.

Wilson Elias Mulumbe (Alliance for Democratic Change – ADC): Mulumbe advocates for the use of satellite technology to boost sectors like agriculture, mining , and justice, and supports introducing dual citizenship to strengthen economic ties.

Kunje Ngombale Mwiru (Alliance for Africa Farmers Party – AAFP): Mwiru focuses on agricultural reform, proposing zonal markets, fixed crop and livestock prices, and 24-hour access to essential public services.

While these smaller candidates remain part of the electoral process, there is very little publicly available information about most of them, and their campaigns receive limited coverage, giving them minimal capacity to challenge CCM’s entrenched dominance. Their participation, however, serves as a reminder of Tanzania’s multi-party structure, one that exists more in form than in genuine political balance.

Once political identity becomes part of who we are – “I am CCM” or “I am Chadema” –  the goal shifts. People stop comparing policies and start defending their side while attacking the other. Political scientists call this affective polarisation : when people become emotionally attached to one camp and hostile toward another, no matter the issues.

Studies show that when this happens, support for equality, accountability, and the rule of law weakens .

In Tanzania, this is most visible in the long dominance of Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM). Many citizens identify with the party out of loyalty to its name rather than its performance. Wearing party colours, chanting slogans, and attending rallies become symbols of belonging, not of debate or reform.

From Citizens to Fans

Why does this happen? Because political membership increasingly looks like fandom. Fans stay loyal even when their team sucks. They love the colours, the chants, and the stars more than the results. And they rarely criticise their own side, even when things go wrong.

When politics becomes fandom, activism turns into performance. Supporters cheer louder instead of asking harder questions.

But this blind loyalty doesn’t just weaken citizens – it blinds the rulers too. In trying to maintain the illusion of mass approval, leaders begin to lose sight of the truth.

In Tanzania, we’ve seen politicians pay people to attend rallies, dress them in party regalia, and transport them in lorries and buses – sometimes even including secondary school pupils below voting age. The goal is simple: to stage a spectacle of popularity, to look powerful and loved.

Yet the reality is sobering. In a country where most people still struggle to make ends meet, many will cheer for anything that brings a free meal or a few coins. These displays are not signs of genuine support but symptoms of desperation. They show how easily loyalty can be bought and how rulers mistake performance for legitimacy.

This illusion feeds itself. Leaders surrounded by paid crowds and endless praise stop hearing reality. They listen to applause, not hunger. And when they can no longer see the truth, they lose the ability to reform. Real change requires vision – the courage to face uncomfortable facts, not the comfort of staged approval.

Party switching has become another symptom of this culture. Politicians move between parties not for ideology but for survival – chasing influence, resources, or relevance. At the same time, few parties have clear policy differences , making membership more about identity than conviction.

CCM’s dominance reinforces this trend. Although Tanzania is a multiparty state, the playing field is far from level. Some analysts describe the system as “ authoritarianism in disguise ,” where loyalty matters more than reform.

The Culture of Uchawa

Then there is uchawa – sycophancy. The term comes from the Swahili word chawa , a louse that feeds on blood. Figuratively, it describes people who feed off power through uncritical praise.

In Tanzanian politics, Uchawa is the culture of flattering leaders in exchange for favours, protection, or visibility. Musicians, businesspeople, and public figures often rush to declare support for the ruling party, not because they believe in its policies, but because loyalty pays.

It goes beyond ordinary political support. It becomes a performance of devotion – singing praise songs, wearing party colours, appearing at rallies, and posting flattering messages online. The message is clear: to survive or advance, you must be seen cheering for those in power.

The darker side of uchawa is silence. Those who depend on proximity to power often refuse to speak up against human rights abuses, corruption, or politically motivated prosecutions. They look away because the perpetrators are “on their team.” Their duty becomes defending and praising their leaders, not holding them accountable.

This mindset has spread far beyond party offices. In Tanzania, carrying a CCM membership card can feel like carrying a passport to opportunity. It signals safety, access, and belonging. Many people join the party not out of conviction, but because those connections open doors – to jobs, contracts, or local government support.

There are countless small examples: drivers flying party flags to avoid fines, shopkeepers displaying portraits of leaders to attract goodwill from officials. These gestures reveal a larger truth – political loyalty has become a survival strategy in a system where dissent is risky and power is centralised.

We have arrived at a culture where loyalty is currency and silence is self-preservation.

When blind loyalty rules

When blind loyalty replaces debate, democracy suffers. Citizens become less critical. If your identity is tied to a party or leader, it’s hard to question them, even when projects stall or money disappears.

Flexibility fades, too. Reform requires openness to new ideas and alliances, but fan-like loyalty clings to the tribe. Politics loses its results-oriented focus. Success starts to mean staying in power, not improving lives.

Parties that prize unity over honesty suppress dissent and stagnate. Politics becomes theatre – passionate, noisy, but empty of progress.

Tanzania’s risk

In Tanzania, political identity is woven into history, patronage, and regional networks. CCM’s power rests not only on ideology but also on deep institutional reach and state resources. Opposition parties face financial and legal barriers, leaving many citizens frustrated or disillusioned.

When people feel the system is predetermined, membership becomes about belonging, not changing outcomes.

One survey found that while 77 percent of Tanzanians support elections, nearly a third see political parties as divisive and irrelevant. It reflects both faith in democracy and fatigue with partisan politics.

Reclaiming change

To move from fandom to reform, both citizens and leaders must refocus on performance and accountability. Civil society and independent institutions can help separate identity from evaluation, encouraging people to judge politics by results, not rhetoric.

Coalitions built around common issues like jobs, health, housing – can bridge party divides. Within parties, internal democracy and open debate can turn supporters into active participants, not just cheerleaders.

