But World Reframed is made of sterner stuff so we decided to enter the Jollof Wars.

What is Jollof rice?

At its core, Jollof rice is a one-pot dish made with rice, tomatoes, peppers, onions, and a blend of spices. Simple on paper.

In reality, it is anything but.

Across West Africa , Jollof is a symbol. It sits at the centre of celebrations, gatherings, and everyday life. In countries like Ghana and Nigeria, no event feels complete without it. It is not just a dish - it is a statement.

Where did Jollof come from?

Historically, Senegal is widely credited as the origin of Jollof rice, linked to the Wollof people of Senegal and The Gambia.

Interestingly, in Senegal it is not even called Jollof. The dish is known as Thieboudienne, pronounced Chee-boo-Jen, and is typically made with fish and vegetables in a more stew-like style.

But while Senegal may have started the story, the loudest voices in the modern debate belong to Ghana and Nigeria.

When the debate went global

For years, the Jollof debate lived online. Then in 2017, it spilled into the real world.

Festivals and competitions were held in cities like Accra, Lagos, and even Washington DC, turning a cultural rivalry into an international spectacle.

The results only added fuel to the fire:

Yes, no tomatoes. Chaos.

And Ghana? No wins that year. A detail quietly left in the past.

Fast forward to 2025, and Nigeria secured another major victory - this time in Accra itself. For Ghanaians, that one stung.

So what is the difference?

Despite the arguments, each version of Jollof rice reflects its country’s culinary identity.

Ghana Jollof

Nigeria Jollof

Senegal (Thieboudienne)

Gambia Jollof

So yes - everyone is doing something different. And still arguing about who does it best.

The recipe: Ghana Jollof rice

If you want to understand the debate, you have to try it yourself.

Step 1 - The base

Blend tomatoes, onions, peppers, garlic, and ginger into a smooth mixture.

Step 2 - The stew

Fry tomato paste with onions, then add the blended mixture. Let it cook down until thick, rich, and deeply flavoured.

Step 3 - Seasoning

Add spices such as curry powder, thyme, and bay leaves. Pour in your protein stock for depth.

Step 4 - The rice

Add washed rice directly into the stew, allowing it to absorb all the flavour.

Step 5 - The magic

Cook on low heat with a tight cover. Let it steam, not boil.

The secret is patience and balance. Ghana Jollof is not aggressive - it is confident.

More than food

Jollof rice has moved beyond the plate. It appears in music, pop culture, and everyday language. Entire songs have been written about it, sometimes as humour, sometimes as rivalry, sometimes even as metaphor.

It is food, but it is also storytelling.

So who actually has the best Jollof?

Ask a Ghanaian, and the answer is obvious. Ask a Nigerian, and you will get the same certainty.

Ask anyone else, and you may get a diplomatic response.

Perhaps that is the real point.

The Jollof Wars are not about winning. They are about pride, identity, and the joy of sharing something deeply rooted in culture . There are no casualties - only full stomachs and bruised egos.

And if even the King of England and the King of YouTube refuse to choose a side, perhaps you do not need to either.

World Reframed episode 34

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

Will you be done within a week, asked a reporter?

"No", Trump said. But "soon".

The press conference Donald Trump gave in the White House didn't exactly clear things up on when the conflict in the Middle East might wind down, from an American perspective at least. But it did give a lot of clues as to Trump's thinking.

A necessary condition, he said, would be a situation: "Where they're not going to be starting the following day to develop a nuclear weapon." But last year, he had already "obliterated" Iran's nuclear capabilities. That was the successful outcome of 2025's operation Midnight Hammer.

He was asked about his promise to help the Iranian people .

"I'd like to," he replied. "If they can behave. But they've been very menacing. You know, they're great people. They have an amazing population . It's amazing. Smart, brilliant, energetic. They have a great population. I'd love to help them, but they have to be in a system that allows them to be helped. And right now, they're in a system that only allows failure."

The early calls for regime change seem to have been dropped as the Iranian government shows no sign of loosening its grip on power. Trump indicated that he wanted an arrangement like the one he enjoys with Venezuela, whose new leader is cooperating closely with the US. But he also held back from pledging to replace Iran’s new Supreme Leader, who represents complete continuity from his predecessor and father Ali Khamenei.

Israel's views on the matter seem to differ. They have promised to kill Iran's new leader and overthrow the government , and Benjamin Netanyahu has said his country is not done.

The most uncomfortable moment in the Miami press conference came when the US president was pressed on his claim that Iran had been responsible for hitting a primary school and killing more than 170 of its own citizens, many of them children. Video analysis shows a missile identified as a US-made Tomahawk striking an adjacent military base.

Trump claimed, unfeasibly, that Iran might have obtained one of the US's most prized missiles, together with the skills and systems required to fire it, but finished up promising to accept the results of a US report into the incident.

Overall, the message to the world is that Trump is feeling the impact from surging oil prices and is ready to end the conflict if it starts seriously hurting popularity at home. His message to Tehran, which had been "unconditional surrender or death", now appears to be: hold tight, calm things down and we can get back to business as usual.

World Reframed episode 33 

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

For international audiences, the message was clear. America First remains firmly in place.

Back to Plan A

Trump not only defended the use of import duties after the Supreme Court ruled that he had exceeded his authority in imposing sweeping across-the-board raises, he promised more.

"So despite the disappointing ruling, it's saving our country ... many of the wars I've settled was because of the threat of tariffs , I wouldn't have been able to settle them without. [They] will remain in place under fully approved and tested alternative legal statutes."

Although the ruling insisted that revenue-raising was a matter for Congress, Trump told the chamber he wouldn't be needing their consent for the new measures.

For trading partners, this was intended to be a clear signal that legal obstacles at home will not soften Washington’s trade stance. Trump went further, reviving a long-held claim that tariffs could replace income tax revenue altogether. "I believe the tariffs paid for by foreign countries will, like in the past, substantially replace the modern-day system of income tax."

Economists dispute that foreign countries bear the full cost of tariffs, but the political message was blunt: the era of predictable US trade policy is not returning any time soon.

Iran and the magic words

The sharpest foreign policy focus was Iran. The United States has built up its largest regional military presence since the Iraq war, amid rising tensions over Tehran’s nuclear programme and missile development.

Trump framed Iran as an existential threat. "For decades, it had been the policy of the United States never to allow Iran to obtain a nuclear weapon. Many decades. Since they seized control of that proud nation 47 years ago, the regime and its murderous proxies have spread nothing but terrorism and death and hate. They've killed and maimed thousands of American service members and hundreds of thousands and even millions of people… this is some terrible people. They've already developed missiles that can threaten Europe and our bases overseas, and they're working to build missiles that will soon reach the United States of America."

While expressing a preference for diplomacy, he drew a firm red line. "My preference is to solve this problem through diplomacy. But one thing is certain, I will never allow the world's number one sponsor of terror, which they are by far, to have a nuclear weapon."

Immigration and crime

Immigration remains central to Trump’s domestic and international messaging. He declared: "After four years in which millions and millions of illegal aliens poured across our borders totally unvetted and unchecked, we now have the strongest and most secure border in American history by far. In the past nine months, zero illegal aliens have been admitted to the United States. But we will always allow people to come in legally, people that will love our country and will work hard to maintain our country."

He also linked immigration to crime and social disorder, inviting into the chamber families who had become victims.

And he didn't forget to mention his favourite theme, frauds perpetrated by some members of the Somali community: "The Somali pirates who ransacked Minnesota remind us that there are large parts of the world where bribery, corruption, and lawlessness are the norm, not the exception."

For many countries, particularly in Africa and Latin America , such rhetoric reinforces the perception of a United States that sees migration primarily through a lens of threat rather than opportunity. Trump insisted that he was ready to welcome in people who love the US, although in the past he has indicated that the ones he would like to see coming are from Norway, Sweden or white South Africans.

Military prowess

Trump balanced his hard-line positions with repeated praise for the armed forces. "Our military and police are stacked." "We have the most powerful military on Earth." "we love our military."

At the same time, he renewed sweeping claims about his role as a peacemaker. "In my first 10 months, I ended eight wars, including Cambodia and Thailand; Pakistan and India - would have been a nuclear war - 35 million people, said the Prime Minister of Pakistan, would have died if it were not for my involvement; Kosovo and Serbia; Israel and Iran; Egypt and Ethiopia; Armenia and Azerbaijan; the Congo and Rwanda; and of course the war in Gaza which proceeds at a very low level."

Some of those conflicts - Serbia and Kosovo, Ethiopia and Egypt - were either long-running diplomatic tensions or disputes that had not escalated into full-scale wars. For Trump, it didn't matter. He was the bringer or war or peace.

The broader message

Taken together, the speech offered a message of continuity rather than change. Whether that will be enough to revive the president's flagging approval ratings remains to be seen. And if it doesn't, the world may experience a new phase of America First.

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

At a recent African Union summit, reparations for the mass human trafficking, colonialism and apartheid were designated as a flagship priority of the Union. The move marks a significant moment in a long-running effort to coordinate Africa’s position on one of the gravest chapters in global history.

Ghana has been tasked with leading the development of a unified proposal. Situated on the West African coast, Ghana - like several neighbouring countries - became a major hub in the trafficking of enslaved Africans. Hundreds of thousands of men, women and children were forcibly taken from its shores and transported across the Atlantic in appalling conditions.

For decades, there was little international consensus about how to address this history. Many of the countries responsible sought to frame slavery as a closed chapter. Some African states prioritised other urgent post-independence challenges. Caribbean nations, whose populations include many descendants of enslaved Africans, developed their own approaches shaped by different political and economic realities.

Now, however, the African Union is attempting to bring together African states and the wider diaspora behind a common position.

The gravest crime

At the heart of the new initiative is a draft declaration that characterises the trafficking and enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity.

Slavery is already prohibited under international law as a peremptory norm - a jus cogens principle from which no derogation is permitted. The proposed resolution builds on this legal foundation and rests on three pillars - historical accuracy, legal defensibility and continental and diaspora alignment.

The language has been deliberately refined. The draft title reads: Declaration of the Trafficking in Enslaved Africans and Racialised Chattel Enslavement of Africans as the Gravest Crime Against Humanity . Supporters argue that such precision matters. It recognises the systematic trafficking of millions of Africans, the racialised and institutional nature of chattel enslavement, and the unprecedented scale and enduring consequences of these crimes.

The emphasis on describing slavery as a crime - rather than merely a trade or an economic system - reflects a broader shift in tone. For many African leaders, justice begins with acknowledgement: first, that a crime occurred, and second, an understanding of its nature and consequences.

A 15-point plan

Although the full text of the new declaration has yet to be published, its direction is informed by the 2023 Accra Proclamation on Reparations.

That proclamation sets out a 15-point plan. It includes the creation of a reparations fund, but extends far beyond financial compensation. It calls for reform of international financial institutions to produce a fairer global system for countries subjected to slavery and colonial exploitation. It demands the return of cultural artefacts removed during periods of enslavement and colonial rule. It urges the formation of a joint front across nations and peoples who suffered as a result of these systems.

The proclamation also links historical injustice to contemporary global inequalities. It highlights the disproportionate impact of climate change on the Global South and argues that patterns of extraction and dependency established during colonialism continue today through economic and cultural dependence on former colonial powers.

In this framing, reparations are not simply about calculating a monetary sum for historical suffering. They are about restructuring relationships and correcting systemic imbalances that trace their origins to slavery and colonial rule.

It's not (only) about the money

African leaders have been clear that the issue of reparations and restitutive justice goes beyond money.

