During the ceremony, Museveni also performed a traditional warrior gesture with a ceremonial sword and shield.

Museveni, who has ruled Uganda since 1986, was declared winner of the January 2026 presidential election with 71.65% of the vote. His latest term will run from 2026 to 2031.

The election was held amid a nationwide internet blackout, which the government said was intended to limit misinformation. The opposition, however, accused authorities of using the shutdown to conceal alleged electoral fraud.

Technical failures also disrupted voting , forcing officials to rely on manual registers. Museveni accused the opposition of orchestrating the disruptions in an attempt to manipulate the vote.

In the women’s race, Ethiopia’s Tigst Assefa broke her own world record with a time of 2:15:41, finishing ahead of Kenya’s Hellen Obiri and Joyciline Jepkosgei, another clean sweep for African athletes.

When it comes to marathon running at the highest level, Africa, particularly East African runners, has dominated the London Marathon for more than two decades.

Athletes like Kenya's Eliud Kipchoge, a four-time London winner widely regarded as the greatest marathon runner in history, helped cement that legacy. Year after year, the winners’ lists have been overwhelmingly African

First held in 1981, the London Marathon has grown into one of the world’s most prestigious long-distance races, alongside events in Boston, New York, Berlin, Chicago, and Tokyo.

Founded by former Olympic champion Chris Brasher and athlete John Disley, the race was inspired by the inclusive spirit of the New York Marathon, combining elite competition with mass participation and charity fundraising.

Today, it attracts more than 50,000 runners annually and raises hundreds of millions of pounds for charitable causes, making it as much a social event as a sporting spectacle.

In Congo, the group has caused immense suffering through its attacks on civilian communities, especially in Ituri and North Kivu provinces, causing many deaths and displacing thousands. One of the most recent incidents is the April 2 attack on Bafwakao village in Mambasa, where ADF killed about 43 Christians during Holy Week. 

“Some victims were burnt inside their homes, and others are still in the bush,” reported a member of a civil society organisation, who was worried that the death toll would rise and that more such attacks were highly likely if the government did not intervene.

In 2021, UPDF, in collaboration with FARDC, launched Operation Shujaa , aimed at countering the ADF. The campaign has destroyed the rebels’ camps, captured commanders, and confiscated substantial amounts of weapons and ammunition, degrading the ADF’s capacity to launch attacks on civilians in Congo and Uganda.

The recent rescue of civilians underscores the importance of collaboration in combatting terrorism in the East African Community (EAC) and, indeed, the African continent. In DRC’s case, the EAC must prioritise strengthening joint military efforts to offer better coordinated and more potent interventions that will help pacify the country’s rebel-infested eastern region.

The 2022 deployment of the East African Standby Force to contain the M23 insurgency was challenged by human rights concerns and a misalignment between the force’s agenda and the regional bloc’s political processes. The mission was further derailed by poor coordination with other actors like the UN peacekeepers and accusations of Rwandan forces colluding with the M23, culminating in a military withdrawal in 2023.

This exposes the gaps within Africa’s regional frameworks and highlights the need to integrate the continent’s structures and streamline them with people’s realities and needs.

The concept of a united African army , as touted by the late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi in 2002, could advance peace efforts in a continent with some of the world’s most persistent conflicts and worst humanitarian crises.

“If we manage to unify all of Africa’s armies in a single army, Africa will have such power,” Gaddafi argued .

But for this to materialise, there must be a deliberate effort to harmonise political processes with defence strategy, manage the continent’s often conflicting national interests, and build sufficient consensus on guaranteeing Africa’s strategic security amid shifting geopolitics that disadvantage the continent.

The article solely represents the views of Simpson Muhwezi,  a Ugandan freelance writer and development practitioner.

Footage from the scene on Friday showed reporters gathered outside the nursery as bloodstains and other signs of the attack remained visible inside the compound, much of which was sealed off by police.

Minister for Higher Education John Chrysestom Muyingo visited the school and said its management had been ordered to submit a full report on the circumstances leading to the children ’s deaths. He said the education ministry would support the bereaved families.

Local media identified the suspect as 39-year-old Christopher Onyum, who reportedly posed as a parent to gain entry to the school before carrying out the attack, Viory report.

“We want the war in the Middle East to end now. The world is tired of it,” Kainerugaba wrote. “But any talk of destroying or defeating Israel will bring us into the war. On the side of Israel.”

Kainerugaba, the son of President Yoweri Museveni and a key political figure as chairman of the Patriotic League of Uganda, framed his stance in religious terms, citing Christian solidarity with Israel.

“We stand with Israel because we are Christians… Jesus Christ [is] the only One who can forgive sins,” he said, quoting a biblical passage to underscore his position.

The remarks come amid heightened global concern that the Middle East conflict could widen, with alliances and ideological ties potentially drawing in actors beyond the region. 

Kainerugaba’s statements signal that parts of Africa could be pulled into the crisis if hostilities escalate further, particularly if Israel faces direct threats.

In another post, he warned of broader geopolitical consequences, saying an attack on Cuba by “colonialists and imperialists” would mark “the beginning of World War 3,” amid U.S. President Donald Trump’s threats to “take” the Latin American country. 

Kainerugaba also pointed to historical ties between Uganda and Israel, saying Kampala would be prepared to offer assistance if requested.

“Israel stood with us when we were nobodys in the 1980s and 1990s,” he said. “Why wouldn’t we defend her now that our GDP is $100 billion? One of the largest in Africa.”

While the Ugandan government has not issued a formal policy statement echoing his remarks, Kainerugaba’s position is closely watched given his senior military role and political influence.

Prosecutors allege Musana unlawfully obtained or processed Gen Kainerugaba’s personal data, including his name and photograph without consent, contrary to Uganda’s Data Protection and Privacy Act. He is also accused of hate speech under the Computer Misuse Act for a TikTok post on March 5 in which he claimed the army chief was not fit to hold office, a statement prosecutors say was likely to “ridicule, degrade or demean” him.

Musana denied the allegations when they were read to him in court.

His lawyer did not immediately comment in court filings cited by prosecutors, while the state requested more time to complete investigations before the case returns for mention later this month.

The case is not Musana’s first court run-in over social media posts. In September 2025, a separate hate speech case against him was dismissed at the Buganda Road Chief Magistrate’s Court after prosecutors failed to proceed. In that matter, authorities had accused him of posts allegedly degrading senior leaders, including the Kabaka of Buganda, President Museveni, Speaker Anita Among and a state minister.

The seizure included 105 boxes of Pethidine containing 1,045 bottles, 31 boxes of Morphine Sulphate with 310 bottles, and 44 boxes of Fentanyl holding 440 bottles, the Authority said. Seven suspects were arrested in connection with the case.

DCEA said the medicines are legally used in hospitals to manage severe pain, but warned that when diverted from authorised channels, they can be abused and may cause addiction.

In Tanzania, opioid medicines are regulated under the Drug Control and Enforcement Act and the Tanzania Medicines and Medical Devices Act, which designates the Medical Stores Department as the only authorised importer and distributor of narcotic medicines.

The Authority said the bus interception came during broader nationwide operations in January and February 2026, which it said resulted in the seizure of 9.93 tonnes of illicit drugs, the confiscation of 1,795 bottles of controlled medicinal narcotics , and the destruction of 87.5 acres of cannabis farms. It said 151 suspects were arrested, while six vehicles and 29 motorcycles were impounded.

Kasibante had asked the court on February 5, 2026, to withdraw both the main petition and a related application seeking access to backend electoral data held by the Electoral Commission. He said he lacked the funds for a nationwide forensic audit of election materials, including biometric voter verification systems and servers, and conceded that without the evidence he sought, the petition could not meet the required standard of proof.

The respondents, President Museveni, the Electoral Commission and the Attorney General, did not oppose the withdrawal but requested that the petition be dismissed with costs, saying they had spent significant resources defending the case.

The court said presidential election petitions are matters of high constitutional importance and warned they should not be filed casually, given the logistical and financial implications. It concluded that the evidence on record was insufficient to sustain the petition and ruled, "Presidential Election Petition No. 01 of 2026 is hereby withdrawn."

Veteran President Yoweri Museveni was declared the landslide winner of Uganda's presidential election in January, extending his rule into a fifth decade after a contest marred by violent incidents and allegations of fraud.

Uganda's electoral commission said Museveni had received just under 72% of the vote. His main challenger, the pop singer-turned-politician Bobi Wine, was credited with 24%.

However, the recent aid cuts threaten to undo the policy’s gains by hampering humanitarian efforts, as organisations grapple with funding deficiencies that have made the provision of services significantly difficult. A report reveals that the International Rescue Committee, which provides comprehensive humanitarian relief and development support to refugees, has suspended healthcare programs in eleven settlements, including Bidibidi, Kiryandongo, Palabek and Rhino Camp, risking the lives of over 735,000 people, especially women and children who are more vulnerable. 

“The termination of key nutrition and maternal health programs has removed a critical safety net, increasing the risk of maternal and neonatal deaths,” cautions Elijah Okeyo, IRC’s Country Director. He acknowledges the reduction in immunisation, which he warns could cause a spike in preventable diseases such as measles and weaken their ability to respond to emergencies. 