There are reasons for hope. Research across Africa shows that while identity and loyalty remain strong, performance still matters . The challenge for Tanzania is turning that potential into real, reform-driven participation.

Conclusion

When partisan identity dominates politics, membership becomes fandom: loyalty and belonging take precedence over ideas and results. In Tanzania, decades of dominance, weak opposition, and deep loyalties have made this culture hard to shake.

But democracy depends on citizens who can see – who question, challenge, and demand better. The true measure of loyalty is not how loudly we cheer, but how firmly we hold power to account.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Mweha Msemo is a Tanzanian freelance journalist based in Dar es Salaam. He focuses on stories of marginalised communities, social justice, and digital rights. With a passion for amplifying unheard voices, his work highlights the lives and challenges of underrepresented groups, reflecting his commitment to raising awareness and fostering understanding.

The imbalance has prompted critics to question whether the poll represents a genuine democratic contest or simply a formality to extend CCM’s near five-decade rule.

Opposition sidelined

Tanzania’s two largest opposition parties, CHADEMA and ACT-Wazalendo, are not taking part after accusing the government of orchestrating a systematic crackdown on dissent. Several of their key leaders have been barred from running, while others face ongoing court cases or arbitrary detention.

In April, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) disqualified CHADEMA’s presidential candidate on what the party described as “manufactured technicalities.” International news agency Reuters later confirmed that other opposition figures were similarly struck off ballots at local and parliamentary levels.

Human rights groups, including Amnesty International, have reported a “climate of fear”, citing arbitrary arrests, media restrictions, and enforced disappearances in the lead-up to the vote.

“Authorities have intensified repression ahead of the elections, instilling fear among activists, journalists, and ordinary citizens,” Amnesty said in an October report .

When Samia Suluhu Hassan took office in 2021 following the death of John Magufuli, she was initially praised for loosening restrictions on the opposition and reopening civic space. But over time, that image has faded.

Opposition activists say the state has perfected a softer, procedural form of authoritarianism — one that relies less on overt violence and more on bureaucratic obstacles, judicial harassment, and control of the media landscape.

Economic background

Beyond the political contest, Tanzanians continue to grapple with everyday struggles; unreliable electricity, water shortages, unemployment, and poor healthcare.

Still, many voters feel there is little space for genuine alternatives, with the ruling party dominating the political narrative and state machinery.

What’s next

Election observers from the East African Community (EAC) and the African Union have deployed missions across the country, but analysts remain skeptical about whether their presence will ensure transparency.

Over recent years, the government has steadily tightened control over what citizens can read, post, or even discuss. Key online platforms once central to public conversation — Twitter (now X), Clubhouse, Telegram, and the influential Tanzanian forum JamiiForums — have been blocked or restricted.

Many users now rely on VPNs to access these platforms. The Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority (TCRA) denies restricting the use of VPNs but requires users to notify the regulator when using such applications — a move clearly designed to monitor and discourage digital privacy.

JamiiForums, often called “Tanzania’s WikiLeaks” for its role in exposing corruption and hosting open debates, was suspended for 90 days in September after it shared statements by politician Humphrey Polepole about President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s private meetings with a Zimbabwean businessman. Officials accused the site of “misleading the public” and “undermining national unity.”

This digital crackdown has gone hand in hand with pressure on the press. Jambo TV received three separate takedown orders in a single month.

Under Section 19 of the Media Services Act (2016) and Regulations 17–19 of the Media Services Regulations (2017), all journalists must hold government-issued press cards — a system many see as turning accreditation into a tool of control. Even entertainment programs now avoid political jokes or commentary, fearful that a single remark could bring punishment.

The campaign of control has reached beyond media into religious life

When Bishop Josephat Gwajima, a CCM lawmaker, accused the government of detentions and disappearances, his Glory of Christ Church in Dar es Salaam was swiftly deregistered and sealed by police as hundreds of worshippers protested. Officials said his sermons violated the “acceptable conduct” of religious organisations — a warning that even ruling-party insiders are not safe from retribution.

Disappearances have become part of Tanzania’s political landscape

Earlier this October, Humphrey Polepole, former ambassador to Cuba and a sharp critic of the administration, was abducted by unknown assailants shortly after resigning from his post and denouncing government abuses.

According to UN experts, there have been over 200 cases of enforced disappearances since 2019, forming what they call a “pattern of intimidation” against journalists, activists, opposition members, and other dissenting voices.

At a recent discussion hosted by Tanzania’s Tech and Media Convergency (TMC), participants described the internet as a field of “ digital landmines, ” where a single post can end a career. For many Tanzanians, silence now feels safer than speech.

But silencing truth has not stopped lies

With independent journalism under siege and online spaces censored, misinformation spreads unchecked. In early 2025, fact-checking platform JamiiCheck analysed 192 political claims circulating online. Of these, 128 were false, most targeting opposition parties. 

Digital rights advocates believe that Tanzania’s Cybercrime Act and Electronic and Postal Communications Act are enforced selectively . Posts critical of the government vanish almost instantly, while pro-government falsehoods stay online — turning digital platforms into yet another instrument of political control.

As speech grows more restricted, political competition is also narrowing

The main opposition party, CHADEMA, has been disqualified from the race after refusing to sign an electoral code of conduct it called biased. Its leader, Tundu Lissu, faces treason charges widely viewed as politically motivated. He was arrested after a peaceful rally calling for electoral reform and accused of spreading false information — charges that could carry the death penalty.