Setting the historical record straight is seen as a central objective. Around 12 million Africans were forcibly transported across the Atlantic. An estimated 2 million died during the Middle Passage - some from disease and brutality, others thrown overboard, and some choosing death over a life in bondage.

The argument is that this historical reality must be formally recognised at the highest international level. Supporters stress that no single payment or lump sum could meaningfully account for the scale of suffering or the generational harm inflicted. The damage extended far beyond those who were taken. Entire societies were destabilised. Generations of descendants across Africa and the diaspora continue to live with the social and economic consequences.

Questions of financial quantum are still under research, and leaders suggest that any eventual settlement would not simply involve distributing money to governments. Instead, they envision a broader programme of transformation - returning stolen artefacts, addressing structural inequities, and restoring opportunity to affected communities.

A Changing Global Context

The renewed push comes at a time of uncertainty in the international system. The multilateral order established after the Second World War is under strain. Nations increasingly act unilaterally and prioritise domestic interests. Humanitarian assistance and overseas development funding to Africa and other parts of the Global South are declining.

In this context, African leaders argue that the continent cannot remain a passive actor, appealing for aid while global priorities shift. Instead, they say Africa must take its destiny into its own hands and assert its moral and legal claims on the world stage.

The past cannot be undone. But it can be acknowledged. For those leading this initiative, acknowledgement is the first step towards justice.

After centuries in which the suffering of enslaved Africans was minimised, reframed or ignored, many across the continent believe the moment has come to secure formal recognition - and to begin reshaping the systems that grew out of that injustice.

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

Gold prices have doubled over the past twelve months, reaching around five thousand dollars per troy ounce. Silver's climb has been even more dramatic. It rose from around $35 an ounce at the start of the year to a peak of $120 in January, before falling back to around $80. Even after that drop, silver is still up more than 250 percent over the year, outperforming almost every other asset.

What's going on?

The current surge began with central banks. After Russia was cut off from the global financial system following its invasion of Ukraine, many countries recognised a vulnerability. The US dollar dominates global reserves and trade, which makes it convenient but also exposes countries to political pressure. Nations including China, Turkey, India and several in the Middle East began looking for alternatives that could not be controlled by any single government. Gold became the obvious choice.

At the same time, the world experienced the sharpest inflation spike in decades. Supply chain disruptions, the energy crisis in Europe and lingering effects of the pandemic undermined confidence in currencies. Historically, these are the conditions in which gold performs well. When trust in money weakens, investors turn to something tangible.

Gold and silver are also not just stores of value. They are essential materials for modern technology. Electric vehicles, renewable energy systems and data centres all depend on them. Demand has risen quickly, but mining supply has not kept pace. Environmental concerns, rising costs and the long time it takes to develop new mines mean production cannot respond quickly to price signals.

Finally, there is a psychological element. As prices rise, fear of missing out draws in more investors. Media attention pulls in ordinary savers alongside hedge funds and central banks, pushing prices even higher.

Ghana and gold

Ghana’s relationship with gold stretches back over a thousand years. Long before modern states existed, gold from the region travelled across the Sahara. European traders later named the area the Gold Coast, a name that captured how central the metal was to the economy.

After independence, gold mining was nationalised, but mismanagement led to decline. Reforms in the 1980s revived the sector, and today gold is once again the backbone of the economy. In 2025, gold accounted for around 64 percent of export earnings, bringing in roughly $11.5 billion. Mining contributes more than a third of government revenue and supports millions of jobs, both formal and informal.

The recent price boom has brought visible benefits. Foreign reserves have stabilised, and the cedi has strengthened significantly against the dollar. This has helped reduce imported inflation, especially for fuel and food, which have been politically sensitive after years of economic hardship. For many Ghanaians, higher gold prices feel like a long-awaited breathing space .

But the boom has also intensified existing challenges. Informal and illegal mining has expanded, driven by the incentive of higher prices. Rivers have been polluted and landscapes damaged. In response, the government has created a Gold Board to tighten controls, capture value leaking out through smuggling and improve environmental enforcement. Special river guards have been trained, arrests have been made and monitoring has increased. Results so far are mixed, but there is recognition that without stronger regulation, the long-term costs could outweigh the short-term gains.

Bolivia and silver

Bolivia’s history with silver is inseparable from Potosí and the Cerro Rico mountain, which for centuries helped finance the Spanish Empire at immense human cost. After five hundred years of mining, the mountain itself is now at physical risk, with collapses a constant threat.

Bolivia remains a significant silver producer. In 2024, it produced around 1,300 metric tonnes and exported roughly $1.2 billion worth of silver ores and concentrates. Mining today is dominated by cooperatives that operate in a grey zone between formal and informal activity. These groups wield considerable political power and are central to ongoing debates about safety, environmental damage and state oversight.

Rising silver prices have brought mixed reactions. Higher incomes help mining communities survive, especially in regions like Potosí where alternatives are scarce. At the same time, weak regulation and limited enforcement capacity raise concerns about environmental degradation and labour conditions. Proposals have been floated to formalise cooperatives through financial incentives tied to environmental standards, but whether these reforms will be fully implemented remains uncertain.

For a country facing a severe foreign currency shortage and fuel crisis, silver offers potential relief. Studies suggest significant revenue gains are possible if the sector is better regulated, but this depends on political will and institutional capacity.

A temporary boom or lasting change?

Both Ghana and Bolivia are benefiting from high prices, but both face the same underlying question. Commodity booms rarely last forever. Prices will likely fall at some point. The real issue is whether today’s windfall can be converted into lasting economic stability, stronger institutions and environmental protection.

In Ghana, higher gold prices have helped stabilise the economy and given the government room to manoeuvre after a difficult period. In Bolivia, silver offers a chance to ease immediate pressures but also exposes long-standing structural problems.

The opportunity is real in both countries. So is the risk. Whether this moment becomes a turning point or just another chapter in the familiar boom-and-bust cycle depends on how governments act while prices are high.

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

A growing number of countries are showing interest in the JF-17 Thunder fighter aircraft, a jet developed jointly by Pakistan Aeronautical Complex and China’s Chengdu Aircraft Corporation. Reports suggest that at least 13 nations are exploring potential purchases, including states involved in active conflicts such as Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Nigeria, alongside others across Africa and the Middle East like Ethiopia, Morocco and Libya.

The JF-17 first entered service in 2007, and Pakistan has since rolled out increasingly advanced variants as part of a broader push toward military self-reliance and entry into the global arms market.

The aircraft is powered by a Russia n engine, but the rest of the jet, from its airframe to its avionics, is largely produced in China and Pakistan. While it is not a fifth generation fighter like the US F-35, China’s J-35 or Russia’s Su-57, the JF-17 is considered a 4.5-generation aircraft. It features modern radar systems and beyond visual range combat capabilities, although it lacks true stealth and can still be detected by radar. Comparable aircraft in this category include France’s Rafale, Sweden’s Gripen and the Eurofighter Typhoon.

What makes the JF-17 stand out is its cost. At roughly 30 million dollars per unit, it is around a third of the price of a Rafale and significantly cheaper than most Western alternatives. For many air forces, affordability is only part of the appeal - Western-supplied aircraft often come with restrictions on how they can be used, which weapons they can carry, and where they can be deployed. In some cases, suppliers can even limit operational use during conflicts or require oversight of training and maintenance.

By contrast, the JF-17 offers buyers greater freedom of use. That sense of strategic autonomy is a major selling point for countries that want fewer strings attached to their military capabilities. The financial advantages also extend beyond the initial purchase. Long-term costs for maintenance, upgrades and armaments can exceed the price of the aircraft itself, and here again the JF-17 undercuts many Western competitors.

This matters because many countries are still flying ageing fourth-generation jets designed in the 1980s. They need affordable upgrades to remain credible in modern air combat, even though most air forces rarely see real combat against a comparable enemy. Jets are counted, pilots are trained, and upgrades are tested, but actual high-intensity aerial warfare is uncommon.

One rare exception came in May 2025, following Indian missile strikes in response to a terrorist attack in Kashmir. A large-scale aerial engagement followed, involving more than 100 aircraft from both sides, operating almost entirely at beyond visual range distances. Pakistan claimed it shot down several Indian aircraft, including Rafales, although the details remain disputed and India has acknowledged only limited losses. The JF-17 itself was not credited with the reported kills, which were attributed to Chinese J-10CE fighters, but its presence in such a high-profile confrontation significantly raised its international profile.

Pakistan today ranks among the world ’s top ten arms exporters, though fighter jet exports remain relatively small. The JF-17 has been delivered in limited numbers to countries such as Nigeria, Myanmar and Azerbaijan. While these orders are modest, interest is growing, and the aircraft has become the flagship of Pakistan’s military industrial strategy.

By comparison, the United States has exported more than 1,500 F-16s worldwide and continues to sell the F-35. France has sold hundreds of Rafales, Sweden has exported Gripens across multiple continents, and Russia has long supplied MiG and Sukhoi jets to partners such as India, Algeria and Vietnam. Against these giants, the JF-17 is still a minor player in raw numbers.

Yet its significance goes beyond sales figures. The JF-17 represents a low-cost, politically independent and technically capable alternative for countries seeking to modernise their air forces without external constraints. More than just a fighter jet, it is Pakistan’s statement of ambition and an emerging symbol of its influence in the global defence market.

Click here to watch our previous episodes

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

Sovereignty beyond rhetoric

The President of the Democratic Republic of Congo framed sovereignty as action rather than declaration, calling for value addition and economic control over natural resources. It was a pointed reminder that resource ownership without control over value chains offers little real power.

Congo’s position mirrors that of many Global South countries: rich in strategic resources, yet dependent on external financing. As long as raw materials leave the continent unprocessed, sovereignty remains symbolic rather than structural.

A changing political tone

Nigeria’s Vice President, Kashim Shettima, openly challenged dependency, speaking not as a beneficiary of aid but as a stakeholder demanding agency. This shift in language is significant. It signals a move away from gratitude towards assertion, though assertion without coordination risks remaining performative.

Ghana’s President, John Dramani Mahama, went further, arguing that the failure lies not with African countries but with a global financial system that transformed temporary aid into a permanent fixture. Aid fatigue, in this context, is not frustration with donors, but with a system that discourages self-sufficiency.

When institutions acknowledge the inevitable

Former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo warned that the Global South cannot outsource its future, a statement that carries weight given his long involvement in aid negotiations. It reflects an emerging consensus among leaders who once operated comfortably within donor frameworks but now recognise their limitations.

Institutional voices echoed this unease. The Commonwealth Secretary-General spoke cautiously about reform and cooperation, while Global Fund Executive Director Peter Sands acknowledged that aid flows are shrinking and domestic financing will become unavoidable.

This admission matters. When institutions built around aid begin to question its sustainability, the era of predictable external support is effectively over.

The real test: unity or fragmentation

The Accra Reset ultimately exposes a deeper problem. While the Global South speaks of unity, its countries continue to negotiate trade, financing and policy individually, often in Western capitals, leaving them vulnerable to sanctions , protectionism and shifting geopolitical interests.

Fragmented economies are easy to discipline. Coordinated economies are harder to ignore.

The Accra Reset is not a declaration of independence. It is a stress test. One that asks whether the Global South is prepared to finance itself, trade with itself and defend its economic interests collectively.

Aid, as several speakers implied, will end whether the Global South is ready or not.

Click here to watch our previous episodes

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

That moment says a lot about how English really works.