The situation isn’t too different for other players. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has indicated a shortfall of approximately €6.5 million, affecting over 90% of their health funding budget. Consequently, the number of UNHCR-funded healthcare staff has drastically declined, which has lowered the technical capacity of their health centres established in different refugee settlements in Uganda. The impact is visible, with the organisation already reporting tens of preventable deaths, highlighting the need for increased funding in critical sectors, including psychosocial support.

Finn Church Aid, which supports about 127,000 primary school and 19,000 secondary school learners under its education emergencies program, cautions that dwindling aid risks exacerbating infrastructure and logistical gaps , thus fuelling school dropout rates and compromising child protection.

“Both national governments and international donors must prioritise education in emergencies,” urges FCA, emphasising the need for sustainable commitments in order to build resilience.

Nutrition has not been spared either, as the World Food Program has reduced food rations allocated to refugee homesteads in Uganda by 40%. This exposes a population of close to a million to malnutrition, with prevalence rates exceeding 15% in 2025, according to WFP . 

The pressure of shrinking budgets has compelled Uganda to consider mitigating measures. In 2025, the government ceased granting refugee status to people from Somalia, Eritrea and Ethiopia, signalling a shift in the country’s refugee policy. The decision, according to the Minister for Relief, Disaster Preparedness and Refugees, Hilary Onek, is influenced by the drop in funding, from approximately $240 million to $100 million, despite the ever-surging refugee inflows. This situation restricts access to protection, exposing those displaced from the affected countries to potential harm.

These challenges underscore the need for reforms that strengthen refugee response, particularly as Uganda transitions from a humanitarian approach towards development financing, where local governments are empowered to provide social services as opposed to centralised management. For this to bear fruit, the government must complement humanitarian aid with local resource mobilisation. Uganda must also strengthen local government efficiency and its systems of accountability in order to prevent a recurrence of the 2018 corruption scandal that eroded donor trust and triggered aid cuts.

Editor’s note: Correction made in the opening paragraph. The correct term is “settlement” and not “resettlement”.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

The commission reminded broadcasters and the public that the Electoral Commission is the only constitutional body authorised to declare election outcomes in Uganda. Candidates who are dissatisfied with the results, it said, must challenge them in court within the legally prescribed timelines.

“Broadcast media should not serve as alternative venues for litigating election disputes,” the UCC said.

The regulator warned that airing unofficial results, parallel tallies or speculative allegations is unlawful and could create public panic, confusion and distrust in democratic institutions. It added that such broadcasts may also incite unrest and damage Uganda’s democratic reputation.

The UCC directed all broadcasters to exercise strict editorial oversight and ensure that election-related information is verified against official Electoral Commission sources. It also ordered media houses to refrain from hosting programmes that promote unsubstantiated claims about results.

The commission said it would take “decisive enforcement action” against any broadcaster that violates the law or the guidelines.

Media owners, editors and the public were urged to use broadcast platforms responsibly and in ways that promote national unity and democratic integrity.

The lawyers argued that Uganda breached the Commonwealth Charter and the Harare Declaration, which commit member states to democratic governance, respect for human rights , the rule of law and free political participation.

Allegations linked to the election

The petition centres on Uganda’s January 15, 2026, general election and its aftermath. According to the lawyers, the period was marked by mass arrests of opposition supporters, the use of force against civilians, restrictions on communications and sustained pressure on opposition leaders.

Several members of Bobi Wine’s National Unity Platform (NUP) were arrested during the campaign and around election day. Many were detained at roadblocks or during raids on party offices, while others were charged with offences such as inciting violence . The party says many of those arrested were its polling agents.

There are also reports that hundreds of people were detained after the election. The Ugandan military has said the arrests were based on violations of the law and denies that they were politically motivated.

Threats against the opposition

A major concern raised in the submission is public statements made by Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Uganda’s Chief of Defence Forces, who is also President Yoweri Museveni’s son.

In posts on social media, Gen Muhoozi claimed that the army had killed supporters of Bobi Wine and said the opposition leader would be “next.” Bobi Wine has said the military invaded his home during this period and that his family was left feeling unsafe. The army has denied occupying his residence.

The lawyers further argued that such statements amount to credible threats and that the Ugandan state has a duty under both domestic and international law to protect political opponents.

A government source said the decision was taken with immediate effect and warned that the two should not return to Uganda. “Smith and Amsterdam have proven themselves to be enemies of Uganda through destructive activism,” one senior official told local media.

Allegations of political interference

Authorities accuse the pair of moving beyond advocacy into direct political action against the Ugandan state. Officials claim they have promoted narratives aimed at delegitimising government institutions and inciting unrest, including by amplifying messages from groups considered subversive under Ugandan law.

The government also alleges the two have distributed what it calls defamatory and negative content about Uganda through foreign media and international platforms. “These are coordinated media offensives meant to tarnish Uganda’s image globally,” A source told Chimpreports news.

Ugandan security officials further accuse Smith and Amsterdam of lobbying foreign governments and international financial institutions to block development funding to Uganda. Authorities say such efforts amount to economic sabotage designed to weaken investor confidence and harm the country’s growth prospects.  

Sanctions and ICC lobbying  

The government also claims the two foreigners have supported calls for sanctions against Ugandan officials and pushed for international investigations, including potential referrals to the International Criminal Court (ICC).

“Seeking sanctions and international prosecutions against serving Ugandan officials is not neutral legal work,” an official is quoted.

The accusations follow a dossier circulated internationally by Amsterdam’s law firm, which called for punitive action against Uganda over alleged post-election repression.

Wine, a pop-star-turned-politician, rejected the outcome, alleging fraud and accusing security forces of harassment and intimidation.

Muhoozi’s accusations

In a series of posts on X, Gen. Muhoozi claimed Ugandan troops were actively hunting Wine “dead or alive,” and alleged that Wine’s escape from his home in Magere during a night raid was coordinated with the “current administration at the US Embassy.”

“We, as UPDF, suspend ALL cooperation with the current administration at the US Embassy in Kampala,” Muhoozi wrote, adding that this could include Uganda’s military cooperation with the United States in Somalia.

Muhoozi later deleted some of the posts and apologised, but the remarks raised concerns about the future of Uganda - US security ties.

Contradictions within government

Muhoozi’s comments came just hours after Prime Minister Robinah Nabbanja told local broadcaster NTV Uganda that Wine was not being pursued by the state. “Everyone is wondering why he chose to leave. He is not wanted by the government,” she said.

Other government officials have made similar statements, creating confusion over whether Wine is formally under arrest or being targeted by security forces.

Raid on Wine’s family home

Wine has said troops broke into his residence overnight, assaulted staff and choked his wife, Barbara Kyagulanyi, forcing her to seek medical attention.

Muhoozi posted a photo claiming soldiers had “captured and then released” Wine’s wife during the raid, describing her as “helpful” in locating her husband.

“Kabobi,” a Swahili term meaning “small Bobi,” is a derogatory nickname used by Kainerugaba, to refer to opposition leader Bobi Wine, whose real name is Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu.

“Now I tell you that NUP will be removed and extinguished from our land like a bad dream! We have killed 22 NUP terrorists since last week. I'm praying the 23rd is Kabobi. We will kill on sight all NUP so called 'Foot Soldiers',” his tweet read in part.

Kainerugaba, who is also the commander of Uganda’s land forces, said only President Museveni could stop him.

The comments come amid heightened tensions following Uganda’s disputed elections , which the opposition says were marked by fraud, military intimidation and repression.

President Museveni who won his seventh term in office has been in power since 1986 and has amended the constitution twice to remove age and term limits.

What they said

The United Nations described the election period as being marred by “widespread repression and intimidation.” Bobi Wine claimed “massive ballot stuffing” was taking place and later said, “Currently, I am not at home, although my wife and other family members remain under house arrest. I know that these criminals are looking for me everywhere, and I am trying my best to keep safe.” His party rejected the outcome, calling it “a sham.” Election observers flagged concerns about “intimidation, arrest and abductions,” and Goodluck Jonathan said the incidents undermined confidence in the process, adding the internet shutdown “disrupted effective observation” and “increased suspicion,” even though voting day was described as “peaceful.”

“I managed to escape from them,” Wine said, adding that he is currently not at home. His wife and other family members, however, remain under what he described as house arrest.

Wine said the heavy security presence and the overnight operation led neighbours to believe he and his family had been abducted, rumours he said were worsened by a nationwide internet shutdown that has limited access to information.

The opposition leader accused authorities of hunting for him and said he was taking steps to stay safe. He also repeated his rejection of the election results being announced by the electoral commission, describing them as fraudulent and lacking any credibility.

Wine alleged widespread ballot stuffing, military interference in the vote, the arrest of opposition leaders and polling officials, and other electoral abuses. He also condemned the killing of citizens who, he said, were peacefully protesting against what he called the theft of the election.

“The people of Uganda have the right to protest in defence of their sovereign right to determine a government of their choice,” Wine said, accusing the authorities of using violence and intimidation to suppress dissent.