Dozens of his supporters have been harassed or barred from attending his trial

Another opposition candidate, Luhaga Mpina, of the Alliance for Change and Transparency (ACT–Wazalendo), has also been banned from running . Once a senior CCM member, Mpina left the ruling party in August after being blocked from seeking re-nomination in his longtime parliamentary seat in Kisesa. His candidacy was seen as a serious challenge to President Samia — until the electoral commission disqualified him.

Many Tanzanians still remember the 2020 election, when the internet was shut down on polling day . Civil society groups warn that another blackout could leave voters, journalists, and observers in the dark — especially in rural areas. Without open communication, they say, rumours will thrive and public trust in the results will collapse.

Tanzania’s crisis reflects a wider African trend: the fusion of authoritarian control with digital technology. Across the continent, governments are using surveillance laws, internet shutdowns, and disinformation to shape public narratives and suppress dissent. But Tanzania stands out — for both its intensity and its timing — as it approaches a pivotal election where access to truth may matter as much as the vote itself.

Tanzania’s 2025 election will test more than political loyalty. It will test whether democracy can survive when speech, information, and belief are all under siege.

Restoring transparency will take more than promises. It will require protecting independent journalism, safeguarding free expression, investing in digital literacy, and dismantling the culture of fear that now grips the nation.

Until then, Tanzanians move toward the polls not only uncertain of their choices — but uncertain of what to believe.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Mweha Msemo is a Tanzanian freelance journalist based in Dar es Salaam. He focuses on stories of marginalised communities, social justice, and digital rights. With a passion for amplifying unheard voices, his work highlights the lives and challenges of underrepresented groups, reflecting his commitment to raising awareness and fostering understanding.

Tanzania is seeking to diversify its tourism markets by attracting more visitors from the Asia-Pacific region after welcoming a record 2.14 million tourists in 2024, up from 1.81 million the previous year. Visitor spending reached US$3.9 billion, a 15.7% year-on-year increase, according to the National Bureau of Statistics. Traditionally reliant on European and North American visitors, Tanzania is now focusing on Australia, China, Singapore, and Malaysia following successful promotional campaigns, including the 2024 China-Tanzania Culture and Tourism Year.  Arusha-based tour operators say Asia-Pacific travellers are showing growing interest in safaris, Mount Kilimanjaro treks, and beach holidays. “Asia-Pacific is a relatively new market for us, but we are keen to engage,” said Zephania Abduel, of Tanzania Roadside Expeditions.

Amnesty warns of growing repression ahead of general elections

Amnesty International has accused Tanzanian authorities of intensifying repression against opposition leaders, journalists, and civil society ahead of the October 29 general elections. The organisation’s report cites “arbitrary arrests, extrajudicial killings, and enforced disappearances”, with 83 individuals reportedly missing as of August 2024, according to the Tanganyika Law Society.  Regional director Tigere Chagutah said President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s government had “dashed hopes for reform” and instead deepened authoritarian practices. Political dissidents told Human Rights Watch they faced constant harassment, while Amnesty called on the government to end its “unacceptable campaign of repression against dissent.”

Tanzania achieves new digital milestone with 56.3 million internet users

Tanzania has recorded 56.3 million active internet subscriptions as of September 2025, according to the Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority (TCRA). This marks rapid growth from 52.9 million three months earlier, pushing internet penetration to 87% of the population.  The surge is attributed to expanded 4G and 5G mobile broadband coverage, affordable data packages, and smartphone adoption. Mobile internet accounts for over 99% of usage, underscoring its role in Tanzania’s digital transformation. The TCRA report links this progress to the government’s Digital Transformation Strategy (2020–2030), which promotes e-government, online learning, and financial inclusion. Tanzania now ranks among East Africa’s leading digital economies.

Catholic church calls for justice amid disappearances and election anxiety

During Holy Mass on Nyerere Day on October 14, Archbishop Jude Thaddaeus Ruwa’ichi urged the government to address the ongoing abductions and disappearances plaguing the country. Speaking ahead of the general elections, the Archbishop emphasised that “every life is sacred” and called on authorities to uphold citizens’ rights and ensure accountability. He also appealed to Tanzanians to vote conscientiously and resist coercion or bribery, reminding them that “the government’s authority is derived from the people and accountable to them.” The Justice and Peace Commission of the Tanzania Episcopal Conference will monitor the upcoming elections.

Tanzania’s largest bank eyes regional expansion 

Tanzania’s largest bank, CRDB, is expanding its regional footprint after establishing subsidiaries in Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Chair Neema Munisi Mori told Semafor that the bank is now eyeing markets in Malawi, Rwanda, Uganda, and Zambia, as well as partnerships in the Middle East and China.  With assets valued at $6.5 billion at the end of 2024, CRDB has opened a representative office in Dubai and created a China desk to attract cross-border investment. The bank aims to position itself as a regional financial powerhouse by leveraging partnerships similar to its collaboration with Norway’s sovereign fund in DR Congo.

The increase in bilateral trade, growing Emirati investments in sectors such as energy, transport, and manufacturing, and the establishment of new institutional linkages—such as business councils—underscore that this partnership extends beyond traditional bilateral relations; it represents the emergence of a collaborative growth corridor. By aligning Tanzania’s ambitions for industrialisation and economic integration with the UAE’s vision to broaden its influence across Africa, both countries are constructing not only stronger bilateral ties but also a strategic route that connects markets, creates opportunities, and anchors prosperity across regions. Notably, this corridor—one of the oldest in the region—is re-emerging with renewed strength and significance, set to play a pivotal role in global trade flows.

BACKGROUND 

During the 7th century, the Indian Ocean trade expanded significantly following the spread of Islam. Experienced Arab seafarers from Oman, Yemen, and the Persian Gulf efficiently utilised the predictable monsoon winds to establish regular maritime routes to the East African coast.