English spread through colonisation: through schools, churches, government, and media. But once it arrived, people didn’t just copy it. They adapted it, mixed it with local languages, humour, food, music, and everyday life. Over time, those local versions became the most real forms of English in those places.

We’ve seen this before. Words from Latin America and Asia have been part of English for years: macho, gringo, taco, guacamole, ceviche, reggaeton, cartel. These words stayed because English needed them. There was no better way to say what they meant.

In March 2025, the OED leaned fully into this idea with a “World English” update . It added everyday words like gigil from the Philippines, which means the urge to squeeze something cute, and alamak from Malaysia and Singapore, an expression of surprise or frustration. English didn’t have words for these feelings, so it borrowed them.

Then came December 2025, and a big moment for West Africa. The OED added words people already use daily: abeg and biko for polite requests, amala and moi moi for staple foods, mammy market for women-run community markets, and Ghana Must Go.

These words carry stories of migration , survival, humour, and community. And once they’re in the dictionary, no one can say they’re “not proper English.”

What’s changing is power. English is no longer shaped by one centre. It’s shaped by how people live. For years, speakers from the Global South were told their English was wrong. Now the same institutions are saying: this is English too.

Maybe English was never really “king.”Maybe it’s just a shared language constantly remade by the people who speak it. Global South isn’t just speaking English anymore. It’s rewriting it.

Click here to watch our previous episodes

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

This interest came sharply into focus just after Christmas, when a short statement appeared on the Israeli government’s website. In it, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu praised Somaliland for fighting terrorism and advancing regional peace and said he accepted its independent statehood. The announcement marked the latest and most controversial chapter in a long-running geopolitical contest over the Horn of Africa.

Two to one

To understand why so many powers are invested in Somaliland’s future, it is necessary to look back to the early twentieth century. What is now Somalia was once divided between two European colonial powers. The northwestern region, shaped like the head of a horse angled toward North Africa, was British Somaliland. The rest, stretching along the Indian Ocean coastline, was an Italian colony. The two territories were administered very differently. Britain was primarily concerned with supplying its naval base in Aden and took a limited interest in the development of British Somaliland. Italy, by contrast, pursued a more ambitious imperial project, establishing plantations and centralising governance in an effort to generate wealth.

In 1960, both territories gained independence and agreed to unite as the Somali Republic. But the new state faltered. A military coup in 1969 brought Siad Barre to power, ushering in a long dictatorship. When Barre was overthrown in 1991, the Somali state collapsed entirely. Amid the chaos, the former British Somaliland unilaterally declared independence. The move attracted little international attention at the time, as global efforts focused on preventing humanitarian catastrophes elsewhere in Somalia. Over the following decades, multinational interventions failed to stabilise the country, while piracy and militant groups, most notably al-Shabaab, flourished.

Since around 2012, however, conditions have improved somewhat. Somalia has re-emerged as a federal state, with Somaliland largely left to govern itself, and the neighbouring region of Puntland also enjoying significant autonomy from Mogadishu. Supporters of Somaliland argue that it has demonstrated political maturity through peaceful transfers of power and the development of its own legal and governmental institutions.

Israel's interest

Israel’s interest in Somaliland is not new. Contacts between the two date back several decades, perhaps driven by a shared sense of isolation. More significantly, Somaliland occupies a strategic position near the Bab el Mandeb strait, the narrow passage guarding the entrance to the Red Sea. This is one of the world’s most important shipping routes and one that could be disrupted with relative ease.

That geography has taken on heightened importance for Israel due to Iran’s presence across the strait in Yemen, where Tehran backs the Houthi movement. From Israel’s perspective, access to bases or partners in Somaliland would provide an opportunity to pressure the Houthis from the south as well as from Israeli territory itself.

The diplomatic push and pull extends far beyond Israel and Iran. The European Union, the African Union, and 21 Arab and African countries have condemned Israel’s move. Among them is Turkey, which has cultivated close security and commercial ties with the Somali government in Mogadishu and harbours its own regional ambitions. China has also voiced opposition, viewing the Horn of Africa as a critical node in its Belt and Road trade network. Beijing is deeply wary of secessionist movements, in part because of concerns about its own territorial integrity, and is sending its foreign minister to Somalia to signal support for the federal government.

But the United Arab Emirates stands out for its absence from the Arab condemnation. The UAE has recently been embroiled in a bitter split with Saudi Arabia over influence in the Gulf of Aden in Yemen. As it seeks to protect its investments and trade routes, tacit support for Somaliland could offer strategic advantages, particularly if the United States were to follow Israel’s lead in recognising the region. Saudi Arabia, by contrast, did sign the declaration opposing recognition.

The possibility of US involvement cannot be dismissed. Donald Trump has repeatedly expressed hostility toward Somalia, going out of his way to insult the country and its people. In that context, it is not difficult to imagine him backing a breakup of the Somali state.

Ethiopia also has a strong stake in the outcome. It is Africa’s second most populous country, yet it is landlocked. Any arrangement that recognised Somaliland in exchange for access to the coast would be highly attractive to Addis Ababa.

United States of the Horn of Africa

With so many countries involved, the implications of recognising Somaliland reach far beyond the Horn of Africa. Such a move would inevitably raise questions about other unrecognised or partially recognised territories, including Western Sahara, Kosovo, and perhaps most sensitively, Palestine.

Some scholars argue that the crisis could also be an opportunity. Writing for Global South World , Ethiopian academic Seifudein Adem has suggested a compromise in the form of a federation of Horn of Africa states, including Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia and Djibouti. He notes that tribal and clan relationships in the region often matter more than national affiliations, yet do not align neatly with existing borders. Whether the recognition of Somaliland would bring the United States of the Horn of Africa closer or push it further from reality remains an open question.

Click here to watch our previous episodes

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

This is the reality of the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS. In 2025, the bloc turned 50 years old. Instead of celebrating unity and progress, it faced its most serious crisis of relevance since its founding.

This moment of doubt comes at a time when West Africa needs regional coordination more than ever. Security threats are multiplying, trade remains fragmented, mobility is expensive, and democratic institutions are fragile. As ECOWAS enters its sixth decade, fundamental questions are being asked openly. Can it still enforce democratic norms? Does it still carry economic weight? And can it survive in its current form?

Paper tiger

On paper, ECOWAS is formidable. It brings together 15 member states, represents more than 440 million people, and has a combined GDP of roughly 600 billion US dollars. That makes it one of the largest regional blocs in the Global South.

In practice, integration remains shallow. Trade between ECOWAS countries still accounts for less than 20 percent of their total trade. In more integrated regions such as the European Union, internal trade exceeds 60 percent. The comparison highlights a central weakness. ECOWAS has scale, but it lacks cohesion.

That weakness became impossible to ignore in 2025, when Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger formally withdrew from the bloc. Together, these Sahelian states represent around 70 million people and nearly 17 percent of ECOWAS landmass. While they contribute less than 5 percent of total GDP, their strategic and security importance is enormous.

Their departure followed years of tension after military coups, sanctions, and repeated threats of intervention. When ECOWAS failed to act militarily after the coup in Niger, it exposed a hard truth. The bloc did not have the political consensus or operational capacity to enforce its strongest decisions.

Empty threats

The crisis of democratic enforcement did not stop there. Later in the year, disputed elections in Guinea-Bissau once again demonstrated how fragile political institutions remain in the region. The military intervened, and ECOWAS responded with condemnation, suspension, and the threat of sanctions.

This has become a familiar pattern. Since 2020, sanctions alone have rarely reversed coups. More often, they have hardened military rule and eroded ECOWAS authority. Each repetition weakens the credibility of the bloc’s commitment to democracy.

The elusive Eco

Economically, ECOWAS continues to pursue one of its oldest ambitions: a single currency. The Eco was first proposed more than 20 years ago and is now tentatively scheduled for 2027 after missing multiple deadlines.

The obstacles are structural. Nigeria alone accounts for more than 60 percent of ECOWAS GDP, while many smaller economies struggle with inflation, debt distress, and fiscal instability. Without real convergence on economic fundamentals, the Eco remains a symbolic project rather than a functional one.

These challenges are made more acute by a fragmenting global economy and shrinking foreign assistance from traditional partners in Europe and the United States . Regional self-reliance is becoming more important just as ECOWAS capacity is being questioned.

Tax-free flying

Yet amid the uncertainty, there is a reason for cautious optimism as 2026 begins.

From January, air travel across ECOWAS member states is set to become tax-free, with sharp reductions in passenger and security charges. This is one of the bloc’s most tangible policy wins in years.

The reform matters because West Africa has some of the highest intra-regional airfares in the world. It is often cheaper to fly to Europe than to a neighbouring country. If fully implemented, the changes could reduce fares by 20 to 40 percent, benefiting traders, students, tourists, and families while advancing free movement in a practical way.

Connectivity has long been neglected in African economic policy, despite its importance for growth. People want to travel, and people travelling drives commerce. Currently, international departure taxes in Africa average around $68 per trip, with West Africa the most expensive subregion. Short flights of just a few hundred kilometres can cost hundreds of dollars.

This reform requires coordination and execution more than large financial outlays. If governments create the right conditions, the private sector can step in. For ECOWAS, this could be a rare example of delivery matching ambition.

A chance for redemption

As 2025 ends, ECOWAS looks like this: large in population, fragmented in politics, slow in economic integration, weak in enforcing democracy, but still capable of delivering reforms that people can feel in their daily lives.

At 50, ECOWAS is no longer just a regional institution. It is a test case for whether African multilateralism can adapt to a changing political reality. The question now is whether the future of regional cooperation will be driven by declarations, or defined by delivery.

The answer will shape not just ECOWAS, but the credibility of regional integration across the Global South in the years ahead.

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World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

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This story is written and edited by the Global South World team, you can  contact us  here.

In Coptic Christian communities in Ethiopia and Egypt, Christmas is not celebrated on December 25 but on January 7, following the Julian calendar. Known as Genna in Ethiopia and Eid al-Milad in Egypt, the day is preceded by a long fasting period and centred on prayer, church services, and community meals rather than gift-giving or consumer excess. Worshippers often attend all-night services, dressed in traditional white garments, underscoring the spiritual weight of the occasion.

In this episode, our guests from around the Global South candidly discuss celebrating amid economic hardship, political uncertainty, and conflict , reshaping Christmas into a moment of quiet resilience rather than a commercial celebration.

We also challenge how global media portrays Christmas, arguing that dominant narratives erase the diversity of experiences in Africa, Latin America, and Asia. Stories of fasting, collective care, and local rituals rarely make it into global headlines, despite revealing how communities adapt faith to lived realities.

We want our audiences to rethink Christmas not as a single global event, but as many local experiences shaped by history , inequality, and culture.

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World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

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This story is written and edited by the Global South World team. You can  contact us  here.

But why does this specific island, separated from the Chinese mainland by the 130-kilometer-wide Taiwan Strait, command such an outsized influence on the global stage? To understand the gravity of the situation, we have to look at Taiwan through four distinct lenses: history, geography, economy, and technology.

A geographic and economic crossroads

Positioned at the edge of the southeastern coast of China and bordering the South China Sea, Taiwan sits at the heart of some of the busiest shipping lanes in the world. This strategic location makes it an essential hub for global trade.

Despite its compact size of roughly 36,000 square kilometers, Taiwan is home to 23 million people—a population density comparable to Florida or Australia, but packed into a much smaller area. This high density has fueled an economic powerhouse; Taiwan currently ranks among the top 20 economies in the world by nominal GDP, outpacing nations like Switzerland and Sweden. With living standards comparable to Western Europe , it is a high-income economy that "punches well above its weight."