Ugandan security forces have not publicly responded to Wine’s latest claims.

What they said

Police spokesperson Lydia Tumushabe said security forces fired in self-defence after opposition “goons” attacked a police station and tally centre, adding that 25 people were arrested. MP Muwanga Kivumbi rejected that version of events, saying, “They killed 10 people inside my house…They broke the front door and began shooting inside the garage. It was a massacre.” President Museveni, after voting, said he expected to win with around 80% of the vote “if there’s no cheating”. Bobi Wine accused authorities of orchestrating fraud and repression, saying the internet shutdown was designed to silence dissent and block scrutiny of the vote. He further posted on X that, “yesterday, after casting my ballot, the military deployed all around my home in order to place me under house arrest. These criminals even jumped over the fence and entered our compound. My house is still besieged - no one allowed to come in or go out. This ain't strength. They do this out of fear for the people they have offended by committing so many atrocities against them. They do this because they are afraid of the people's reaction after stealing their vote.”

Based on the partial tally, Museveni, the flag-bearer of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), has secured 3,960,438 votes, accounting for 76.25% of the valid votes counted so far.

His closest challenger, opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, popularly known as Bobi Wine of the National Unity Platform (NUP) has garnered 1,312,047 votes, or 19.65%.

The remaining candidates trail far behind. Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) candidate James Nathan Nandala Mafabi has received 108,301 votes (2.08%), while Gregory Mugisha Muntu of the Alliance for National Transformation (ANT) has polled 29,504 votes (0.57%). Other candidates each remain below one percent of the vote.

Justice Byabakama said a total of 5,323,779 votes had been received so far, representing 24.59% of the 21.6 million registered voters on the national voters’ register. Of these, 5,194,338 were valid votes, while 129,441 ballots were declared invalid, about 2.43% of votes cast. Spoilt ballots stood at 17,281.

The Electoral Commission said it would continue to release provisional results at regular intervals, with the next update scheduled for 2:00pm on Friday.

The latest figures is a sharp increase in Museveni’s lead compared with the first set of provisional results released late Thursday night, which were based on returns from just 133 polling stations, or 0.26% of the total.

The final results are expected to be announced within 48 hours, once tallying from all polling stations is complete.

This brings our live coverage of Uganda’s 2026 general election to an end. The vote is widely expected to extend President Yoweri Museveni’s four-decade rule. Follow Global South World for ongoing updates as the process continues, with final results expected from the Electoral Commission within the next 48 hours.

18:00 GMT: Yoweri Museveni takes early lead

15:00 GMT: Vote counting commences in several parts of the country

14:30 GMT: No "serious violations" detected during voting in Kampala, Russian election observer reports

14:00 GMT: Polls officially close at most polling stations across the country

1:30 GMT: Opposition leader Bobi Wine allege incidents of ballot stuffing

1:00 GMT: Uganda's National Tally Center in Lubowa is ready for first round of result later this evening

12:30 GMT: Polling hours have been extended from the earlier communicated 4:00pm to 5:00pm

12:00 GMT: Health Minister Dr Jane Ruth Aceng casts her vote

11:00 GMT: Voting underway at Kampala Road

10: 30 GMT: Presidential candidate Yvonne Mpambara raises concerns over technical failures on election day

10:30 GMT: Common Man’s Party Presidential flagbearer Mubarak Munyagwa votes

10:00 GMT: Opposition leader Bobi Wine votes in the company of his wife

9:30 GMT: President Yoweri Museveni speaks after voting

President Museveni has addressed the nation after casting his ballot on matters relating to election rigging, delays in opening polls, malfunctioning biometric machines, amongst others.

9:00 GMT: Incumbent President Yoweri Museveni votes

9:00 GMT: President Yoweri Museveni arrives at Rwakitura to vote

8:30 GMT: The Alliance for National Transformation (ANT) presidential candidate, Major General Gregory Mugisha Muntu (Rtd) casts ballot

8:00 GMT: Electoral Commission orders voting process to commence immediately despite machine malfunctions

Uganda’s Electoral Commission chief, Justice Simon Mugenyi Byabakama has ordered the immediate commencement of polls across all polling stations. This comes after reported delays and biometric machine malfunction in several polling stations across the country.

7:30 GMT: Polls delay and biometric machines malfunction

Polls was expected to open by 7am however reports from several parts of the capital, Kampala, and the city of Jinja said voting had yet to begin by 9am (0600 GMT), with reports that ballot papers had not been delivered and biometric machines used to check voters' identities were not working. "Nobody is here to tell us what is happening," said Abuza Monica Christine, a 56-year-old businesswoman in central Jinja, told AFP.

7:00 GMT: Voting begins across Uganda

Voting officially commenced at 7:00 am in various polling station across the country

Campaign Season

In the months leading up to the campaign, the Ugandan government stepped up actions against the opposition National Unity Platform (NUP), with arrests and charges against its members. In October 2025, ten NUP members were arrested in northern Uganda, and in November at least 95 more were charged with minor offences. After campaigning began, the pressure continued, including an incident on 6 December 2025 in Gulu where Bobi Wine and several supporters and staff were attacked and beaten by security forces while on the trail. President Yoweri Museveni, in a New Year’s Eve address on 31 December 2025, urged security forces to use more tear gas to disperse crowds, describing the opposition as “criminal” and arguing that tear gas was preferable to live ammunition.

Key Issues

Electoral System

Uganda’s president is elected under a two-round system, meaning a candidate must win 50% plus one vote to take the presidency in the first round. The law requires presidential candidates to be Ugandan citizens by birth, eligible to be an MP, and of sound mind, and it bars anyone with a formal connection to the Electoral Commission from running; term limits were removed in 2005, and elections are overseen by the Electoral Commission of Uganda.

Parliament has 529 seats: 353 are elected in single-member constituencies using first-past-the-post, and 146 district-based seats are reserved for women (one per district) and filled the same way. The remaining 30 seats are filled indirectly through special electoral colleges, 10 for the army and 5 each for youths, elders, unions and people with disabilities with requirements to ensure women are represented in each group.

The Candidates

A total of seven candidates were nominated during the two-day exercise held on 23rd and 24th September 2025 at the Electoral Commission grounds in Lweza-Lubowa, Wakiso District. Among those nominated is President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, standing on the ticket of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM). Now in power for nearly four decades, Museveni first took office in 1986 after leading a guerrilla war that promised to restore democracy following years of instability. The opposition field is led by Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, popularly known as Bobi Wine, the candidate of the National Unity Platform (NUP). A former pop star turned politician, Bobi Wine, is widely viewed as Museveni’s strongest challenger. Read more

Background and Electoral History

Uganda’s first national election was the 1962 Uganda National Assembly vote, which produced a post-independence government after an alliance between the Uganda People ’s Congress (UPC) and Kabaka Yekka (KY) won a parliamentary majority and made Milton Obote executive prime minister. Elections then stalled for years amid dictatorship and political turmoil, including the eras of Idi Amin, Yusuf Lule and Godfrey Binaisa, until a disputed presidential election in December 1980 returned Obote to power amid allegations of fraud. One of the contenders, Yoweri Museveni, rejected the outcome and launched an armed rebellion, and his National Resistance Army eventually took power in 1986 after the short-lived government of Gen Tito Okello.

Under Museveni, Uganda introduced a “no-party” system that barred parties from fielding candidates directly, and the country held nonparty elections in 1996, its first popular presidential election since 1962, when Museveni won while formally running without a party, despite the existence of parties such as the Democratic Party, UPC and later the Forum for Democratic Change. Museveni also won again in 2001, in a vote challenged by his main rival Kizza Besigye but ultimately upheld by the Supreme Court. In 2005, Ugandans voted in a referendum to restore multiparty politics, setting up the 2006 general election as the first multiparty contest in 25 years, which Museveni and the NRM won; he later defeated opposition challenger Bobi Wine in the 2021 presidential election.

Voter Statistics

According to the Ugandan Electoral Commission in its latest voter statistics, the country currently has 146 districts, 312 counties, 353 constituencies, 2,191 sub-counties/towns/municipal divisions, 10,717 parishes and 71,214 villages, while the scale of election administration has expanded since the last general cycle. The number of polling stations has risen from 34,684 in 2021 to 50,739 as of 13 November 2025, and the registered voter roll has grown from 18,103,603 (2021) to 21,681,491 (as of 13 November 2025).

“All those in Uganda, who are able to bypass the criminal regime’s internet blockade – big up yourselves!” he wrote. “Pass around the message. Let everyone know how to do it. They cut off the internet in order to hide rigging and atrocities. Record everything and share with the world .”

The call came less than 24 hours after the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) ordered mobile network operators and internet service providers to suspend public internet access and selected mobile services starting at 6:00 pm on January 13, 2026. The suspension is expected to remain in force until further notice.

The UCC said the move was aimed at maintaining public order during the election period.

Just days earlier, government officials had dismissed claims by the opposition that an internet shutdown was planned.

Fredrick Aloo, national chairman of the Kenya International Freight and Warehousing Association (Kifwa), said modern logistics rely heavily on constant internet connectivity. “Cargo cannot move without communication. Tracking, document submission and coordination all depend on internet access,” he told the Nation.Africa .