The northeast monsoon (December–March) enabled ships to travel from Arabia to East Africa, while the southwest monsoon (April–September) facilitated their return. This reliable wind pattern supported consistent, biannual maritime commerce.

Consequently, Tanzania’s coastline—including Zanzibar and the key ports of Kilwa, Mafia, and Bagamoyo—became a central hub for trade in commodities such as ivory, tortoise shell, and rhinoceros horn. Many Arab traders established permanent settlements, founding trading towns that contributed to the region’s commercial development.

Archaeological evidence, such as mosques and stone structures in locations like Shanga on the Lamu archipelago, attests to the presence of established trading communities as early as the 8th century, underscoring the historical depth of regional commerce.

These coastal settlements evolved into cosmopolitan centres where Arab, Persian, Indian, and African traders interacted extensively. Intermarriage between Arab merchants and Bantu-speaking communities facilitated cultural integration, laying the foundation for the development of Swahili identity.

By the 10th century, a distinct society had emerged, Muslim in religion, commercially oriented, and closely connected to the coastal environment.

The Swahili language developed during this period, combining a Bantu linguistic structure with significant Arabic vocabulary, particularly in the domains of religion, commerce, and governance. The adoption of Islam began gradually, initially among coastal elites and traders.

By the 9th century, mosques were established along the Tanzanian coast, signifying both a permanent Arab presence and the increasing adoption of Islamic practices.

Conversion to Islam enabled local rulers to form strategic alliances with Arab and Persian merchants. By the 10th century, East Africa, including Tanzania, was firmly integrated into the broader Islamic world economy.

Arab geographers, such as Al-Masudi in the 10th century and Al-Idrisi in the 12th century, documented the East African coast, which they referred to as the Zanj Coast. Commodities from Tanzania were exported to distant markets in Baghdad, Cairo, and other regions, while Arabian textiles, glassware, and ceramics were imported into East Africa.

U.A.E

Situated at the intersection of Asia, Europe, and Africa, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) possesses a significant geographic advantage, which facilitates its emergence as a major hub for transhipment and global connectivity. ( Middle East Briefing )

A substantial proportion of the global population is accessible within a short flight from UAE transport hubs, further reinforcing the nation’s role as a critical transit node. 

Recognising logistics, shipping, and aviation as foundational pillars of its post-oil diversification strategy, the UAE views investment in ports and airports not merely as infrastructure development, but as a strategic means to capture value throughout international supply chains. 

Through active participation and control in overseas port and airport operations, UAE-based companies can extend their influence, secure critical trade routes, and generate returns that transcend domestic boundaries. Some analysts have described this expansion, particularly in Africa and other regions, as a form of 'sub-imperial' outreach. 

Major port operators include DP World, AD Ports Group, and other key stakeholders.

DP World, headquartered in Dubai, is recognised as a global leader in port and terminal operations, managing facilities in numerous countries and handling a significant proportion of global container traffic. AD Ports Group, based in Abu Dhabi, oversees a diverse portfolio of ports, maritime and logistics services, free zones, and industrial parks. Its expanding network includes Khalifa Port and overseas operations such as concessions in Pointe Noire and Luanda, Angola. 

These state-backed or state-affiliated entities function as extensions of the UAE’s infrastructure diplomacy and commercial influence. 

The UAE is making substantial investments in domestic airport infrastructure, exemplified by the development of Al Maktoum International Airport (DWC)—a $35 billion project aimed at establishing the airport as a premier global aviation hub. 

Sharjah International Airport has similarly undergone terminal expansions to support increased capacity and connectivity. 

In April 2024, approval was granted for a major terminal expansion at Al Maktoum International Airport, featuring 400 gates and multiple runways, with the long-term objective of consolidating all of Dubai’s air traffic at this site. 

These targeted investments are designed to enhance capacity, increase connectivity, and reinforce the UAE’s position as a leading global transit and logistics hub. 

The UAE offers a stable and predictable legal and regulatory framework, which fosters investor confidence and facilitates international business operations. 

Numerous free zones across the UAE offer favourable conditions, including full foreign ownership, tax incentives, exemption from customs duties for specific trade activities, and streamlined capital repatriation processes. 

To strengthen legal protections and facilitate cross-border investment, the UAE has entered into multiple Double Taxation Avoidance Agreements (DTAs), Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs), and Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreements (CEPAs). 

The UAE integrated ports, airports, logistics zones, free zones, industrial parks, digital platforms, and customs systems to form a cohesive logistics ecosystem. For example, AD Ports utilises advanced digital platforms such as Maqta Gateway and ATLP to synchronise trade and logistics flows across maritime, land, air, and free zone domains. 

Continuous investment in digital infrastructure, innovative technologies, and trade facilitation measures enables the UAE to reduce operational friction and handling times. 

Many organisations benefit from tax exemptions or reductions, particularly within free zones, as well as the absence of personal income tax factors which increases the attractiveness of business operations and profitability. 

The government also offers favourable concessions and tenders for the development and management of strategic assets, such as ports and terminals, often through long-term agreements with international partners. 

These investments yield direct returns through fees, tariffs, and handling services, while also capturing value across the supply chain—including logistics, warehousing, and trade-related services.

Such activities contribute to the growth of non-oil sectors, thereby supporting the UAE’s broader economic diversification objectives.

Ownership or operation of key overseas infrastructure enables the UAE to strengthen trade corridors, forge strategic alliances, and enhance its leverage in partner nations. 

The UAE’s presence in Africa is particularly notable, with UAE-linked operators managing ports and airports across East, West, and Central Africa, thereby expanding the country’s strategic footprint. 