Perhaps the most critical reason for Taiwan’s global importance today is its role in the advanced semiconductor industry. Taiwan is the world's primary producer of the high-end computer chips that power everything from smartphones and electric cars to massive data centres and sophisticated military systems.

One company in particular, TSMC (Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company), produces chips so advanced that many of the world’s leading tech firms simply could not function without them. This "silicon shield" makes Taiwan indispensable to the modern global economy , creating a situation where any disruption to the island has immediate, catastrophic effects on technology sectors worldwide.

The view from China

While its economic and technological contributions are undeniable, the question remains: why is Taiwan so central to China’s national identity and long-term strategy?

To understand the issue, you need to understand the history. Taiwan was occupied by the Japanese as they expanded westwards at the end of the 19th century. Internal turmoil in China allowed the Japanese to expand their empire prior to and during the Second World War. The island was returned to Beijing on its defeat, but to a nationalist government engaged in a bitter civil war with its communist rival. The conclusion of that conflict saw the communists victorious but the nationalists took refuge on the island of Taiwan, with both sides claiming to be the legitimate rulers of a united China.

Initially the United Nations backed Taipei but soon switched to acknowledging the Communist Party of China as the single entity able to represent the country. Almost every other country in the world followed suit, acknowledging the One China Principle in order to establish diplomatic relations with the world's most populous nation. China focused much of its foreign policy on this goal, offering incentives to states and organisations which came on board.

In Taipei, meanwhile, where a multi-party democracy had formed, the policy has largely been to keep quiet and profit from the status quo, neither renouncing, nor demanding an independent status.

Re-enter Japan

A possibly off-the-cuff statement from Japanese prime minister Sanae Takaichi that her country might be forced to intervene militarily if China acted on its long-stated reunification demand caused consternation in Beijing.

Not only has Japan's military been strictly reserved for self-defence purposes, but the scars of its soldiers' behaviour in China still run deep and raw.

Takaichi declared that a Chinese invasion of Taiwan, which has never been ruled out, could constitute a threat to Japan. China views any action across the Taiwan Strait as a domestic matter on which international powers should have strictly no say.

The fallout has had huge economic consequences for Japanese businesses, given the size of the Chinese market. But it also risks having longer term strategic consequences, with America announcing more than $10billion of new arms sales to Taiwan.

Looking forward

While insisting its goal is peaceful reunification, Beijing has been careful to keep its options open regarding its approach to Taiwan. It has avoided any timeframes but responded angrily to any dissent to its world view from Taipei. The prospect of a conflict which could see the world's two superpowers confronting each other for the first time in decades is one which strikes fear into politicians, businesses and hundreds of millions of ordinary people.

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World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

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How the regional drug trade works

Colombia remains the world's largest producer and exporter of cocaine, with an estimated 80% of the global supply originating within its borders.

The nature of the illicit industry has evolved over the years, challenging the efforts of local and international law enforcement

Fentanyl vs. cocaine

Another key point missing in the discussions, and especially Donald Trump's misleading claim that each drug boat destroyed saves 25,000 American lives, is that the drugs causing America's crisis are not coming from South America. Fentanyl, produced mainly in Mexico, not cocaine, originating in Colombia and Venezuela, is the most lethal substance.

And indeed, the crisis did not begin with drug gangs. Americans were hooked by their own big businesses as pharmaceutical companies co-opted doctors to prescribe highly addictive opiates. As Jorge Rodriguez, president of Venezuela's National Assembly, put it: "If they (the USA) want to bomb something, they should bomb the headquarters of Perdue Pharma."

Maduro and the "Cartel of the Suns"

The Trump administration has labelled President Maduro the "drug dealer in chief," alleging he heads an organisation known as the "Cartel of the Suns." While the Maduro government certainly has links to the drug trade, describing it as a centrally commanded, organised cartel is misleading.

The Venezuelan state is characterised by extensive corruption, with local officials and governors taking cuts from the trade. And the links between the Venezuelan government and transnational crime groups are well documented.

However, the US government's actions - such as the recent pardoning of former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández, who was convicted of drug trafficking in the US- underscore that the real issue is that Maduro is an ideological foe of the administration, not necessarily a unique threat in the drug trade.

Drugs as a livelihood

Much of the debate around the attacks on boats has centred around the question of whether those on board were drug traffickers or simple fishermen. It's impossible to know, but the difference is also not as stark as it might seem. In poor coastal regions, the drug trade is a significant part of the economy, along with agriculture and fishing.

Under most legal codes, a drug dealer or a fisherman would have the same status in law unless convicted in court: innocent.

This is where Colombian president Gustavo Petro, not a natural ally of Maduro, meets his neighbour ideologically. Both argue that the law is being ignored, and their citizens have lost their right to a trial.

Next steps

The US seizure of an oil tanker off the Venezuelan coast marks a significant escalation in the pressure exerted on Maduro. And while the Venezuelan president has already offered to resign, his terms were clearly not acceptable in Washington. Tensions are set to rise, and the people of Colombia and Venezuela, regardless of any links to the drug trade, will feel more pain.

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World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

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And around much of the world, that framing feels oddly narrow. After all, this was a meeting between the leaders of the world’s sixth- and ninth-largest economies, two pivotal actors in the dramatic transformation of global power over the past two decades. Arguably, only China’s Xi Jinping has played a larger role in reshaping the geopolitical landscape.

Yes, Ukraine is a defining issue for Putin. But for Modi, it is not. India is likely the only major power in the global top ten that genuinely refuses to choose sides between the United States and China. That alone makes this summit significant.

The operative word is multipolar .

The oil story

Let’s begin with the topic Western news outlets tend to foreground: Russia's oil exports.

India, which is now the world’s third-largest oil consumer, once imported just 2% of its crude from Russia. Today that figure sits at roughly one-third. This shift is not primarily an act of solidarity with Moscow. It is the product of market logic: Russian oil has become deeply discounted as Western states attempt to restrict it.

With the world’s largest population and enormous developmental demands, Modi cannot ignore cheap energy. But there is also a political message: India rejects the idea that any other power can dictate who it trades with.

That stance has hardened in recent years. When U.S. President Donald Trump imposed a 25% tariff on certain Indian imports, the move was received in Delhi not as pressure but as a challenge and an opportunity to demonstrate strategic independence, even if the tariff did sting economically and has changed trade patterns.

India has long maintained a strong partnership with the United States, in large part because its principal rivals - Pakistan and China - traditionally aligned with one another. But that relationship is loosening for several reasons.

Four-dimensional chess

First, India no longer feels compelled to pick sides. It can share leadership with China in forums such as BRICS and the G20, institutions where member states have little appetite for lecturing one another on domestic politics or economic management.

Second, India has developed formidable domestic industries while cultivating global partnerships, including a durable relationship with Russia.

Third, the U.S.–India relationship has become strained by immigration tensions. Indians account for more than two-thirds of America’s H-1B visas for highly skilled workers. Recent U.S. proposals to raise visa processing fees dramatically—into the tens of thousands of dollars—have caused anxiety in India’s tech sector and frustration in Delhi.

The local spin

While Europe and the U.S. interpret the summit primarily through the lens of Ukraine, the leaders themselves clearly want to project a different message.

Putin’s travel options are severely limited by an International Criminal Court warrant, yet he remains a welcome guest in Beijing and Delhi. At his joint appearance with Modi, he emphasized Russia’s role in supporting the growth of its partners: not only with discounted oil but also through cooperation in nuclear energy, a sector crucial to sustaining India’s expanding and increasingly digital economy.

Modi, ever attuned to domestic priorities, focused on economic outcomes. For him, economic strength is both policy and political strategy—and it continues to deliver at the ballot box.

But the real significance of the meeting lies deeper.

Russia’s repositioning

Russia’s pivot toward Asia is no longer a temporary response to Western sanctions . It marks a structural shift.

For centuries, Russia oriented itself toward Europe because Europe oriented much of the world toward itself. Yet Europe is now preoccupied with internal technological, social, and environmental challenges. In the meantime, a fundamental change in global order has accelerated with too little recognition.

In 1990, the G7 accounted for nearly 70% of the world economy. Today, it is closer to 40%. The numbers are well known; the implications remain underappreciated.

When European policymakers reduce a Modi–Putin meeting to a referendum on Ukraine, what they are really saying is: “Our priorities still define the global agenda.”

But for much of the world, they no longer do.

What Multipolarity Really Means

Debates on multipolarity often revolve around a single question: When will China surpass the U.S.? Perhaps it already has by some measures; surely it soon will. But this is not a simple handover from one hegemon to another.

India, notably, is the only top-ten power that refuses to align fully with either Washington or Beijing. And many emerging powers - Brazil, South Africa, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia-have no desire to replace American dominance with Chinese dominance.

They want a different system altogether.

Their priorities are clear:

Growth. Energy. Security.

These are the pillars that deliver domestic prosperity and secure a meaningful place on the global stage.

Beyond the handshakes

Here are three takeaways that frame the meeting in a global—not Euro-Atlantic—context:

A multipolar world is messier. It is less predictable. It is more transactional.

But it is also more representative of how the world truly operates in the 21st century.

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World Reframed is produced in London by  Global South  World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

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In a speech delivered on Thanksgiving Day, Trump announced he would seek a “permanent pause” on immigration from what he called “third-world countries.”

This rhetoric echoes a now well-known moment in 2018 when Trump reportedly called Haiti and several African nations “shithole countries.” Trump’s worldview and his language have hardly shifted.

The U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services later clarified that Trump’s new reference targets a group of 19 countries, including Afghanistan, Eritrea, Haiti, Iran, Myanmar, Somalia, Sudan, Venezuela, Sierra Leone, Togo, and others previously listed under a travel ban.

Where “Third World” actually comes from

In 1952, French demographer Alfred Sauvy coined the term “Third World.” Contrary to modern usage, it had nothing to do with development or poverty. Instead, Sauvy was drawing an analogy to pre-Revolutionary France:

During the Cold War , these became metaphors for:

Over time, however, the meaning shifted incorrectly to denote poor or “backward” nations. Today, it functions mainly as a political shorthand, often deployed for emotional effect rather than accuracy.

From language to policy : Fear as a strategy

Trump’s use of vague terms is not incidental; it is strategic. By refusing to clearly define which countries qualify as “third world,” he creates an atmosphere of uncertainty.

This tactic parallels the proposed $100,000 fee for H-1B visas earlier this year, a sweeping announcement that caused panic among thousands of legal U.S. residents before details were even released.

The impact is real: cancelled travel plans, families afraid to leave the U.S., and long visa queues in cities from Accra to Nairobi.

Terms like “third world” shape global aid, security cooperation, and public perception. They inform who is seen as a threat and who is seen as worthy.

For millions of Africans seeking educational or professional opportunities abroad, the implications are personal and immediate.

Should the media repeat the phrase at all?

A critical question arises: When reporting Trump’s speeches, should the media repeat his terminology verbatim?

Repeating language that is vague, outdated, or prejudicial can unintentionally reinforce harmful narratives.

While Trump’s comments followed a horrific killing in Washington, such incidents have become political tools. Whether Trump’s new “third world” designation becomes a formal list remains unclear. But the ambiguity alone shifts behaviour and fuels anxiety.

Trump’s language isn’t just rhetoric. It powerfully influences global mobility, international relationships, and how billions of people understand their place in the world.