Cargo handlers said messaging platforms such as WhatsApp, Telegram and SMS, which are widely used to communicate with drivers and clients, have become inaccessible. In addition, GPRS tracking systems that rely on mobile data to monitor transit cargo have been disrupted, making it harder to ensure security and timely delivery.

The internet shutdown has also affected customs and logistics platforms used in cargo clearance, raising concerns about congestion at key border points such as Busia and Malaba. Transporters say the suspension of outbound data roaming has further limited drivers’ ability to navigate routes and receive real-time updates.

Some transporters have also begun scaling back operations. Roy Mwanthi, a transporter based in Mombasa, said his company was prioritising local cargo until the situation stabilises. “Cleared transit cargo will move to the border, but to avoid losses and safety risks, we are focusing on local deliveries for now,” he said.

Uganda’s communications regulator ordered mobile network operators to block public internet access from Tuesday evening, with the reason that the shutdown was intended to prevent misinformation and protect national security during the election period.

The appointment has been framed by Ugandan officials and supporters as recognition of the country’s engagement with international gender equality frameworks. Uganda succeeds Sweden, whose presidency was led by Ambassador and Permanent Representative Nicola Clase, and will now oversee the Executive Board’s work guiding UN Women’s policies , programmes and budget during the coming year.

However, Uganda’s new role has also prompted scrutiny from critics and civil society voices, who point to persistent challenges facing women within the country. These include concerns raised by human rights advocates about limited legal protections in cases of marital rape, widespread sexual harassment, and high levels of gender-based violence, issues that continue to shape public debate around women’s rights in Uganda.

The contrast between Uganda’s domestic challenges and its leadership position within UN Women highlights broader tensions within global governance, where representation and responsibility often coexist with unresolved national issues. As president of the Executive Board, Uganda is expected to play a central role in steering discussions on gender equality worldwide, placing its policies and commitments under renewed international attention.

Just days earlier, authorities had denied claims by the main opposition that the government intended to cut internet access to prevent mobilisation and the sharing of election results. Those concerns intensified last week after satellite internet provider Starlink restricted its services in Uganda following an order from the regulator.

According to the UCC, the shutdown follows a “strong recommendation” from the Inter-Agency Security Committee and is aimed at preventing the spread of misinformation, disinformation, electoral fraud and incitement to violence during the polls. The commission said the measures are necessary to protect public confidence and national security .

Under the directive, services to be suspended include public internet access, the sale and registration of new SIM cards, and outbound data roaming services to countries within the One Network Area. The shutdown applies across mobile broadband, fibre optic connections, leased lines, fixed wireless access, microwave radio links and satellite internet services.

The UCC said all non-essential public internet traffic, including social media platforms, web browsing, video streaming, personal email services and messaging applications, must be blocked during the suspension period.

A limited number of essential services will be exempted under a strictly controlled exclusion list, allowing continued access for critical national functions such as network monitoring and infrastructure management. Access to these systems will be restricted to authorised personnel and secured through whitelisted mechanisms such as dedicated IP ranges or private networks. Operators have been instructed to suspend access immediately if any abuse is detected.

In both countries, youth-led protests have exposed deep frustration with unaccountable leadership, rising living costs and limited job opportunities. In Kenya, the 2024 - 2025 demonstrations against proposed tax hikes driven largely by Gen Z activists organising on social media left a strong impression across the region. The protests forced President William Ruto’s government to withdraw key parts of a controversial finance bill, showing how quickly economic grievances can turn into mass mobilisation.

After its disputed October 2025 elections, Tanzania’s protests were met with a heavy security response, including arrests, internet restrictions and allegations of excessive use of force. While authorities defended the crackdown as necessary to maintain stability, rights groups warned it damaged public trust and narrowed democratic space.

These regional experiences resonate strongly in Uganda, where many of the same pressures are present. Various Afrobarometer reports have highlighted similar issues in Uganda, including a high spate of corruption amongst public officials and appointees, amongst others. Like Kenya and Tanzania, Uganda is grappling with high food prices, rising public debt and widespread youth unemployment.

At the same time, concerns about political freedoms are growing. Security forces have detained more than 300 supporters and officials from the opposition party of presidential candidate Bobi Wine since campaigning for the January election began, according to his party.

“Over 300 have been detained since the campaigns started,” said Joel Ssenyonyi, spokesperson for Wine’s National Unity Platform. “The regime is in panic. They are resorting to arrests to deter and instil fear in our people .”

Wine, whose real name is Robert Kyagulanyi, is challenging President Yoweri Museveni, now 81, for a second time after finishing runner-up in the disputed 2021 vote.

A total of seven candidates were nominated during the two-day exercise held on 23 rd and 24 th September 2025 at the Electoral Commission grounds in Lweza-Lubowa, Wakiso District. The process was overseen by Electoral Commission chairperson Justice Simon Byabakama Mugenyi, who also serves as the returning officer for presidential nominations.

Among those nominated is President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, standing on the ticket of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM). Now in power for nearly four decades, Museveni first took office in 1986 after leading a guerrilla war that promised to restore democracy following years of instability.

Once hailed as part of a new generation of African leaders, his long rule has increasingly been criticised over alleged human rights abuses, restrictions on political space and the harassment of opposition figures. He won the 2021 election with 58% of the vote, a poll marred by allegations of rigging and a heavy security crackdown.

The opposition field is led by Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, popularly known as Bobi Wine, the candidate of the National Unity Platform (NUP). A former pop star turned politician, Bobi Wine, is widely viewed as Museveni’s strongest challenger. He came second in the last election with 35% of the vote and helped turn NUP into the largest opposition party in Parliament. Dubbed the “ghetto president,” he commands strong support among young, urban and working-class voters but has continued to face arrests, surveillance and restrictions on his activities.

Other candidates include James Nandala Mafabi of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), Gregory Mugisha Muntu of the Alliance for National Transformation (ANT), Kasibante Robert (NPP), Joseph Mabirizi (CP), Munyagwa Mubarak Sserunga (CMP) and Frank Kabinga Bulira (RPP).

The official campaign period is set to begin on 29 th September 2025, after the harmonisation of candidates’ campaign schedules.

The key issues

While Uganda’s per-capita income has slowly recovered since the pandemic, job creation has lagged behind rapid population growth, leaving millions of young people unemployed or underemployed. Rising public debt estimated at over 50% of GDP and growing debt-servicing costs have raised concerns about fiscal sustainability, alongside persistently high food and fuel prices.

Corruption is another central voter concern. Uganda ranks 140th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index. High-profile scandals involving members of Parliament and senior officials have contributed to public frustration. 

Afrobarometer surveys show corruption has risen sharply on the list of issues citizens want addressed, yet many Ugandans say they fear retaliation if they report wrongdoing. In February 2025, an Afrobarometer report noted that Corruption ranked as the fifth-most important issue that citizens want their government to address, up from 12th place in 2005. 

Uganda’s Electoral Commission says the outcome of the presidential vote should be known by 4:00 pm local time (1:00 pm GMT) on Saturday, 17 January

Before launching a campaign that would go on to capture the imagination of many New Yorkers, Mamdani was a little-known state assemblyman. For many voters, 2025 was the first time they had even heard of his name. 

Yet the core message of his campaign — affordability — resonated in one of the most expensive cities in the world and its de facto financial capital. On November 4, Mamdani won 50.74 percent of the vote, enough to defy expectations and overcome attacks that often went for his African, Asian and Muslim identity. 

But what does a Mamdani-run New York mean for the Global South, if anything at all?

Representation and access

Mamdani is among a small number of senior elected officials in the United States whose personal background is rooted in the developing world. For officials and observers in Africa, Asia and the Middle East , that has drawn attention, even as expectations remain limited.

To be clear, his election does not alter Washington’s stance on trade, security or development assistance. New York’s mayor does not set US foreign policy. But it does place a Global South-born leader at the helm of a city where embassies, consulates and multilateral missions are densely concentrated, and where access to local political leadership often shapes day-to-day diplomatic and economic engagement.

Global South leader for Global South communities

More than one in three New York residents were born outside the United States, according to census data, with large communities originating from Latin America, South Asia, Africa and the Caribbean. The city’s economy depends heavily on migrant labour and transnational business networks, while remittances sent from New York sustain households across the developing world.

In that context, Mamdani’s background is not merely symbolic. It intersects directly with the lived realities of a significant share of the city’s population, many of whom navigate the same pressures of cost, precarity and access that shape urban politics across the Global South.

Policy and stance

Affordability sat at the centre of Mamdani’s campaign, reflecting mounting pressure from housing costs, transport fares and basic living expenses. In key respects, the challenges facing New York increasingly mirror those long familiar to major cities in the Global South — rapid growth, entrenched inequality and infrastructure stretched beyond capacity.

Mamdani has also signalled an awareness of struggles that resonate across the Global South. He has been outspoken on the war in Gaza, a stance that has drawn criticism — particularly over his past refusal to condemn the phrase “globalise the intifada”. He later said he would discourage the term’s use.