The UAE’s logistics hubs have become increasingly attractive to airlines, shipping companies, logistics providers, and trade flows, fostering a virtuous cycle of connectivity, traffic growth, and further investment.

As infrastructure capacity expands, the marginal cost associated with additional traffic declines, thereby improving the efficiency of transit through the UAE. Overcapacity risk arises if projected traffic and usage levels do not materialise, potentially resulting in the underutilization of costly infrastructure assets.

Geopolitical and sovereignty challenges are inherent in operating infrastructure within foreign jurisdictions, as these activities may be affected by policy shifts, local political dynamics, or disputes regarding operational control.

Regulatory complexity and coordination challenges arise from the need to operate across multiple jurisdictions, free zones, regulatory regimes, customs systems, and legal frameworks, thereby increasing administrative friction and risk.

Competition remains strong, as other global logistics hubs—including Singapore, Rotterdam, and Malaysia—are also actively enhancing their infrastructure and capabilities.

The UAE is expected to further expand its global infrastructure portfolio, particularly across Africa, to support emerging trade corridors and logistics networks.

Greater integration with emerging trade corridors—such as those linking Africa and Asia will further enhance the UAE’s status as a global logistics hub.

Sustainability and green logistics are expected to become increasingly central, with a focus on reducing emissions, adopting smart port technologies, electrification, and utilising clean energy in operations.

Ongoing digital transformation—incorporating automation, blockchain, artificial intelligence, and the Internet of Things—will continue to drive efficiency gains and cost reductions.

TANZANIA

Tanzania shares borders with several landlocked countries, including Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Zambia, and Malawi. By improving its infrastructure, Tanzania can facilitate the movement of goods to and from these neighbouring markets, enhancing regional trade integration. Additionally, Tanzania’s Indian Ocean coastline provides inland nations with essential maritime access to global trade networks.

If effectively leveraged, Tanzania could serve as a vital transit corridor for a substantial regional market. Analysts often cite a catchment area exceeding 200 million people in East and Central Africa as an immediate opportunity. With successful regional integration, Tanzania has the potential to function as a primary entry point to a combined market of 300–500 million people across East, Central, and Southern Africa.

Tanzania is assuming a central role in facilitating intraregional trade, with Dar es Salaam surpassing Nairobi in trade volume among East African Community (EAC) countries.

Furthermore, the country continues to improve its macroeconomic stability and business environment , making it increasingly attractive to foreign exporters and investors. Consequently, Tanzania’s geographic position, combined with progressive policy measures, provides a robust foundation for its aspirations to become a regional trade hub.

The Port of Dar es Salaam handles approximately 95% of Tanzania’s international trade and provides services to neighbouring landlocked countries.

Plans are underway to modernise the port by deepening berths, expanding terminals, upgrading cargo handling processes, and implementing advanced digital systems.

The long-anticipated Bagamoyo Port project aims to alleviate congestion in Dar es Salaam and establish a significant new logistics hub, complete with a planned industrial zone. Bagamoyo Port is projected to handle up to 20 million TEUs by 2045, positioning it as a significant regional logistics centre. 

Enhancing maritime connectivity will be essential for accommodating larger container vessels, improving turnaround times, and reducing operational costs.

Corridor development initiatives are underway to integrate mines with rail networks, rail with ports, and ports with international shipping routes.

The effectiveness of the rail system will depend on the development of feeder networks, efficient intermodal transfer points, and harmonised customs and cargo handling procedures.

Tanzania boasts one of the most extensive road networks in East Africa, comprising trunk and regional roads that total approximately 86,472 kilometres.  The construction and improvement of road infrastructure can facilitate the integration of rural and interior regions with coastal and cross-border trade nodes. The Kigongo–Busisi Bridge, spanning the Gulf of Mwanza and measuring approximately 3.2 kilometres in length, represents a significant infrastructure development that has substantially reduced ferry crossing times.

Several border regions, such as Mbeya and Songwe, are emerging as critical trade hubs facilitating integration with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and neighbouring countries.

Nonetheless, challenges persist, including road maintenance, capacity limitations, weighbridge bottlenecks, customs delays, and inefficient inspection processes.

Customs and trade facilitation processes must be enhanced and harmonised with neighbouring states to reduce delays and promote efficient cross-border trade.

Robust legal and regulatory frameworks, transparent contracting, effective public-private partnerships (PPPs), comprehensive risk mitigation, and sustained political stability are essential for successful infrastructure development. The government has explicitly prioritised infrastructure support in its national investment and development plans.

Successful implementation of these infrastructure and institutional reforms could yield transformative impacts for Tanzania:

Lower Logistics Costs: Enhanced infrastructure can significantly decrease transport and trade costs, positioning Tanzanian routes as more cost-effective alternatives within the region.

Economic Diversification: Improved access will enable the scaling of agricultural zones, mining operations, and manufacturing, fostering value addition beyond the export of raw materials.

Regional Integration and Dominance: Tanzania can establish itself as the backbone of trade for East, Central, and Southern Africa, extending its influence beyond local markets.

Current U.A.E-Tanzania 

Tanzania and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) formally established a diplomatic relationship. Since then, the UAE has maintained an embassy in Dar es Salaam (since around 2011), while Tanzania opened its embassy in Abu Dhabi in 2002.

Over the decades, bilateral relations have remained cordial, steadily progressing from basic diplomatic engagement to more robust economic and sectoral cooperation. 

In December 2024, the two countries marked 50 years of diplomatic ties and held their first high-level political and diplomatic consultations to review past cooperation and set new priorities 

These longstanding foundations provide both political legitimacy and continuity for the evolving partnership.