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World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

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The giant behind the cocoa supply

Africa produces over 70% of the world’s cocoa, with Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana leading global supply.

Yet despite this dominance, Africa captures less than 5% of the global chocolate market value. Most of the wealth is made after cocoa leaves African shores through processing, branding, and retail.

Why Africa eats the least chocolate

Despite being the world’s largest cocoa source, chocolate consumption in Africa remains extremely low:

Reasons include affordability, limited local processing, low exposure, and the fact that chocolate has historically been marketed as a luxury import rather than a locally crafted product.

The world’s best chocolate

In a surprising twist, Peru was recently awarded the title of “World’s Best Chocolate” in global competitions such as the International Chocolate Awards and the Salon du Chocolat recognitions. Peru produces far less cocoa than West Africa , around 2% of global supply, but has invested heavily in:

By controlling more of the value chain, Peru has achieved what many African producers aspire to: global recognition for premium chocolate, not just raw cocoa.

The politics of value chains

The chocolate industry remains shaped by colonial trading patterns:

Efforts by Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire to impose a Living Income Differential (LID) show the struggle for fair pricing and better livelihoods for farmers who remain among the poorest in the agricultural sector.

Reframing the future

The future of chocolate depends on shifting power:

As chocolate continues to shape global tastes and economies, the question remains: Will Africa continue feeding the world or begin feeding itself?

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World Reframed is produced in London by  Global South  World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

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It is this question that lies behind an unexpected and controversial claim: that the Romans learned to build their ships from a civilization far to the east - one rarely studied in Europe - the Malays.

The controversial claim

The theory comes from Solehah Yaacob of the International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM), who produced a PhD thesis arguing that Roman shipbuilding borrowed directly from Malay designs. For her, the evidence begins with geography and culture. The Malay peninsula and surrounding archipelagos have always been deeply maritime societies. Positioned on the ancient trade routes linking India, the Middle East, and China, Malay communities developed sophisticated vessels suited for long-distance trade and travel.

Early Chinese sources from the start of the first millennium describe Malay ships capable of carrying up to 700 people and 600 tons of cargo.

Crucially, Malay ships were constructed without metal fastenings, relying instead on wooden pegs. And builders constructed the hull first and the internal frame afterward. This “shell-first” method may seem counterintuitive, but it is also how Roman ships were built. Yaacob argues that this similarity suggests not coincidence, but influence.

As intriguing as the claim is, it quickly runs into serious problems. The Phoenicians and Vikings - seafaring cultures separated by both time and geography - also used shell-first construction. This weakens any argument that the technique must have originated in one place and diffused outward.

More significantly, there is no archaeological evidence of contact between Malays and Romans during the period when Roman shipbuilding was developing. Most experts therefore see the similarities as an example of parallel innovation: different societies arriving independently at the same practical solution for building large, sturdy vessels.

And Yaacob’s credibility has been questioned before. In an earlier academic paper, she cited as fact a satirical magazine’s joke claim that ancient Greek was secretly invented in the 1970s.

Why the debate matters

If the theory is weak, why has it generated so much discussion -enough to reach Malaysia’s parliament?

Because beneath the historical questions lie modern political and cultural tensions.

Malaysia is a multi-ethnic country in which Malay Muslims enjoy particular privileges in part due to Article 153 of the constitution, which provides special measures for Malays and indigenous groups. These measures were introduced after independence to compensate for decades of discrimination by the British colonial rulers who had given administrative and skilled jobs to those of Indian and Chinese ethnic origin. In that context, a bold theory about Malay technological influence on Rome speaks to contemporary desires for recognition and pride.

While several Malaysian politicians have dismissed the claim as obviously untrue, some defended Yaacob’s work as deserving of more respectful consideration.

Whether Romans truly learned shipbuilding from Malays is almost certainly a question with a simple answer: no. But as with many debates addressed on World Reframed , the factual correctness of the claim is only part of the story. The intensity of the reaction reveals much more about Malaysia today—its politics, its identities, and its ongoing efforts to shape and decolonise its historical narrative.

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World Reframed is produced in London by  Global South  World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

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The Attempted Assassination of Brown Mogotsi

Brown Mogotsi, a businessman with a criminal past who claims to have been a state informant, reported surviving an assassination attempt when a car said to be his was found riddled with bullets hours after contacting the Madlanga Commission about testifying in its corruption inquiry. 

Police launched an attempted murder investigation, but the early details were murky. No injuries were recorded. Mogotsi initially failed to make a formal report, and he became unreachable, raising questions about whether the attack was real or staged.

Latest developments have since confirmed that Mogotsi was indeed targeted. On Monday night in Vosloorus, Gauteng, his vehicle was struck by approximately 11 bullets in what police describe as an apparent hit attempt. Mogotsi later met with investigators from the South African Police Service (SAPS), accompanied by his lawyers, to provide a statement.

Authorities have seized his digital devices and vehicle for forensic analysis, while the Madlanga Commission has expressed concern for his safety. Discussions are reportedly underway for possible witness protection ahead of his expected appearance before Parliament’s ad-hoc committee.

The attack reinforces how dangerous it has become for individuals connected to corruption inquiries, where intimidation and violence often shadow those willing to testify.

The Madlanga Commission and the Big Five Cartel

The Madlanga Commission, chaired by former Constitutional Court judge Mbuyiseli Madlanga, was established by President Cyril Ramaphosa to investigate the alleged infiltration of South Africa’s justice system by organised crime.

At the centre of the inquiry is the Big Five Cartel, a powerful criminal syndicate accused of collaborating with politicians, police , and business figures. The network is believed to be linked to more than 100 assassinations targeting political leaders, whistleblowers, and community activists.

Investigators say the killers operated with such confidence that they often reused the same weapons, making it easier to link crimes but harder to secure arrests. A special police task force that began to uncover the cartel’s operations was reportedly disbanded before completing its work.

Political Fallout and National Alarm

The scandal has already implicated high-ranking officials. Police Minister Senzo Mchunu has been placed on special leave amid allegations of participating in the cover-up of the cartel’s activities.

President Cyril Ramaphosa has warned that the allegations threaten the credibility of South Africa’s law enforcement institutions and could undermine public confidence in the rule of law.

The commission’s hearings have become a focal point of national attention, revealing the extent to which organised crime may have penetrated state structures.

The crisis draws parallels with the findings of the Zondo Commission, which previously detailed large-scale corruption and state capture under former President Jacob Zuma.

That investigation revealed how politically connected business elites manipulated state contracts for personal gain. Despite extensive evidence, few of the implicated figures have faced prosecution, leaving South Africans sceptical about whether new inquiries like Madlanga’s will yield lasting change.

While South Africa is not among Africa’s most corrupt countries, its size, wealth, and democratic institutions make its corruption scandals more visible and far-reaching.

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World Reframed is produced in London by  Global South  World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

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The Chinese authorities describe such patrols as environmental protection efforts in a newly designated marine reserve. But under international law, the shoal lies within the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone.

The South China Sea has become the stage for one of the world’s most dangerous geopolitical games. Rival states - chiefly China, the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and Taiwan - are scrambling to occupy reefs, rocks, and islands in a maritime version of Monopoly. Each new outpost, real or artificial, strengthens territorial claims to surrounding waters rich in fish, oil, and gas.

The Great Wall of Sand

Among the boldest tactics is China’s creation of man-made islands, a project so vast it’s been dubbed the Great Wall of Sand . Using dredging vessels like the enormous  Tian Kun Hao , known as the “Island Maker,” sand is sucked from the seabed and poured over reefs until they rise above the waves. Concrete walls are then added to prevent erosion.

The environmental toll is immense. Dredging destroys coral reefs and marine habitats, clouds the water with sediment that blocks sunlight, and alters ocean currents,  potentially influencing the paths of future storms and typhoons.

One striking example is Fiery Cross Reef, a remote speck in the sea roughly equidistant from Vietnam, Malaysia, and the Philippines. Once a shallow reef, it is now home to a full-scale Chinese military base, complete with a long runway, hangars, housing blocks, and even sports facilities. From this isolated fortress, Beijing projects power across the region.

Other countries have also manned remote outposts to stake their own claims - the Philippines even grounded a World War II ship onto a reef more than two decades ago and has kept it manned with a permanent garrison since.

The motivation is clear. Under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), coastal nations can claim an exclusive economic zone (EEZ) extending 200 nautical miles from their shores, granting rights to fish, oil, and minerals. But artificial islands do not qualify.

Lines on the map

In 2013, the Philippines turned to the United Nations to challenge China's sweeping claims off its shoreline. And won a comprehensive victory three years later. A UN tribunal ruled that the islands upon which Beijing based its claim were not naturally sufficient to sustain inhabitation and therefore not entitled to their own EEZ. China dismissed the verdict as “null and void.”

China continues to assert sovereignty over nearly 90% of the South China Sea, marked by its so-called Nine-Dash Line , a sweeping loop that intrudes into the EEZs of several neighbouring states. Taiwan , formally the Republic of China, maintains a similar claim with eleven dashes based on historical maps and trading routes.

The global stakes

The South China Sea isn’t just a regional flashpoint. It’s one of the busiest maritime corridors on Earth, carrying up to a third of global shipping. And conflicts are frequent, if mainly low-level.

The US is taking a close interest and NATO has also looked at its own role in the region. There's no sign of a resolution and plenty of reason to predict further tensions.

[Editor's note: The most common English names of locations have been used in this article for convenience and do no imply advocacy for any territorial claims on the part of Global South World]

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World Reframed is produced in London by  Global South  World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

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The colonial era may have formally ended in the mid-twentieth century, but the structures it created remain firmly in place. The protests we are witnessing today are the awakening of a generation confronting a system that has failed to deliver the opportunity their parents were promised.

Colonialism without colonisers

When people think of colonialism, they imagine European powers governing distant lands. But colonialism was never only about territorial control, it was driven by extraction - of minerals, humans, animals, heritage. It was a system that organised the world so that wealth flowed in one direction - south to north. Although many of the outward structures which symbolised that system were dismantled almost a century ago, the motors remain.

Today, the Global South continues to serve as a source supplying raw materials, cheap labor, and data to feed the consumption and profits of the North. The ruling classes of many postcolonial countries have not dismantled this system but they have learned to profit from it. Our elites, once charged with creating a fairer world, now send their children to the same private schools as their former colonisers and lock up their fortunes in the same tax havens. They no longer govern on behalf of their people but as junior partners in a global order of inequality.

Throughout the history of colonialism, occupying powers used local elites to execute their projects. This proved so much to the benefits of those elites that many have accepted their role and others still seek to adopt it.

Shrinking horizons

For the young people of the Global South, this reality has created a profound crisis of faith. Many of them are educated, connected, and ambitious, but their societies offer no place for them. They see politicians doubling their salaries while youth unemployment remains sky-high. They scroll through social media and find the children of ministers and party officials parading in designer clothes, boasting of opportunities they could never dream of.

It is easy to dismiss these reactions as envy, but they stem from something deeper: the realisation that merit and effort have been decoupled from reward. Like the educated middle classes who led anti-colonial movements a century ago, this generation is turning its disillusionment into defiance. They may not frame their struggle in the language of empire and liberation, but the substance is the same, a demand for dignity and freedom.

Controlling access

A key feature of the colonial economy was dependency: colonies exported raw materials and imported finished goods. That pattern still defines much of the developing world. Commodity dependence locks countries into cycles of boom and bust, enriching a small rentier elite while depriving the majority of stability or liberty. These elites make their fortunes not by producing value but by controlling access to oil, to land, to contracts or even to the state itself.