Migration has been another central theme. In his victory speech, Mamdani declared: “New York will remain a city of immigrants — a city built by immigrants, powered by immigrants and, as of tonight, led by an immigrant.”

He later underscored that position during a meeting with US President Donald Trump, a leading proponent of hardline immigration policies, where the newly elected mayor sought to press New York’s case directly at the White House.

A model

For many in the Global South, Mamdani’s rise carries a quieter implication. Sure, his story is not a conventional rags-to-riches narrative. He was born into privilege, the son of an Oscar-nominated filmmaker and a Columbia University professor.

Yet his ascent to power, despite persistent scrutiny of his Global South roots, suggests that individuals born outside the traditional centres of power can still reach the highest levels of political authority in the Global North. 

Whether his tenure ultimately succeeds or falters, his election alone stands as evidence that pathways into Western power structures, while narrow, are not entirely closed.

President Yoweri Museveni has renewed his call for wealth creation during a rally in Kanungu, vowing stronger government support for tea farmers through affordable fertiliser schemes. He highlighted the NRM’s achievements in securing peace, especially along border regions, and announced plans for major road upgrades to boost local production and market access. Museveni argued that sustained peace has allowed Uganda’s rural regions to focus on productivity, resource development and domestic manufacturing. He noted that infrastructure remains central to Uganda’s journey toward middle-income status, but insisted that individual households must also embrace enterprise, modern farming and value addition.

Long-horned cattle breed

Agriculture Minister Frank Tumwebaze has appealed for closer Uganda–Rwanda cooperation to protect the iconic long-horned cattle breed, warning against politicised narratives. He emphasised traditional conservation practices and noted the international recognition accorded to the breed, calling it a “shared heritage” that must be protected. He called on communities, researchers and policymakers to collaborate in protecting the breed from threats such as crossbreeding and commercial pressures. According to Tumwebaze, sustainable conservation of indigenous cattle remains essential for cultural preservation, tourism development and ecological balance.

Bill to overhaul legal education

Uganda is moving toward a sweeping reform of legal education after the Cabinet approved the National Legal Examinations Centre Bill. The proposed law seeks to standardise legal examinations, decentralise practical training, and align Uganda’s legal sector with global benchmarks to address long-standing challenges in access, quality and professional consistency. The bill also seeks to strengthen Uganda’s competitiveness in global legal practice by harmonising local standards with those used in advanced jurisdictions. Analysts say the reform could help close gaps in legal service delivery, while easing congestion and improving efficiency within the legal education pipeline.

National encryption policy

The UAE has rolled out a new National Encryption Policy, launching executive regulations that will transition government institutions toward post-quantum cryptography. The Cybersecurity Council will oversee implementation, positioning the UAE as an early adopter of advanced data-protection standards amid the rapid growth of quantum computing technologies. As the world edges closer to the era of quantum computing, which experts warn could break today’s strongest encryption, the UAE aims to position itself as a leader in digital security innovation. The regulations also outline a national roadmap to guide implementation across federal ministries and state-linked institutions.

AI & Innovation

Uzbekistan has announced the creation of the Enterprise Uzbekistan digital technology centre, which will focus on AI development, video-game production, and IT consulting. The initiative aims to cultivate a new generation of digital talent and expand the country’s innovation ecosystem as it strengthens its position in the global tech landscape. Officials hope the project will help Uzbekistan become a regional hub for digital innovation, creating new jobs, enhancing technological capacity and strengthening the country’s export potential in software and digital services.

Kenya initially imposed restrictions on Ugandan dairy products in 2023 to protect local farmers. Though these measures were later relaxed under regional trade rules, the Kenyan government reintroduced a ban on powdered milk last month. Officials cited unfair competition and the need to protect the domestic supply as justification for the renewed ban.

In response, Uganda has turned to Nigeria to diversify its export markets. The Monitor reports that the shipment to Nigeria, facilitated with the support of former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, positions Nigeria as Uganda’s second-largest dairy export destination after Algeria, which currently imports about 20,000 tonnes annually.

Despite having one of Africa’s largest cattle populations —over 20 million head of cattle, Nigeria produces limited quantities of milk and depends on imports for around 60% of its dairy needs. 

The country is now working to increase local milk output, including importing dairy cattle from Denmark , as part of a strategy to reduce dairy imports that cost the country $1.5 billion annually.

“Our goal is ambitious but achievable; to double Nigeria's milk production from 700,000 tonnes to 1.4 million tonnes annually in the next five years," said Livestock Minister Idi Maiha in June.

Before the imposition of trade barriers, Kenya was Uganda's largest milk buyer. However, a 10% import levy on dairy products reduced the competitiveness of Ugandan goods. Uganda contested the tax under the East African Community (EAC) Common Market Protocol, which supports the free movement of goods within the region.

While Egypt leads Africa’s dairy production with an estimated 5.7 billion kilograms of annual production in 2025, East Africa remains the continent’s dairy hub . In 2023, East Africa contributed 48% of Africa’s total milk production, amounting to 25.4 million tonnes. The region also recorded a 26% growth in production between 2013 and 2023. Key producers include Kenya, Ethiopia, Sudan, Tanzania, and South Sudan, with Uganda becoming a notable exporter of milk powder.

Uganda’s dairy industry continues to grow, with an expected annual production of 5.3 billion litres in 2025. The Dairy Development Authority (DDA), established in 1998, plays a central role in regulating and promoting the industry. It has implemented policies to improve milk quality, boost production, and increase market access.

The rumours spread widely on TikTok, X, and Facebook, prompting Kenya’s Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi to travel to Kampala this week to seek clarification. Museveni said he assured the Kenyan official that Uganda was not planning any form of confrontation.

“How can I be hostile to Kenya when I am promoting economic integration?” Museveni said. “When Ugandans produce goods and Kenyans buy them, and vice versa, we all prosper.”

What Museveni actually said in Mbale

The misunderstanding stems from a section of Museveni’s Mbale address in which he discussed long-term regional security planning, not territorial conflict.

He argued that landlocked countries like Uganda face strategic limitations, particularly in building naval capacity, and said political federation within the East African Community (EAC) would allow member states to combine resources and strengthen collective defence.

According to Museveni, this point was twisted into claims that Uganda intended to wage war for sea access. “What I said in Mbale is exactly what I have said here,” he explained. “I spoke about political federation, not hostility to Kenya.”

He added that separate national defence systems within the EAC limit the region’s ability to confront global powers with advanced naval, air, and space capabilities. “Some of the big powers plan to dominate in land forces, air force, navy, and even in space. If they gain overwhelming strength, where does that leave us? How can Uganda build a navy without access to the ocean?” Museveni said.

Hosted by Uganda’s National Social Security Fund (NSSF), the summit was themed “Unlocking Africa’s Pension Potential for Sustainable Development.” The event highlighted the urgent need to bridge the continent’s massive infrastructure gap using domestic capital.

“The strategic use of pension capital is integral to Uganda’s Ten-Fold Growth Strategy,” said Dr. Michael Atingi-Ego, Governor of the Bank of Uganda, in his keynote address. He called pension savings “patient capital,” ideally suited to building long-term infrastructure such as roads, schools , hospitals, and energy systems.

Atingi-Ego urged African nations to align pension investment with national development goals, backed by sound macroeconomic policies like inflation control and currency stability. He also called for the creation of new financial instruments, including green bonds and infrastructure bonds, to facilitate responsible and impactful pension fund investments.

Further, Uganda’s Prime Minister Robinah Nabbanja, delivering remarks on behalf of President Yoweri Museveni, described NSSF Uganda as “an important contributor to national development,” supporting its investments in affordable housing, renewable energy , and infrastructure.

“Africa urgently needs both capital and entrepreneurship to accelerate development,” Nabbanja said. “Our pension funds present a unique opportunity to mobilise domestic capital for critical sectors such as energy, infrastructure, and transport.”

Uganda’s political opposition is undergoing a notable transformation , with analysts questioning whether the current leadership prioritises political ideals or personal business interests. This debate has grown louder as several opposition figures have been accused of focusing on commercial ventures rather than grassroots mobilisation. Critics argue that the opposition’s evolving character risks weakening checks on President Yoweri Museveni’s long-standing administration, while others contend it reflects a strategic adaptation to a changing economic and political reality.

Uganda’s new political darling is born in Luzzi’s unfiltered truth

As Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, continues to draw both fervent support and criticism, a new political voice is emerging in Luzzi’s candid and unapologetic commentary. Luzzi’s rise — framed as a rejection of “performance politics” — has resonated with a younger audience disillusioned by both government and traditional opposition figures. Political observers describe this as a potential generational shift, marking the birth of a new populist style grounded in plain-spoken authenticity rather than celebrity charisma.

The Observer vindicated as Katuntu backs Museveni

In a turn that has stirred Uganda’s political debate , seasoned politician Abdu Katuntu has publicly expressed support for President Museveni, a move that many see as validating earlier reports by The Observer newspaper. The publication had previously suggested Katuntu’s growing alignment with the ruling party, a claim dismissed at the time by some opposition circles. His endorsement now appears to confirm the steady consolidation of the ruling National Resistance Movement’s influence, even among former critics.