Trade between Tanzania and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has shown consistent and robust growth, highlighting the significance of economic ties between the two nations. In 2022, non-oil trade exchanges reached approximately USD 2.5 billion, reflecting an expanding commercial partnership. By 2023, Tanzania’s imports from the UAE totalled around USD 1.42 billion, with mineral fuels and oils (about USD 1.08 billion) leading the import categories, followed by plastics, machinery, electronics, and vehicle parts. On the export side, Tanzania supplied goods valued at approximately USD 686.4 million to the UAE in 2023.

A notable subset of this relationship is the trade between Dubai and Tanzania, which grew by about 9% year-on-year in 2023, reaching AED 9.8 billion. By September 2024, around 274 Tanzanian companies were registered with the Dubai Chamber of Commerce, indicating deepening business ties. To further strengthen cooperation, a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed between Dubai Chambers and the Tanzania Chamber of Commerce, Industry & Agriculture, aimed at promoting collaboration through trade missions, information exchange, and private-sector linkages.

These developments underscore that trade remains a cornerstone of the bilateral relationship, positioning the UAE as a key trading partner for Tanzania.

Trade between Tanzania and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has shown consistent and robust growth, highlighting the significance of economic ties between the two nations. In 2022, non-oil trade exchanges reached approximately USD 2.5 billion, reflecting an expanding commercial partnership. By 2023, Tanzania’s imports from the UAE totalled around USD 1.42 billion, with mineral fuels and oils (about USD 1.08 billion) leading the import categories, followed by plastics, machinery, electronics, and vehicle parts. On the export side, Tanzania supplied goods valued at approximately USD 686.4 million to the UAE in 2023.

A notable subset of this relationship is the trade between Dubai and Tanzania, which grew by about 9% year-on-year in 2023, reaching AED 9.8 billion. By September 2024, around 274 Tanzanian companies were registered with the Dubai Chamber of Commerce, indicating deepening business ties. To further strengthen cooperation, a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed between Dubai Chambers and the Tanzania Chamber of Commerce, Industry & Agriculture, aimed at promoting collaboration through trade missions, information exchange, and private-sector linkages.

These developments underscore that trade remains a cornerstone of the bilateral relationship, positioning the UAE as a key trading partner for Tanzania.

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has emerged as a significant investor in Tanzania, with a particular focus on sectors including mining, energy, logistics, manufacturing, and infrastructure. 

A notable example is the high-profile port management agreement with DP World, a Dubai-based company. In 2023, the Tanzanian parliament approved a 30-year contract for DP World to manage four berths at the Port of Dar es Salaam, with performance reviews scheduled every five years.

The Tanzanian government initiated the deal as a strategic initiative to enhance port efficiency, increase throughput, and strengthen connections to regional trade corridors.

 In 2024, GSG Energies, a UAE-based firm, announced a planned investment of USD 500 million in Tanzania across sectors such as transport, mining, manufacturing, and petroleum distribution. This investment is projected to generate over 3,000 jobs over a five-year period. The UAE and Tanzania have also formalised their partnership through cooperation agreements in customs, mining investment, and the establishment of a joint UAE–Tanzania Business Council aimed at deepening private sector collaboration.

In 2022, both countries signed an Agreement on the Avoidance of Double Taxation (ADT), designed to facilitate cross-border investment, reduce tax uncertainty, and prevent double taxation of income in both jurisdictions.

Collectively, these agreements and investments reflect a clear intent to institutionalise and expand investment flows beyond isolated projects.

In addition to formal agreements, trade missions are regularly organised to foster business linkages. For instance, in December 2024, the Dubai International Chamber conducted a trade mission to Dar es Salaam, facilitating 408 business meetings between Dubai and Tanzanian firms. The DUBUY digital platform, launched by DP World in the UAE, further supports commercial engagement by facilitating connections between businesses in the UAE and Africa, including Tanzania.

Reflecting this evolving partnership, Tanzania’s economic diplomacy under President Samia Suluhu Hassan has prioritised opening trade with new partners and leveraging international collaborations, with the UAE frequently identified as a central pillar of this strategy. The Tanzanian Chamber of Commerce, Industry and Agriculture (TCCIA) has also signed memoranda of understanding with UAE counterparts to establish frameworks for collaboration, business councils, and joint ventures.

High-level political gestures have further reinforced the bilateral relationship. In 2025, President Samia Suluhu Hassan of Tanzania was awarded the UAE’s Order of the Mother of the Nation by the UAE President, symbolising diplomatic goodwill and alignment between the two nations.

During high-level visits, both countries have emphasised their ambitions to expand cooperation in diverse areas such as trade, investment, energy, logistics, infrastructure, agriculture, and climate response. Both countries have reaffirmed their commitment to broadening bilateral cooperation and strengthening engagement in multilateral forums. On regional and continental issues, Tanzania and the UAE occasionally coordinate or support shared frameworks addressing climate change, trade blocs, and infrastructure connectivity. 

In essence, the political relationship between Tanzania and the UAE remains largely amicable and cooperative, with intermittent friction arising from significant agreements.

Future of U.A.E- Tanzania 

For the UAE–Tanzania corridor to operate effectively, Tanzania is actively upgrading its infrastructure—including railways, roads, and ports—to accommodate increased throughput and support deeper integration.