This structure breeds corruption, weak institutions, and hopelessness. It also deprives societies of the fiscal relationship that sustains democracy. When governments rely on resource rents or foreign aid rather than taxes, they have no incentive to be accountable to their citizens. They don't develop and their people remain poor as a result.

Breaking the chains

Escaping this trap requires more than political reform; it demands a reimagining of the global economic order. In the 1970s, leaders of the global South proposed a New International Economic Order to deliver a fairer distribution of trade, technology, and investment. But without international cooperation to end resource dependency, poverty and instability will persist no matter who holds office.

Domestically, postcolonial states must rediscover the activist role once played by the developmental states of East Asia. In the 1950s, China’s economy was comparable to Haiti’s; South Korea was poorer than parts of sub-Saharan Africa. Both transformed themselves by rejecting the laissez-faire orthodoxy still promoted by international lenders. They built strong, strategic states that used carrots and sticks and rewarding investment in productive industry. That industrial policy, with strict safeguards, lifted millions out of poverty.

Dividing the world

Every year, thousands of young people risk their lives crossing deserts and seas. The debate about whether they are economic migrants or victims of war and persecution misses the point. They are not fleeing their homelands out of greed or laziness but they are seeking a life.

The response of wealth countries in attempting to build fortresses is a wilful misinterpretation of the nature of the problem. Unless underlying issues are addressed, the world we all share will break irreparably.

Technology: Liberation or Control?

Fortunately, faster than walls can be built in any domain, technology is providing the ladders to scale them. The catalyst for the uprisings in Nepal, social media gives access to ideas and the power of coordination. It is in this power that the hope of a better future lies. Yes, these tools of technology can be used by the elites to lead, to restrict, to surveil. But ultimately they are too powerful to be confined in one direction. The disruption they bring, and the opportunity, provides the best hope that people in the Global South can connect behind a common purpose and overcome the hidden structures that still maintain colonialism's grip.

This article is based on Duncan Hooper's discussion with Mohammed Elnaiem, director of the Decolonial Centre .

Click here to watch our previous episodes

World Reframed is produced in London by  Global South  World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

Arrests, protests, and power struggles — Africa’s young people are once again taking to the streets, challenging systems older than their parents. Across the continent, pre-election crackdowns and generational frustration are colliding, revealing deep cracks in long-standing regimes.

Nowhere is that tension more visible than in Côte d'Ivoire, where authorities have intensified arrests of activists, journalists, and opposition figures ahead of the October 25 elections. President Alassane Ouattara, 83, is seeking another term, even as many of his rivals — including former president Laurent Gbagbo and ex–Credit Suisse CEO Tidjane Thiam — have been disqualified.

Madagascar: Gen-Z protests then the military take over

Weeks of youth-led protests in Madagascar have reshaped the country’s leadership. The military stepped in after mass demonstrations forced the government to collapse.

Over 60% of Madagascar’s population is under 25, and youth unemployment sits around 14%. This generation, frustrated by economic stagnation and corruption , coordinated their protests digitally through TikTok, WhatsApp, and Telegram.

But as in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, the promise of change may prove fleeting. Many of Africa’s Gen Z movements begin with the language of democracy, only to end under military rule.

Cameroon's election overshadowed by age and apathy

In Cameroon, the world waits for the results of a tense election. President Paul Biya, at 92, has ruled for 43 years — longer than most of his citizens have been alive. His challenger, Issa Tchiroma, 76, has already claimed victory and called on Biya to concede, before results have even been released.

Cameroon’s youth - 65% of the population, with a median age of just 18 - are largely disengaged from formal politics after decades of repression. Yet online, their voices are growing louder. Hashtags like #CameroonDecides and #TimeForChange have galvanised diaspora communities in France and Canada, creating new digital pressure on an ageing regime.

While Cameroon’s per capita GDP has risen since Biya took power, the gains have not been evenly felt. High inequality, inflation, and youth joblessness have eroded patience.

Côte d’Ivoire: a narrowing window for democracy

Despite years of peace since its 2011 civil conflict, Côte d'Ivoire’s political climate is tightening. Ouattara’s government is accused of political engineering through disqualifications and arrests.

Though the economy grows at 6% annually, youth unemployment remains high at 12%. Nearly 70% of Ivorians are under 30, yet they’re ruled by leaders from a political era that began before they were born.

Across much of Africa, that generational disconnect is stark: the median age of leaders is 63, while the median age of citizens is just 19.

Africa’s population is expected to double to 2.5 billion by 2050, with young people making up the overwhelming majority. Their demands for accountability, jobs, and representation are reshaping political discourse, often outside traditional systems.

When democratic institutions fail to evolve, the youth find new paths: protest, digital mobilisation, or even backing military “resets” that promise swift change.

Measuring fear in authoritarian states

In countries where citizens fear reprisals, measuring genuine public opinion is notoriously difficult. Researchers can use “list experiments” — indirect surveys that hide sensitive statements among innocuous ones like “I play sport weekly” or “I grow my own vegetables.” Rather than say which ones they agree with, respondents simply say how many statements are true. By establishing an average number of true statements on a control group, researchers can establish what proportion of people disagreed that "The government is doing a good job." without being able to attribute the belief to any individual.

By comparing answers between groups, analysts can estimate true support levels without forcing individuals to speak openly. After the 2021 coup in Mali, such a study revealed that while 74% publicly voiced support for the military government, real approval was closer to 63%.

From Antananarivo to Abidjan, Africa’s Gen Z is demanding something their elders rarely had, accountable leadership. Whether that results in deeper democracy or new forms of control depends on who answers their call.

Click here to watch our previous episodes

World Reframed is produced in London by  Global South  World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

Kenya’s Bold Step: Converting Dollar Debt to Yuan

Some African governments are rethinking how they borrow. Kenya has taken a pioneering step by converting $3.5 billion of loans from China into yuan-denominated debt, a move expected to save the country $215 million annually. This strategy reduces exposure to the strengthening U.S. dollar and signals a broader push toward “de-dollarisation”, diversifying currency options to stabilise national economies and increase fiscal independence.

Angola’s Return to Global Markets

While Kenya experiments with currency diversification, Angola has chosen to re-engage international investors. The country has issued five- and ten-year Eurobonds to raise $1.5 billion, marking its first bond sale since 2022. Led by major global banks including Citi, Deutsche Bank, JPMorgan, and Standard Chartered, the sale points to renewed investor confidence in African economies. Yet, experts warn that poor credit ratings still force many countries to borrow at interest rates as high as 12%, as noted by MacDonald Goanue of the ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development.

Creative Financing and Regional Solutions

To ease the debt burden, several African nations are adopting innovative financial tools. Securitisation, which allows governments to use future revenue streams as collateral, and debt-for-nature swaps, which forgive debt in exchange for environmental protection, are gaining traction. Additionally, regional banks are offering concessional loans with lower interest rates and longer repayment periods. There is also growing advocacy for trading in African currencies and building stronger regional financial institutions to reduce reliance on Western lenders.

From Necessity to Strategy

Africa ’s debt story is evolving from borrowing out of necessity to borrowing with strategy. However, global inflation, commodity price drops, and geopolitical instability still threaten progress. As Kenya, Angola, and others demonstrate, African countries are reclaiming agency in the global financial system. The focus is shifting from repayment to reimagining the structures that have historically constrained the continent’s growth.

Click here to watch our previous episodes

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

It is real. It is devastating. But the narrative of Christians versus Muslims misses the complexity.

The perpetrators are not one monolithic force. Boko Haram and its splinter group ISWAP are part of it. But so are armed Fulani militias clashing with farmers over land. And criminal syndicates run kidnapping rackets where ransom is the real motive.

In Kaduna State’s Rijana area, jihadist camps are believed to be holding 850 Christians hostage. Those whose families cannot pay are killed.

When framed only as religious persecution , the world risks missing the deeper drivers: weak governance, economic desperation, corruption, and even climate change.

The role of the state

Advocacy groups like Intersociety have accused elements of Nigeria’s security forces of complicity in kidnappings and killings. Sometimes they look away. Sometimes worse.

That blurs the line between counterinsurgency and persecution. Nigeria’s crisis is not only about insurgents, but also about governance failures and the erosion of trust between citizens and the state.

Borders that protect insurgents, not citizens

On paper, Nigeria has one of Africa’s largest militaries. In reality, insurgents move freely across porous borders with Niger, Chad, and Cameroon.

These borders slow down Nigerian troops, who are often tied up in checkpoints and bureaucracy. But for insurgents, rivers, forests, and deserts are open highways. Weapons and fighters flow across with little resistance.

It is a cruel irony: the very lines drawn to define nations protect insurgents while trapping citizens.

ECOWAS delays as villages burn

In August, ECOWAS announced a bold plan: a 260,000-strong joint counter-terrorism force, at a cost of $2.5 billion annually.

The need is urgent. West Africa accounted for 51% of global terrorism deaths in 2024. Over a thousand insurgent groups are believed to be active.

But the plan is stalled. Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso pulled out of ECOWAS in January. Without them, intelligence sharing breaks down, and the joint force is weakened.

While ECOWAS delays, villages are attacked, churches fall, and displacement camps fill. Insurgents don’t wait for budget approvals.

Why framing matters

When the world sees only “Christians under fire from jihadists,” the response is militarised: send troops, sell weapons, declare war on terror. That framing sometimes benefits factions within states, particularly armies that want the problem seen purely as jihadist groups carving out a caliphate.

But when reframed, the picture shifts. It shows displaced families trapped in ransom economies, local peacebuilding efforts that rarely get support, and communities whose survival depends on more than soldiers.

Nigeria’s stability matters far beyond its borders. With over 220 million people, its collapse would destabilise all of West Africa. Yet too often Africa is portrayed as a backdrop for violence.

The Global South lens forces new questions: What about the millions of Muslims in Nigeria who reject extremism? What about economic and climate drivers of conflict? And what about international partners who see Africa mainly as a security threat or a source of unwanted migrants?

Reframing the “Islamic State” in Africa

Yes, a new Islamic State is taking shape. Militants control swathes of territory, and their influence is expanding. But just as in Syria and Iraq, religion is only one piece of the puzzle.

Poverty, displacement, and survival are the real drivers fracturing communities. Groups that provide some form of order or resources, often Islamist militants, win allegiance not because of ideology, but because of need.

When reframed, the story is not simply about a religious war. It’s about failed governance, porous borders, delayed regional action, and communities abandoned in the middle.

Click here to watch our previous episodes

World Reframed is produced in London by  Global South  World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

Because for the majority of the world — the rest of the world —this year’s UNGA wasn’t just about speeches. It was about demanding overdue recognition, fair representation, and a voice in how global affairs are managed.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu delivered a forceful speech—only to be greeted by an awkward truth: most of the room had walked out.

Over 50 countries staged a coordinated walkout during his address, many in protest of Israel’s actions in Gaza. Despite his attempts to command the spotlight, Netanyahu’s words were drowned out by the silence of empty seats.

And this wasn’t the only moment that revealed cracks in the UN’s foundations.

Palestine: excluded but not forgotten

For the first time since the Oslo Accords, Palestine’s delegation was blocked from attending. The US denied visas to President Mahmoud Abbas and over 80 officials, citing “national security concerns.” But for many observers, this was more about political control than security.

The response? A General Assembly vote - 145 countries in favour - allowing Abbas to send a pre-recorded video message instead. That video played to a room that listened closely. Ironically, in trying to silence Palestine, the U.S. only amplified its message.