Police warn NUP supporters over escalating attacks on officers amid campaign tensions

Ugandan police have issued a strong warning to members of the National Unity Platform (NUP) following reports of assaults on law enforcement personnel during campaign activities. Authorities say several officers were injured in clashes linked to rallies in central districts. The police statement emphasised that such acts will be met with firm legal action, while NUP officials have accused security forces of provocation and heavy-handedness. The incident highlights the mounting tension as Uganda inches closer to the next electoral cycle.

South Sudan is staging a comeback, with its oil sector fuelling recovery. Guinea is booming, powered by rich deposits of bauxite and iron ore and a surge in energy projects.

In Ethiopia, growth remains strong, driven by construction, agriculture, and energy expansion.

Rwanda continues to attract attention through its vibrant tech start-up ecosystem and thriving tourism industry, while Uganda is positioning itself for an economic boost from new oil production and robust coffee exports.

The IMF attributes these successes to smart policy reforms and improved debt management, which are enabling these economies to stay steady even as global demand weakens.

On May 24, 1991, Eritrean forces captured their capital, Asmara, a victory which effectively marked the end of decades of war and ultimately secession from Ethiopia. This was the first such case in post-colonial Africa. Just six days earlier, the Somali Republic, which was created in 1960, split as Somaliland (a former British colony) declared independence from Somalia (a former Italian colony). 

Eritrea seceded from a union with Ethiopia, which had been imposed on it in 1962, but Somaliland seceded from a greater Somalia to which it had consented.

Ethiopia’s own government ultimately facilitated Eritrea’s recognition as a sovereign state by the international community.

Thirty-four years after its secession, Somaliland is still in search of international recognition in the face of fierce opposition from Somalia. And then, suddenly, Ethiopia suggested on January 1, 2024, that a quid pro quo may be possible after all: diplomatic recognition in return for access to the sea. If the deal were carried through as planned, it would be the most consequential international event in the Horn of Africa in decades. The hope was that Ethiopia’s recognition would pave the way for similar actions by other states, eventually leading to the birth of the world ’s newest state, the Republic of Somaliland.

So, to recap the two scenarios:

Inter-state and inter-ethnic conflicts continue to define the Horn of Africa.

Blinded by post-colonial logic

Even if Ethiopia and Somaliland had been able to execute as planned without any negative repercussions, their solution would have fallen short of addressing the seemingly intractable problem of the Horn of Africa. But why is the region so chronically unstable, and what can be done about it for the long term? All parties have an interest in the prosperity that a more stable region would generate.

The challenge, as so often, is about history. Ethiopia, alone among the states in the Horn of Africa, was never colonised.”. But its borders were nevertheless a product of struggles and arrangements made in capitals thousands of miles away. The ultimate consequence of the partition of the Horn of Africa was that cohesive nations of people who should have been governing themselves found borders separating them into different states. Conversely, those who should have been separated found themselves on the same side of the line as people with conflicting cultures, histories and traditions. 

This is the fundamental root of the political instability of the Horn of Africa.

What came into being in the region in the post-colonial period was Ethiopia, a state in search of a nation, and Somalia and Djibouti, nations in search of a state. Eritrea is neither a state nor a nation—it is an entity in search of both.

The political concept of state denotes administrative structure and control, and the sociological concept of nation denotes collective identity. 

Over the years, several proposals have been put forward for addressing the challenge of political instability in the Horn of Africa. One element that these proposals had in common was the need to maintain existing colonial borders, even if the countries in the region were to form some kind of union. The logic of avoiding the inevitable disputes and wrangling over a redrawing of boundaries is understandable. But is it compatible with a solution to the underlying problems?

What if our fixation with national borders with customs points, and fences is merely entrenching the errors of the past? What if we look instead at governance and decision-making and consider a framework that can support the needs of people without simply recreating existing problems in new locations? In fact, this formula is consistent with what is seemingly being practised in Ethiopia at the moment—ethnic federalism. But this approach also transcends it. The autonomy of different ethnic regions should be disproportional or asymmetric, reflecting the distinctive historical experiences of various regions. Some areas have greater cohesion and more unity, others need more independence.

It should be noted that such a concept is not new to Eritrea: Eritrea enjoyed a special status between 1952 and 1962. It was granted a federal status in an otherwise unitary Ethiopia. After a decade, however, Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia abrogated the federal treaty with the support of the US, which, because of the Cold War, had a significant geostrategic interest in the region.

Such a special status should be extended not only to Eritrea but also to other regions in the Horn of Africa, including particularly Somaliland. If this type of asymmetric constitutionalism is implemented, the result could be the United States of the Horn of Africa. In theory, this would also become a stepping stone toward the realisation of the long-dreamt United States of Africa.

Author’s note: In this essay, I have referred to the Horn of Africa as Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti, and Eritrea. The Greater Horn of Africa clearly also encompasses Sudan, South Sudan, Kenya, and Uganda.

The opinions and thoughts expressed in this article reflect only the author's views.

Seifudein Adem is a visiting professor at the Institute of Advanced Research and Education at Doshisha University, Kyoto, Japan. He has taught in Ethiopia, the US, Japan and China and is the author of several books on international relations.

So far, Rwanda, Ghana, Uganda, and Eswatini have signed separate agreements with Washington. Each country has accepted small groups of people , most of whom have no personal ties to these nations.

In the latest case, ten people were flown to Eswatini, including individuals from Jamaica, Cuba, Laos, Vietnam, and Yemen. Rights groups in Eswatini, however, went to court to stop the transfer, arguing it was illegal and violated international law.

The deportees still arrived a day before the hearing resumed in Mbabane. U.S. officials defended the move, saying the policy is meant to handle “uncooperative” countries.

But human rights advocates, including those at Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, call it unethical.

They say it strips people of due process and leaves them stranded in countries where they have no connections or support systems. Governments that agree to the policy often say they are cooperating for diplomatic reasons or humanitarian grounds.

Critics, however, believe some are doing so to maintain good relations with Washington or gain other forms of support.

As Reuters reports, the Eswatini government is now facing a legal challenge over its agreement with the U.S., while there are similar disputes in Ghana over alleged unlawful detentions of deportees.

But the report also highlights the rising stars of innovation in lower-middle-income and low-income economies — many of which are considered to be performing better than their levels of development.

Lower middle-income

1. India 

India, the world’s most populous nation, once again topped the lower middle-income group, ranking 38th overall. It was named an innovation overperformer for the 15th consecutive year, meaning it outpaced expectations for its level of development. India’s strongest asset remains its booming ICT services exports, supported by a 7.6% jump in scientific publications.

2. Vietnam

Vietnam came in 44th globally and second among lower-middle-income economies, also earning overperformer status for the 15th straight year. It ranked particularly high in creative outputs, knowledge and technology outputs, and market sophistication, with creative goods exports and high-tech trade standing out as its main strengths.

3. Philippines

The Philippines entered the top 50 overall this year, clinching the third spot in its income group. The country excelled in knowledge and technology outputs and in business sophistication. High-tech exports and imports were cited as its strongest contributions to the global innovation ecosystem.

Low income

1. Rwanda

Rwanda topped the list of low-income economies, ranking 104th worldwide and 10th in Sub-Saharan Africa. WIPO described Rwanda as an overperformer, pointing to its strong institutions and human capital investment as its key areas, and a stable business environment as its main strength.

2. Togo

At 117th overall, Togo was credited with strong market sophistication, with its main strength lying particularly in microfinance. It performed broadly in line with expectations for its level of development.

3. Uganda

Uganda, ranked 124th, rounded out the top three in the low-income group despite slipping three spots from last year. Its main strengths remain its institutional framework and business sophistication, as well as its youthful population.

Prosecutors at the International Criminal Court (ICC) on Tuesday, September 9, began presenting evidence in the court’s first-ever in absentia hearing against fugitive Ugandan rebel leader Joseph Kony. The ICC accuses Kony, leader of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), of 39 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The militia terrorised northern Uganda from the 1980s before expanding attacks into Congo, the Central African Republic, and South Sudan, and was notorious for using child soldiers, mutilating civilians, and enslaving women. Some Ugandans, including lawyer Okello Herbert, welcomed the proceedings, saying victims are deeply invested in the case. Judges will determine whether to confirm the charges, but Kony can only be tried if taken into custody.

Uganda Cancer Institute trains oncology super specialists

The Uganda Cancer Institute (UCI) has graduated 28 fellows from its two-year fellowship programme, designed to address the country’s shortage of highly skilled oncologists. UCI Director Dr. Jackson Orem described the graduates as “super specialists” with advanced training in oncology after completing prior specialisation in fields such as gynaecology, internal medicine, and paediatrics. He noted the milestone would improve access to high-quality cancer care and strengthen the nation’s healthcare system.