In 2024, Tanzania inaugurated a USD 3.1 billion standard gauge railway spanning 541 kilometres between Dar es Salaam, the commercial capital, and Dodoma, the administrative capital. This initiative strengthens internal logistics and enhances connectivity between inland regions and the coast. Ongoing and planned expansions of internal railway lines—including connections to Mwanza and Kigoma—aim to link mineral-rich regions and landlocked neighbouring countries with Tanzania’s coastal ports. Regional rail link initiatives, such as the proposed Tanzania–Burundi standard gauge line, are expected to further extend Tanzania’s rail network, providing inland regions with direct access to the country’s ports.

The Mtwara Development Corridor project seeks to connect southern Tanzania with adjacent regions through integrated road, rail, and waterway access originating from Mtwara Port. The planned expansion of Bagamoyo Port aspires to establish it as a major new regional port in East Africa, with a projected capacity of 20 million TEUs by 2045.

These infrastructure developments are essential for the corridor’s effectiveness, creating reliable and efficient routes from production areas in the interior to export gateways along the coast.

Beyond economic considerations, the UAE–Tanzania corridor is shaped by strategic, political, and regional competitive dynamics. The UAE’s East Africa strategy encompasses a geopolitical dimension, seeking to strengthen influence along the Red Sea and Indian Ocean flanks, counterbalance other global powers, secure critical maritime routes, and more closely integrate Africa with Gulf-based logistics networks. More broadly, the UAE aims to position itself as a primary interface between African markets and global supply chains, leveraging its advanced logistics, port operations, and financial hubs. The UAE’s increasing involvement in Africa’s infrastructure sector—including ports, railways, and logistics—is integral to its broader foreign direct investment and influence strategy. The conferral of the “Mother of the Nation Order” by the UAE to Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan in 2025 underscores symbolic ties and high-level recognition between the two countries. Additionally, the Tanzanian Prime Minister’s visit to Abu Dhabi in mid-2025 served to deepen diplomatic, trade, and bilateral cooperation ties.

Consequently, the process of corridor development is not merely transactional; it carries substantial political significance and is informed by long-term strategic considerations.

While the vision for the corridor is promising, several significant challenges must be addressed:

Return on Investment and Commercial Viability: Large-scale infrastructure projects necessitate sustained demand, meticulous planning, and robust governance, as corridor investments often entail significant capital risk.

Coordination and Institutional Capacity: Successful corridor development requires effective alignment among multiple agencies—such as ports, customs authorities, railways, and local governments—as operational bottlenecks may impede progress.

Competition and Regional Alternatives: Competing corridors, such as those via Kenya, Uganda, and Ethiopia, also vie for trade flows. The UAE–Tanzania corridor must deliver superior efficiency, reliability, and cost competitiveness to attract and retain traffic.

Sustainability and Social Impact: It is critical to ensure that corridor growth benefits local communities, prevents displacement, and aligns with established environmental and social safeguards to maintain legitimacy.

Taken together, these elements reveal a transformative trajectory:

1. Anchor relationships & trust

The diplomatic and institutional foundations established between the UAE and Tanzania provide legitimacy and continuity to the corridor’s development.

2. Trade and investment deepening

Increasing trade volumes, memoranda of understanding, business councils, and direct investments by UAE firms in Tanzania indicate a shift from a traditional supplier–consumer dynamic to one of co-development and co-investment.

3. Infrastructure & logistics integration

Ports, logistics hubs, and internal connectivity infrastructure are being constructed or expanded, with UAE logistics companies positioning themselves as key operators within this growing network.

4. Regional reach

Tanzania’s role extends beyond bilateral trade with the UAE; it is positioned to serve as a gateway to East and Central Africa. The corridor concept envisions Tanzania’s interior and neighbouring markets integrating with the UAE through maritime, air, and rail connections.

5. Strategic positioning

The corridor is both economic and geopolitical in nature, as the UAE views Tanzania as a stable node at the Indian Ocean–East Africa interface, anchoring its strategy as a bridge between Africa, the Gulf, and the wider Indian Ocean region.

6. Growth trajectory ahead

If current momentum is sustained—with infrastructure projects completed, regulatory frameworks streamlined, and investments maintained—the UAE–Tanzania corridor could emerge as one of the most prominent trade and investment axes linking the Gulf and East Africa.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Dean Tavakoli is an analyst and a senior executive who possesses over a decade of extensive global quantitative investment experience. He is the CEO of Sea Enerji, a petrochemical trading company based in Turkey and has also served as a strategic advisor for the Middle East Oil and Gas.

In terms of continental and regional breakdown, while Europe continues to dominate overall arrivals, Kenya and South Africa stood out as key African markets. Kenya led with 4,515 visitors, a 78.9 percent leap from last year, making up 4.3 percent of all arrivals. South Africa followed with 2,802 visitors, or 2.7 percent of the total, despite a year-on-year decline. Together, the two countries contributed over a third of all African visitors, The Citizen reports.

Europeans accounted for 61.5 percent of arrivals, indicating Zanzibar’s appeal to long-haul holidaymakers. Italy topped the charts with 16,507 visitors (15.6 percent of the total), followed by the UK at 7.7 percent.

Leisure remains Zanzibar’s biggest draw. An overwhelming 99.2 percent of visitors cited holidays as their reason for travel , with most staying about a week. The average length of stay was 8.2 days, fueling high hotel demand. About 913,911 hotel bed spaces were sold, which also represents an 88.5 percent occupancy rate.

Roughly 90 percent of visitors arrived by air, with 68,331 flying in on international flights and 26,964 arriving via domestic routes. Another 10,211 travelled by sea from mainland Tanzania.

It gives Tanzania an alternative path to global internet cables based in Kenya, in case of problems with its own sea cables in Dar es Salaam.

The project is part of efforts by both governments to improve digital services, support economic growth, and build a stronger regional internet system.