A high-level parallel conference on Gaza ran alongside the UNGA. Leaders from Spain, the EU, Qatar, and the UAE pushed for urgent humanitarian action and statehood. Spain’s Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez even called for full UN membership for Palestine, accusing Israel of committing genocide.

G7 catch up

France, Australia, Canada and the UK finally did something they had talked about for years. But long after most countries had already acted. The recognition of a Palestinian State is now almost universal, but the military and economic might of the US still serves to counterbalance almost every other nation.

The UN Security Council: Still Stuck in 1945?

Another major talking point was the outdated structure of the UN Security Council.

Liberia’s President Joseph Boakai and Kenya’s President William Ruto both pushed for Africa to get a permanent seat at the table. Their argument is hard to dismiss: 54 African countries, over a billion people, and still no real power in the most important decisions the UN makes.

The Security Council was created in the aftermath of WWII to give the victors the most say. The US, UK, France, Russia, and China all have veto power. Everyone else? They rotate through 2-year terms with no veto and limited influence.

Groups like the L.69 (which includes countries from Africa, the Caribbean, Asia, and Latin America) and the African-led C-10 have been calling for reform for decades. But, as usual, those in power are reluctant to share it.

Rising frustration

That frustration is reaching a boiling point—especially as the U.S. repeatedly uses its veto power to block any criticism of Israel, despite widespread support for accountability among other nations.

Indonesia’s president, Prabowo Subianto, struck a powerful chord with a message that stood out for its clarity and compassion. His speech went viral across Global South social media platforms.

We are of different race, religion and nationality, but we gather as a human family.

He ended his speech with greetings from multiple religions, called for unity across borders and beliefs, and raised the alarm about climate change - a concern echoed by many leaders, but mostly ignored in mainstream headlines.

'Yes, we're still talking about climate change'

For countries across the Global South, climate change isn’t a future threat - it’s a daily crisis.

Brazil’s President Lula promised sustainable stewardship of the Amazon. Meanwhile, the President of the Seychelles, Wavel Ramkalawan, represented island nations already on the frontlines of climate disaster. His message? The biggest polluters must do more.

In the Global North, climate change often feels like a distant concern. But for many nations, it’s already changing everything—from food security to migration to national survival.

Beyond the headlines

Sure, Trump grabbing headlines for tripping on an escalator or making vague pronouncements about Ukraine might dominate the news cycle. But the real work—and the real frustration—was elsewhere.

Global South leaders raised the alarm on long-term structural problems:

While the West remains stuck in cycles of geopolitical drama and military posturing, much of the world is asking: where is the solidarity? Where is the fairness?

And perhaps more importantly—who really gets to shape the future?

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

Super Typhoon Ragasa has struck one of the world’s most populated regions. It has left destruction in its path and tragically taken more than a dozen lives. Yet perhaps the biggest surprise is that the damage wasn’t worse. Here’s why.

What is a typhoon?

Typhoon, cyclone, hurricane – these words all describe the same phenomenon. The difference lies in geography and language. In the northwest Pacific Ocean, it’s a typhoon . In the Indian Ocean or southern hemisphere, it’s a cyclone . Along the US coasts, it’s a hurricane .

All are giant storms formed when warm ocean water evaporates and rises, pulling in surrounding air. As the Earth rotates, the Coriolis effect causes this system to spin. These storms can stretch 1,000 kilometres across. In the northern hemisphere they rotate counterclockwise; in the southern, clockwise.

Contrary to myth, the Coriolis effect doesn’t dictate how water swirls down your sink—but it does govern the spin of these colossal storms.

When does a typhoon become 'super'?

Different regions measure storm strength in different ways. In the US, hurricanes are ranked from Category 1 (winds of 119 km/h) to Category 5 (over 252 km/h—the speed of a Formula 1 car).

In the Pacific, storms graduate from tropical storms (below 88 km/h) to typhoons (above 118 km/h). A super typhoon is the equivalent of a Category 5 hurricane, with winds over 240 km/h. That’s exactly what Ragasa became.

Many names

Naming storms helps authorities communicate more clearly and makes them more relatable as real threats. But names differ from place to place.

So one storm can have multiple names, depending on where you are.

Tracking Ragasa

Ragasa was first identified on September 17, upgraded to a tropical storm the next day, then almost immediately into a typhoon and super typhoon. On September 21, it struck Panuitan Island in the northern Philippines before moving towards southern China.

The storm’s toll included three deaths in the Philippines and fourteen in Taiwan, where a lake overflowed.

China’s Massive Evacuation Effort

The storm then struck Guangdong province, one of the most densely populated regions on Earth. The area includes:

Incredibly, nearly two million people were evacuated in a matter of days. That’s the equivalent of relocating the entire population of Vienna, Caracas, or Algiers almost overnight.

China managed this through a mix of extensive public services, door-to-door communication, robust transport networks, and a population that generally follows evacuation orders. This avoided the chaos often seen when people wait until the last minute to flee.

One community worker explained:

"At the early stages, we encouraged residents to make basic preparations, such as getting ready for evacuation, reinforcing doors and windows, and securing any loose items on their balconies."

And his example was followed by thousands of others visiting home after home.

For those without safe homes or relatives to shelter them, public facilities were converted into emergency shelters. In Shenzhen, some evacuees found themselves in school halls—simple accommodation with shared toilets, breakfast included, but little privacy or comfort. While Chinese media tends to highlight only the positive side of these operations, the sheer scale of the effort—2 million people relocated in days—remains extraordinary.

When Systems Work

Nature unleashed its full force: winds as fast as Formula 1 cars, storm surges, and rainfall measured in months delivered in hours. For those caught in floods in Taiwan and the Philippines, the results were deadly. Yet in the mega-cities of southern China, human systems held.

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

That was Venezuela’s president Nicolás Maduro pitching what he clearly believes would be a blockbuster. The project sounds like a budget nightmare - who’s going to hire 252 leading actors for one film? And besides, the title could probably use some tightening. But behind the theatrics lies a serious message.

Maduro is furious with Donald Trump . Earlier this month, Trump ordered an airstrike on a Venezuelan boat, then another, and claimed to have carried out a third. He framed it as part of a clampdown on a state-sanctioned drug smuggling operation. International reaction was swift, since such extrajudicial killings are usually reserved for the gravest terrorist threats. Venezuela, under pressure to respond, turned to fiery rhetoric.

“If life puts us on the path of having to take up arms to begin an armed struggle against imperialist aggression, our people will do it with serenity, with certainty and also with joy,” Maduro warned.

Softer targets

Despite the tough talk, the last thing Venezuela - or any country - wants is open war with the United States. But Maduro doesn’t need to look far for smaller targets. On 14 September, Venezuela’s Defence Minister, Vladimir Padrino López, warned that if aggression were launched from the territory of Trinidad and Tobago, Venezuela would respond in “legitimate self-defence.”

Why Trinidad and Tobago? The islands have aligned themselves with US efforts to fight organised crime, including drug, arms and human trafficking. Prime Minister Kamala Persad-Bissessar has denied that her country would ever host an invasion force, but Caracas appears eager to pick a fight it might plausibly win. The disparity is stark: Venezuela has nearly 29 million people and over 123,000 active soldiers; Trinidad and Tobago, with just 1.5 million people, can muster only about 4,000. Geography, too, makes the threat plausible - only 11 kilometres separate the nations.

And yet, the two countries once shared close ties. Trinidad was ruled from Caracas until 1802, and both remain members of CARICOM. But Trump is a divisive figure across the Americas, and his policies risk driving deeper wedges between neighbours.

He, for his part, seems pleased with his strategy.

“A lot of drugs are coming out of Venezuela… They send the Tren de Aragua, that’s the gang. They’re probably the worst gang in the world . We don’t like what Venezuela is sending us—whether it’s drugs or gang members. We don’t like it. Not one bit,” Trump told reporters.

Rather than dial things down, he has expanded his warnings to Colombia, Bolivia, Myanmar and Afghanistan - accusing them too of failing to block drug shipments. The prospect of US strikes in or around those countries suddenly feels less remote. International law, of course, forbids such attacks in international waters unless a vessel poses an imminent threat. A fishing boat, even if packed with cocaine, hardly qualifies. But the US has long been lukewarm about international enforcement mechanisms, recently going so far as to sanction members of the International Criminal Court.

That leaves smaller nations exposed. Venezuela has not only targeted Trinidad and Tobago but also escalated tensions with Guyana, reviving old claims to an oil-rich border region. Trinidad’s support for Guyana in that dispute has only fuelled animosity.

In all of this, it’s the ordinary people—especially fishermen—who end up losing. Boats seized, livelihoods destroyed, and lives caught in the middle of geopolitical posturing.

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

That was the prime minister of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed giving a speech about the opening of a massive new dam on the Nile.

But he didn't keep his promise. Because the GERD is part of history. Here's why: 

What's in a name?

The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, isn't like other dams. Mostly they are named for the places where they are located - China ’s Three Gorges Dam or the Itaipu Dam on the border of Paraguay and Brazil. Sometimes they do get a name to honour a historical figure - The Boulder Dam in the US was renamed the Hoover Dam.

But this one carries the name of the country. Sandwiched in between Grand and Renaissance. So you can tell straight away this is intended to be a BIG Deal.

In numbers

It’s the biggest hydroelectric project in Africa, expected to be able to produce more than 5,000 megawatts, that’s around the same level as five nuclear reactors. And about double what Ethiopia produced previously. The reservoir behind it can hold around 74 billion cubic meters of water. That’s almost as big as Lake Geneva in Switzerland. Put another way, it’s enough water to supply the needs of New York City for around half a century. And all that for the modest sum of $5 billion dollars.

What's not to like?

Not everyone is happy. Egypt’s reaction to the dam has ranged from furious to very angry to absolutely apoplectic. The Nile accounts for around 90% of the water supply and is relied upon by almost 120 million Egyptians. When the dam project was first announced, some in Egypt even threatened military action and there was talk of sabotaging the construction.

Relations thawed in 2014 and the various parties - Sudan is also heavily involved, although not quite as angry as Egypt - came to an deal, agreeing to cooperate on water use. Egypt still wasn’t exactly happy though.

So Cairo went on to seek mediation from the US and the World Bank and even the UN Security Council. Ultimately, Ethiopia stood its ground and said basically: "Our country, our water!" and continued building the dam and filling the reservoir. Egypt issued more warnings, tried to get Sudan on board and is still talking about the dam as a threat to its national security. And while both sides say they want a solution, there doesn’t seem any immediate prospect of that happening because Ethiopia would have to agree to giving up at least some control over how it could use the dam.

A regional asset

Which brings us back to the fact that it’s called an Ethiopian Dam, which certainly implies sovereignty. It is seen as a genuine part of the Renaissance of the country. And the government is so confident in the transformation that it will deliver that it has even banned import of petrol vehicles so it can switch to electric cars powered by green Ethiopian energy.

Other neighbouring countries are also pretty excited, because electricity is a precious commodity in Africa, which is home to the bulk of the 660 million people in the world without access to electric power. And, of course, hundreds of millions more have unstable and unreliable supplies. So Kenya and other countries are eager to up their imports from Ethiopia now the dam is up and running.

Kenya’s president William Ruto was among the high profile leaders at the dam’s inauguration this week, praising it as an African initiative. A less expected presence was the prime minister of Barbados - but the message there was that this is not only an African success but something developing nations around the world can aspire to. If you’re not Egypt, the dam looks like a win-win:  improving the lives of citizens in a climate friendly and economy-boosting manner.