Uganda to host Africa’s first AI factory at Karuma

Uganda will host Africa’s first artificial intelligence factory inside the 600MW Karuma Hydropower Plant. The Aeonian Project, a 100MW hyperscale facility supported by global partners including Germany’s GIZ, Finland’s HAUS, and the EU Development Fund, will roll out in stages from 2026 to 2028. The first phase includes a 15MW AI module and a 10MW supercomputer, both fully powered by renewable energy. Oladele Oyekunle, CEO of Synectics Technologies, said the initiative will allow Africa to retain control of its data backbone and enable researchers to build AI models grounded in local languages and data.

Entebbe Airport enters final phase of $325m upgrade

Uganda is moving forward with the last phase of its $325 million expansion of Entebbe International Airport, aimed at transforming it into a modern regional hub. The project, which has already completed its first $200 million phase, includes terminal upgrades, new baggage handling systems, and increased passenger capacity. The second phase, worth $125 million, is now underway after COVID-19 delays. Authorities say the modernisation is part of Uganda’s Vision 2040 strategy to enhance tourism, boost trade, and strengthen international connectivity.

Uganda and South Korea launch rice seed project

Uganda and the Republic of Korea have launched a five-year, $3.9 million rice seed project under the Korea Rice Belt Program. The initiative, based in the Tochi Irrigation Scheme in Oyam District, aims to boost yields, improve farmer incomes, and reduce Uganda’s reliance on rice imports. Agriculture Minister Frank Tumwebaze called it a timely intervention for food security. The project will rehabilitate 50 hectares of farmland, provide over 13,000 metric tons of high-quality rice seed, and train farmers in sustainable production practices.

Founded by Daniel Bumbash, the Soft Ground Wrestling academy behind the viral clips is a real camp which trains students to practice the extreme sport safely. The major principle for Bumbash’s raw and risky academy is that only the healthy can survive.

“This sport is very, very dangerous,” Bumbash admits. “If you’ve had surgery, if you have HIV, ulcers, or other health issues, this isn’t for you. Our training starts with running 60 kilometres through sugar plantations to test stamina. The first lesson? Learning how to fall, how to fall on your back.”

Despite their improvised rings, thin ropes tied to bamboo sticks over soft ground,  the fighters’ stamina and witty style have caught international attention. American professionals like Mansoor Abdul Aziz and Mason D. Madden have travelled to Uganda to train and encourage the trainees.

“The ground is soft, but wrestling always hurts,” Mansoor told NTV. “This is a brand-new style of wrestling. Look at the ring they made with their blood, their sweat, their passion, their tears,” he added

Madden, on the other hand, sees something bigger, he said, “Professional wrestling doesn’t exist here in Uganda, it doesn’t exist here in Africa really. So you look in the world and you know American-style wrestling, Lucha Libre-style wrestling, and Japanese-style wrestling. Right here is where African style can be born, and that’s on you.”

From dirt to WWE dreams

The underground wrestling gained even more legitimacy and popularity when WWE star Cody Rhodes donated a professional wrestling ring to the group, shipped directly to Kampala.

“When I told him our biggest challenge was a ring, he said, done,” Bumbash recalled. “Many people will ask for money, but I asked for a ring just as I’m asking for somebody help us with land. Cody Rhodes inspires me so much, just as he was inspired by his father. He also says if the talent is okay, he will pull it over to his academy in the future.” 

The group already holds live shows every Sunday at 2 p.m., with two official titles - the Tag Team Championship and the Heavyweight Championship - both donated by Cody Rhodes. 

Tickets cost just about $1.

Operational cost

Running the academy isn’t cheap. Wrestlers eat up to 100 kilos a day, Bumbash says. He adds that 100 students eat two cow thighs in one sitting. On top of that, malaria and cramped accommodations add to the costs. But he insists the payoff is worth it. “These young men could be on the streets. Instead, I keep them here, train them, discipline them. No stealing, no foul language, no violence. I’ve expelled 25 already. Here, they become sportsmen.”

Jorine Najjemba, a 20-year-old senior six graduate from Nkowe, has formally entered Uganda’s 2026 presidential race. On August 11, she picked nomination forms, declaring herself a fresh alternative to the current leadership under the slogan Open Door, New Uganda for Everyone . Najjemba said she developed her political ambition in 2016 while in primary six and expressed confidence in her ability to bring change despite her age and gender.

Government targets $500bn GDP by 2040 through agriculture

Uganda aims to grow its GDP from $50 billion to $500 billion by 2040, with agricultural financing at the core of its strategy. Bank of Uganda Governor Michael Atingi-Ego told the Propagate Summit in Munyonyo that private sector credit, currently at UGX 26 trillion, must rise to UGX 260 trillion to meet the goal. He emphasised the importance of digital tools like financial passports to unlock funding and transform farmers’ livelihoods.

UK export agency backs quarry and asphalt project

UK Export Finance has guaranteed a £5.29 million loan to Ugandan firm IBBI from the London Forfaiting Company, enabling the purchase of UK-made machinery for a granite quarry and asphalt plant. The project, supported by Rainbo and Neba Freight Ltd, is expected to boost infrastructure development and build on IBBI’s engineering work across East and Central Africa.

Museveni discusses Nile link with Egypt

Speaking in Cairo on August 12, President Yoweri Museveni said meeting the electricity, irrigation, and water needs of all Nile Basin countries is key to regional prosperity. He revealed discussions with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi on linking Uganda to the Mediterranean via the River Nile, potentially connecting Kampala to Alexandria.

MTN Uganda posts strong revenue growth despite profit dip

MTN Uganda reported a 13.1% rise in total revenue to UGX 1.722 trillion ($483.68mn) for the first half of 2025, driven by growth in data and fintech services. Data revenue rose 31.3% to UGX 490.2bn, while fintech revenue climbed 18.6% to UGX 524.6bn. Profit after tax fell 9.7% to UGX 267bn due to a one-off tax settlement, but underlying profit increased 27.8%. Subscriber numbers grew 10.2% to 22.8 million, with significant gains in data usage.

“There is a real risk that they will not embrace something that could literally save lives. We need to remember not to ignore the need for community sensitisation and mobilisation,” she said.

Her comments come as African countries begin to roll out new malaria tools, including vaccines and child-specific treatments, in regions where the disease remains the leading cause of death for children.

Using Uganda as an example, Krystal highlighted the importance of community-level systems like Village Health Teams. These teams, made up of trained volunteers, play a key role in educating the public, offering basic treatment, and referring patients for care, particularly in hard-to-reach areas.

“We have the new vaccines coming in, which is excellent. But if people are not educated to this, if they’re not sensitised, then it could all fall flat,” Krystal added. Malaria kills hundreds of thousands in Africa every year, the majority of them children .

The new drug, designed specifically for babies, could help fill a major treatment gap, but for it to work, advocates say, communities must first know it exists.

The Personal Data Protection Office (PDPO), the body that oversees enforcement of the law, confirmed that the conviction followed years of monitoring and failed warnings issued to the offender.

The case involved the misuse of personal information in a digital lending business.

The man convicted is Ronald Mugulusi, a director at Nano Loans Microfinance, which operates the mobile lending app Quickloan.

He was found guilty of failing to register with the data authority and of using a borrower’s personal information without permission.

Investigators said he shared a video via WhatsApp that showed a customer’s name, photograph and phone number, threatening to post it on TikTok if the person did not repay a loan.

The incident, which occurred in Kampala, prompted a criminal investigation led by Uganda’s data office in collaboration with police and state prosecutors.

After pleading guilty and agreeing to a plea bargain, Mugulusi was fined 300,000 Ugandan shillings (about 80 US dollars) by a court in the capital.

“This conviction sends a strong and clear message that non-compliance with data protection and privacy obligations is a criminal offence and will be prosecuted,” said the PDPO in a public statement.

Uganda’s Data Protection and Privacy Act came into effect in 2019 but had not been used in court until now.

Meanwhile, Kenya has also moved to tighten data privacy rules, introducing new draft regulations in late 2023 as governments across Africa step up enforcement in the digital space.

During Uganda’s turbulent 1980s, Ali led the Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) rebel group before reconciling with President Yoweri Museveni in 1986. His fighters were integrated into the national army, earning him the rank of major general, later rising to a full general by 2012.

Fast forward to 2025, General Ali is contesting in the National Resistance Movement (NRM) primaries for Adjumani West Constituency, a seat he has held in most elections since 2001. Despite visible health concerns, his camp insists he remains fit and capable. "Contrary to what the public thinks, my boss is fit and is seeking re-election to represent the people of Adjumani," said Gabu Amacha, Gen. Ali’s political assistant told Nation.Africa .

Amacha emphasised that Gen. Ali’s experience is unparalleled, having served in various ministerial roles including finance, trade and industry, youth and culture, tourism, internal affairs, and disaster preparedness. "His service in government spans from 1968, when he joined the army and rose to the rank of a four-star general," Amacha added.

Following his nomination, famously done from inside his car, Ali wasted no time hitting the campaign trail, hosting a thanksgiving event where he even tried to show off some dance moves to demonstrate his vitality.

His campaign task force says Gen. Ali’s priorities include upgrading Adjumani Town Council to municipality status, improving infrastructure like roads and health facilities, and enhancing the implementation of government programmes in the region.

Although his team insists this will be his last parliamentary term, the general has often been represented by his aides rather than making public appearances himself.