Tanzania’s Minister for Communications and Information Technology , Jerry Silaa, said the new route strengthens the country’s online access.

“This route guarantees that Tanzania remains digitally connected, even if there are issues with our marine landing stations in Dar es Salaam,” he said.

Tanzania is now digitally linked with six neighbouring countries: Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Zambia, and Mozambique.

There are also plans to extend the network to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Officials say this will help more people across the region access faster and more reliable internet.

The new connection can move large amounts of data very quickly, helping businesses, banks, schools and hospitals that rely on strong internet links.

According to Tanzania Telecommunications Corporation, the route runs at speeds of up to 1.6 terabits per second, making it one of the fastest in the region.

Kenya’s Information Minister, William Kabogo Gitau, said the launch shows how serious East Africa is about building a modern digital economy.

He described it as a sign of strong cooperation between the two countries and a step towards a more united regional network. He also said the Horohoro border could become a smart post for real-time data sharing between the two governments.

The fibre network in Tanzania now stretches over 13,800 kilometres and reaches more than 100 districts. The government hopes to expand it to 30 more districts this year.

The project dates back to a 2005 government goal of turning Tanzania into a regional tech hub.

Since the first cables were laid in 2009, the country has steadily grown its digital capacity, helping it support rising internet use and attract regional traffic.

Disclaimer: The image used in this article is AI-generated

The donkeys are mostly taken from northern Tanzania and smuggled through informal border routes stretching from Arusha to Tanga.

Livingstone Masija, Director of the Arusha Society for the Protection of Animals (ASPA), said the donkeys end up in Kenya where they are slaughtered and exported to Asia.

“Tanzania has banned the slaughter and consumption of donkeys, and the result is that people smuggle them out of the country into Kenya for export to Asian countries but especially China,” he said .

In China , the skins are boiled to make a substance called Ejiao, believed to have medicinal properties.

The high demand for the product has pushed up the price of donkeys around the world.

A 2020 report by the Donkey Sanctuary estimated that around 5 million donkey hides are needed every year to meet the demand.

Donkeys are essential to rural life in Tanzania.

They help farmers plough land, fetch water , and carry goods and people in areas where transport is limited.

But experts warn that with continued theft, overwork, and poor treatment, donkey populations are falling fast.

Tanzania used to have around 600,000 donkeys, but the number is dropping. Animal welfare groups say the country could lose all of them within the next decade.

Donkey slaughterhouses opened in Tanzania in 2014, but were later shut down following public pressure.

Since then, illegal trade networks have taken over, according to local activists.

“The increase in travel receipts was largely attributed to a rise in international tourist arrivals, which increased to 2,170,360 from 1,961,870 over the same period,” the central bank noted.

In response to this momentum, the government has enacted new measures to further support the sector, particularly through regulatory reforms.

One of the most notable changes came on July 8, 2025, when the BoT issued a formal exemption to tour operators from certain provisions of the Foreign Exchange Use Regulations of 2025.

This policy shift follows a May 2 public notice by the BoT, reaffirming that all domestic transactions must be conducted in Tanzanian shillings under Government Notice No. 198, a move aimed at curbing dollarisation and stabilising the national currency.

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Thailand's opposition parties said on July 3, that they will hold off on launching a no-confidence vote against suspended Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra pending a court ruling, but they vowed to work together to avoid political deadlock. Read more here .

The new factory, built by Itracom Fertiliser Limited, has the capacity to produce one million tonnes of fertiliser a year, with plans to triple output in the future.

The factory is seen as a major step toward solving long-standing fertiliser shortages that have affected farmers across East Africa.

Regional governments have struggled with high costs, weak infrastructure, and global supply disruptions, all of which have contributed to low crop yields and food insecurity.

The plant is located in the Nala Industrial Area and covers 21 hectares.

It employs over 1,800 workers, with thousands more jobs expected as production increases. The facility also plans to support rural economies by buying manure from local livestock farmers.

Speaking at the launch, President Hassan said the project would support agricultural growth, create jobs, and strengthen ties between countries in the region.

“This is more than just a factory; it represents agricultural transformation and regional cooperation,” she said.

Government officials say the plant will also contribute to the country’s fertiliser subsidy programme and help Tanzania meet its target of sourcing 80% of fertiliser locally.

Agriculture Minister Hussein Bashe confirmed the plant had already spent Sh15 billion buying manure from local communities and would play a key role in future farming strategies.

  What they said

In a communique from the East Africa Law Society, they indicated that the new directive was necessitated by recent violent events. “While Zanzibar had initially been selected as the host, recent developments, including the upcoming general elections, have necessitated a reconsideration,” parts of the statement were quoted by Kenyans.co.ke. Nairobi’s Senator, who welcomed the decision, said, “Thanks to the leadership of the East Africa Law Society... for this bold decision to strip Tanzania of hosting rights for the EALS conference.”

The Tanzania Civil Aviation Authority (TCAA) announced that international carriers such as Ethiopian Airlines and Qatar Airways have been given extra rights to operate flights to and from key cities in Tanzania.

The new permissions will last six months while authorities try to resolve the issue.

In a statement, the TCAA said the decision aims to “safeguard tourism, business continuity, and international mobility.”

The ban affects only aircraft registered in Tanzania and does not apply to international airlines based in other countries. These airlines are still operating normally in the country.

Travellers have been urged not to cancel their trips.

The TCAA also stressed that Tanzania remains safe and open to international visitors.

“The aviation sector continues to operate in accordance with international safety and regulatory standards,” the authority said.

To help Tanzanian airlines continue flying, the TCAA has allowed them to partner with international carriers through codeshare agreements and special permits.

This will help keep flights running within Tanzania and across the region.