According to her, the announcement is especially important for Uganda, where malaria remains the leading cause of death among children.

“Malaria remains the number one killer of children under the age of 5,” she said. “So this is something that doctors are struggling with,” she added, “because treating babies under the age of 5, but only having doses available for children over 5kg, meant that you're risking toxicity, increased toxicity when you're treating these children. And it was really a challenge.”

The latest malaria figures show Uganda continues to carry a heavy burden, with more than 16,000 deaths in a single year. Most of the victims are children under five, especially newborns who have limited access to safe treatment options.

Developed by Novartis and approved by Swiss authorities, the drug will now be rolled out in several African countries, including Uganda.

It has been designed for babies weighing under 5kg, an age group previously left out of malaria treatment plans.

“For that mother with a newborn facing this disease, with no safe medicine available, it has been heartbreaking,” Krystal said. “This is excellent news. We’re making ground," she added.

What they said

Military spokesperson Col. Chris Magezi defended the law, saying, “The law will deal decisively with armed violent criminals and deter militant political groups that seek to subvert democratic processes.” Opposition leader Bobi Wine, who claims the law is designed to suppress dissent, stated, “All of us in the opposition are being targeted by the act.” President Museveni, after the Supreme Court’s January ruling, also said, “The country is not governed by judges. It is governed by the people .”

The airport will be built near Kidepo Valley National Park, a protected area known for its large populations of lions, giraffes, elephants, and zebras.

The park is home to more than 80 types of mammals and nearly 500 bird species, making it one of Uganda’s top wildlife destinations.

The Sharjah Chamber of Commerce and Industry from the United Arab Emirates has signed an agreement with the Ugandan government to build the airport.

It will have a 3.6-kilometre runway and a terminal that can handle up to 2 million passengers each year. Hotels are also expected to be developed as part of the wider plan to attract more visitors to the area.

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, who attended the signing of the agreement , said the project reflects growing ties with Gulf nations and will bring jobs, investment, and training opportunities to the local population.

Sheikh Sultan, the Ruler of Sharjah, also reviewed the airport’s engineering plans and was briefed on the services the new hub will provide.

At present, the only airport near Kidepo is a small airstrip managed by the Uganda Civil Aviation Authority.

The new international airport is seen as a major upgrade that could link the remote area to global cities and improve both passenger and cargo transport.

However, the region has faced security concerns.

The UK’s Foreign Office currently advises against all but essential travel to parts of northeast Uganda, including Kaabong District, where the airport is planned.

The warning is due to threats such as cattle theft, armed attacks, and seasonal flooding.

The Ugandan government, however, says the airport will play a key role in tapping into the economic potential of the northeast and bringing international attention to one of Africa’s lesser-known parks.

In her speech, she likened President Museveni to "God the Father" and his son, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, to "God the Son", urging voters to support both men in the 2026 elections .

She further went on to refer to her audience as the "Holy Spirit", citing the Christian Trinity analogy.

Among's comments have since been met with anger from religious leaders, opposition politicians and civil society figures who said such statements cross a line in a country where faith plays a central role in public and private life.

Martin Ssempa, a prominent pastor, said the remarks were blasphemous and called for laws to prevent political leaders from using religious references to influence voters.

Opposition leader Joel Ssenyonyi also condemned the speech, warning that such comments could mislead citizens and undermine democratic accountability.

While some supporters of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) defended the remarks as symbolic or misunderstood, others called for more responsibility from high-ranking officials.

The controversy comes as Uganda’s political environment heats up ahead of the next general election.

President Museveni, who has been in power since 1986, is widely expected to run again, while his son Muhoozi has also been positioning himself politically for a possible succession.

This is not the first time that Museveni has been described in exaggerated terms by loyalists. In 2017, a top government official described him as “more intelligent than the entire Cabinet combined,” a statement that also drew widespread criticism.

My government let me down, my government sided with Suluhu’s government. I have been to Tanzania before, I was in Uganda when Bobi Wine was under house arrest, East Africa is home,” said Mwangi.

This was after Mwangi and a Ugandan Activist, Agatha Atuhaire, were recently detained in Tanzania, where they had travelled to support opposition leader Tundu Lissu during his trial on Monday, May 19. However, the two activists were held incommunicado for days before resurfacing at various border points. According to the testimony, he and fellow Ugandan journalist Atuhaire were unlawfully detained and subjected to inhumane treatment without being informed of any charges.

“They told me to strip naked. When I did, they removed my handcuff. I was grabbed by four men, lifted up so fast, tied upside down, and then they started beating my feet,” Mwangi recalled. “Some guy put lubricant in my rectum and started inserting objects in my backside,” he added.

The abuse, Mwangi says, “when they were abusing me, they kept saying I should say thank you, Samia Suluhu. They recorded the entire abuse, threatening if I spoke, they would share the footage,” a statement that appears to implicate Tanzanian leadership, though the full context remains unclear.

Agatha Atuhaire, who was detained alongside Mwangi, echoed his sentiments, describing the experience as both terrifying and revealing.“I thought they would come. I knew they would come. I have always lived looking over my shoulders in Uganda. But this happened in Tanzania,” she said.“I did not commit any crime . The lawyers who were with us never said anything. We were not told the charges for our detention,” she added.

Atuhaire, a seasoned journalist and democracy advocate from Uganda, expressed deep disappointment at what she encountered in Tanzania, stating, “I come from a country that is very dictatorial, but I never thought I would find a country that is actually worse.

“They ordered me to strip naked, and I was afraid, my fear always was being tortured. The first blow was on my back because I did not undress immediately. Then they violently undressed me. They did to me what they did to Boniface,” Agatha explained.

Mwangi demanded justice not only for himself and Ugandan journalist Agatha Atuhaire but also for countless others whose voices have been silenced by authoritarian regimes operating under the guise of national security .

His comments followed a series of incidents that strained relations, including the recent deportation of Kenyan and Ugandan activists from Tanzania.

The activists had travelled to attend the treason trial of Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu.

Among those detained and sent back were former Kenyan Justice Minister Martha Karua, ex-Chief Justice Willy Mutunga, and prominent activist Boniface Mwangi.

Ugandan journalist Agather Atuhaire was also deported.

The move drew strong criticism from Kenyan civil society and sparked heated exchanges in both countries' parliaments.

In his speech, President Ruto said: “Our neighbours from Tanzania, if we have wronged you in any way, forgive us. Our friends from Uganda, if there’s anything that Kenyans have done that’s not right, we want to apologise.”

He added that Kenya was committed to building strong ties with its neighbours to help the region grow.

Tanzanian lawmakers had earlier accused the visiting activists of interfering in internal matters and called for tougher action.

The fallout also played out online, with Tanzanian MP Jesca Msambatavangu saying she received hundreds of messages from Kenyan youth after criticising the visitors.

Despite the tensions, lawmakers from both Kenya and Tanzania appeared together during the prayer event, singing and showing unity in a symbolic gesture of reconciliation.

“The decision is in response to credible intelligence reports that the current German Ambassador to Uganda… is actively engaged in subversive activities,” Magezi wrote on X (formerly Twitter). “The suspension will remain in force until the full resolution of the matter.”

The announcement comes days after a tense closed-door meeting in Gulu, where Schauer reportedly clashed with General Salim Saleh, President Museveni’s influential brother, and other senior Ugandan officials. According to viral footage from the meeting, the German envoy criticised the conduct of General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Museveni’s son and current UPDF chief, particularly his controversial social media statements.

In a previous post on May 23, Magezi wrote that the government was "particularly concerned about the illegal and clandestine activities of the German Ambassador in Uganda, His Excellency Mathias Schauer. The intelligence services are aware about his clearly undiplomatic practices that have been taking place in different parts of the country for some time now, and which go against the spirit of the 1961 Vienna Diplomatic Conventions that regulate cordial relations between states."

“What we have tried to convey is we are worried about the reputational damage that this is causing in this country,” Ambassador Schauer was quoted as saying.

 Germany has yet to respond publicly to the UPDF’s announcement.

The project is a joint effort by Nile Safari Lodge , Kampala Executive Aviation , and NOVAM Ltd.

It is designed to give visitors a high-end alternative to the usual road and boat safaris that have been popular in Uganda.

Travellers can now fly over Murchison Falls National Park, Lake Victoria, the River Nile, and the misty forests of Bwindi Impenetrable National Park, home to mountain gorillas.

The aerial view shows the country’s savannahs, rivers, and forests in a way not possible from the ground.

The move is expected to attract more high-end tourists to Uganda and boost the country’s growing tourism sector.

What they said

The head of the military, Muhoozi Kainerugaba, applauded the speaker of parliament and government lawmakers for passing the bill. "Today, you proved you are fearless patriots! Uganda will remember your courage and commitment," he wrote in a post on X . Military spokesman Chris Magezi also said the law "will deal decisively with armed violent criminals, deter the formation of militant political groups that seek to subvert democratic processes, and ensure national security is bound on a firm foundational base." Opposition politician Jonathan Odur on the other hand criticised the Bill, describing it as "shallow, unreasonable and unconstitutional."