Independent power

And this dam is really symbolic also of an anti-colonial message. Ethiopia prides itself on being one of the only African nations never to have been colonised. And Prime Minister Ahmed didn’t miss the opportunity to press the point in his inauguration speech, telling attendees:

“Ethiopia's prosperity is sure to be real. Ethiopia will once more show its strength to the black people like that of the Adwa battle. This is our second Adwa victory. Let us therefore stand strong together in unity and prosperity."

The battle of Adwa is perhaps the most famous moment in Ethiopian history, indeed one of the most celebrated in the whole of modern African history. It saw local forces led by Emperor Menelik II and  Empress Taytu Betul defeat an invading Italian army in 1896, preserving their country’s independence. It inspired people with African heritage across the world, including leaders of America’s civil rights movement. By putting it into his speech, Ahmed setting up the dam up as something far beyond a power plant.

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

In the Pacific, India is making a strategic move in Fiji.

India is establishing a new defence wing at its High Commission in Suva. That comes with a defence attaché, maritime security support, equipment, training, and even a cybersecurity training cell.

It was announced during Fijian Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka’s visit to New Delhi. Both he and India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi emphasised their shared commitment to a secure Indo-Pacific.

The move isn’t just about Fiji’s security. It’s about global politics. India is stepping up in the Pacific at a time when China has been building influence in the region. By helping Fiji secure its Exclusive Economic Zone, India positions itself as a partner of choice and signals its presence in the wider Indo-Pacific security architecture.

Respect in school

Now to Central America, where El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele is back in the headlines. This time it’s about schools. A new regulation, called the “Promotion of School Courtesy,” will take effect on September 1. It requires students to use polite phrases like good morning, please, and thank you.

If they don’t, they could face penalties ranging from warnings to suspension of privileges, or in extreme cases, even being held back a grade. Though there’s also a redemption system to regain points through positive actions.

It might sound like a small cultural policy, but it speaks volumes. Bukele is pushing a vision of social order that complements his tough security agenda. He’s saying: discipline isn’t just about gangs on the streets, it’s about behaviour in classrooms too.

And it is happening while his approval ratings are sky-high. Bukele has just been ranked the most popular leader in the world, 91% approval, higher than Putin, Modi, even Trump.

His popularity is directly linked to those hardline security measures—like the mega-prison known as CECOT, but also social measures like this, which resonate with parents and teachers. The bigger question is: at what point does such overwhelming support blur the lines between democracy and authoritarianism?

Military and development

Finally, to Southeast Asia where Indonesia is planning a massive expansion of its military’s role in development.

The government wants to establish 500 territorial development battalions by 2029, with 100 already in place. These aren’t just combat units, they’ll help implement government programmes, from economic downstreaming to national self-sufficiency projects.

And they have full budget backing from the Ministry of Finance, so this isn’t just a proposal.

The move reflects how Indonesia views its military not only as a defence force but also as a tool for state-building. But it’s a double-edged sword. On one hand, it can accelerate development in remote areas; on the other, it risks entrenching military influence in civilian governance.

Morocco's green bridge

Again this week we’ve been offered some insights from Eigenrac , the security and intelligence consultancy, this time relating to Morocco.

Less than 15 kilometers off mainland Europe, Morocco is the only African country which has a land border with the European Union, thanks to the two Spanish enclaves on the coast. These facts make it an ideal bridge between the continents. And when this is coupled with Morocco’s other geographical strengths, that would allow it to become a renewable energy superpower, there’s definitely a partnership to be made.

With plenty of sun for solar, mountains for hydroelectric and empty land for wind turbines, Morocco could fill the holes which are emerging in the EU’s net zero plans as a result of domestic resistance. It also has the potential to produce significant amounts of green hydrogen and even host some of the data centres which will be needed to power Europe’s digital transformation.

However, there are some risks to this vision.

Morocco has been a largely stable country in a region that is anything but. The risks are primarily around its government failing to maintain the confidence of its citizens. Climate change is a factor here, especially if clean energy or thirsty data centres start to compete with farmland for water. Inflation and unemployment have the potential to disrupt the economy if external factors hit the standard of living of ordinary people. And if wealth from these new investments are concentrated in a few urban centres that may also provoke unrest.

Then there’s the risk that bets in green hydrogen may not pay off with an uncertain demand for the fuel. And finally, risks that complicated regulatory processes will deter foreign investors

So it’s far from a done deal, but on the other hand, many African countries will be looking enviously at the position Morocco has got itself into through forward thinking and relationship building. Signs that the green and digital transitions may not leave Africa behind.

Divided by religion?

Let’s talk about religion in Africa. It’s a big subject and its importance runs deeply. The map shows the biggest religion in each nation. And its a very stark division showing states which are dominated by Islam in the north and states dominated by Christianity in the south. And there is a belt between the two where both religions are common.

There are also many other religions practiced in Africa, primarily traditional religions often described as animist. But the map recalls a point made in an essay by Ethiopian academic Seifudein Adem, who has written for Global South World this week about how Africa can improve its political systems. He says that the import of Christianity into Africa helped link western values with both modernisation and moral rectitude -in other words, good things tended to be associated with western practices.

The contrast he makes is with Japan where traditional religions were not replaced by an imported religion which meant modernisation could happen without having to adopt a foreign culture. He also suggests that the polytheism practiced in Japan meant that if one god stood in the way of adopting a new practice, a different god’s guidance could simply be sought instead. That doesn’t work with the monotheistic religions of Islam and Christianity and Adem lists this among a number of other reasons for holding back Africa’s ability to pick and choose different aspects of western practices to build its own modernisation.

Who's backing Ukraine?

Our final story this week is our World Visualized graphic which shows the amounts of aid given to Ukraine by its allies since 2022. Now the top donor in dollar terms is the USA at $126 billion, although Donald Trump has signed deals which he says will allow his country to claw back some of this spending. The European Union, as an entity has given only a little more than half that at $70 billion, although if you were to add up all the EU countries as a bloc the total would exceed America’s.

Japan, at $15 billion, is only a little behind the UK’s $20 billion despite being on the other side of the world. And Canada has also topped every EU nation aside from Germany. Despite Emmanuel Macron’s very vocal support for Kyiv, in financial terms his country has offered less than Denmark and Netherlands, according to these figures from the Kiel Institute. And what’s clear from that list is that this really is a battle of the Global North, which is not to say its consequences are not acutely felt in the Global South.

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

Libya's reputation over the years has been as a terrorist nation under Colonel Gaddafi, then a country in civil war and lately an exporter of migrants. But really what the country should have been known for is as a petrostate, because it has the largest oil reserves in Africa.

Those oil reserves have helped to define its modern shape. They allowed Gaddafi to remain in power for four decades by giving him the resources to reward the loyalty of those he needed and offer generous welfare benefits of free healthcare, education and subsidised fuel to the Libyan people.

But after his fall from power in 2011, rather than bringing the country together, oil started to pull it apart, with one faction based in Tripoli in the west and one group in Benghazi in the east both trying to control oil revenues and even signing exploration agreements with foreign companies and countries.

Security and intelligence consultancy Eigenrac have set out the scenarios that they could see and they have produced a report on globalsouthworld.com . Ultimately the status quo could break in two ways:

For now, the triggers for either scenario are not present. But it’s definitely one to watch.

Bolivia turns right

Bolivia is heading to a runoff election this October. After two decades of leftist dominance under Evo Morales and Luis Arce, voters are looking elsewhere, and that shift is dramatic.

Last week Global South World interviewed the two leading vice presidential candidates. The frontrunner going into the second round is Senator Rodrigo Paz Pereira, who took about 32% of the vote. Right behind him is Jorge “Tuto” Quiroga, a former president, who scored nearly 27%. Both are opposition candidates, which means for the first time in decades, Bolivia is preparing for a government led by the right.

Pereira's journey to the top spot is fascinating: his campaign was grassroots all the way from buses, shared taxis, going town to town. And his running mate? A TikTok-star and ex-policeman, Edman Lara. That outsider energy really connected with voters. Meanwhile, the governing Movement for Socialism (MAS) party has been pushed to the margins. Their candidate barely scraped 3%.

Bolivia joins a broader regional trend, from Argentina to El Salvador, where voters are turning away from leftist governments. And whichever candidate wins, there are some major economic and social changes coming down the line to get control of inflation and bail out the economy. It’s going to be painful, but Bolivians will be hoping that once they get through it they will have a more stable country where they don’t have to queue for essentials or cut back their shopping each month.

'Prove it or apologise'

In India, the country’s Election Commission has issued a stark warning to opposition leader Rahul Gandhi: “show proof or apologise.” Gandhi accused the commission of what he called “vote theft”... saying the electoral roll was packed with fake entries and duplicate voters. The Election Commission shot back, demanding either a sworn affidavit with evidence or a public apology.

The Chief Election Commissioner said there’s no third option. Which raises the stakes, because Gandhi has been trying to build a narrative around what he calls “vote chori,” or stolen votes.

The Commission says those allegations are baseless, even harmful to India’s democracy. But this is also about political messaging, whether Gandhi doubles down, or backs off, it will shape how India’s opposition positions itself going forward. And even more than that, this case will be closely watched in other countries too. How the participants handle the situation will definitely influence how politicians in surrounding countries and even further round the world try to push their own causes.

Xenophobia in universities

In South Africa, xenophobia seems to be moving up from the streets to universities.

Dr Precious Simba, a Zimbabwean lecturer at Stellenbosch University, told Global South World about her new study on the marginalisation of African academics in South Africa and the findings are heartbreaking. From barriers in hiring, promotion, and research recognition, it’s an extension of the wider hostility that migrants often face in the country.

South African universities have historically benefitted from intellectual solidarity across the continent, especially during apartheid, and were seen as bastions of tolerance and freedom.

Some academic bodies, like the Wits Centre for Diversity Studies, are trying to address the current problems. But the deeper problem of xenophobia within higher education is proving stubborn.

Chad's poisoned air

World Visualized has looked at the nations with the best and worst air quality. Now the best air quality is pretty much exclusively small island nations.

Basically places where you might want to go on holiday - the Bahamas, Bermuda, French Polynesia, the US Virgin Isles. Now it’s easy to imagine why these don’t suffer too much - the surrounding areas are almost completely clear of industry. Also they are typically wealthy and take care about the environment in order to encourage tourism which is a more important opportunity than heavy manufacturing.

But the other list is more interesting. Because it’s not primarily the most industrialised countries, and not even only the most populous ones.

What the data is actually showing is airborne particles called PM2.5 which can get into your lungs and blood and cause conditions such as blocked arteries and lung cancer.

And the country with the biggest issue? Chad.

Partly it is because most people in Chad cook on open fires, which are very inefficient and don’t burn well which means a lot of unburned material is released into the air. Poor waste management also means a lot of rubbish is just burned out in the open.

But there’s another factor which is the Bodélé Depression which is the dried up remains of an ancient lake. Wind blowing across the parched surface picks up dust and spreads it through the air. In fact it travels so far that it’s actually an important source of nutrients for the Amazon rainforest on the other side of the world. But locally it’s a severe health hazard and is known as the world’s number one source of dust.

Aside from trying to green the desert, which would be an immense project, there’s not much to be done. Further down the list are Bangladesh and Pakistan, as a result of their huge population density and heavy industries - India’s northern cities in particular are also famously polluted. However China isn’t there, largely because of the government drive to clean up after the scandals in the run up the 2008 Beijing Olympics.

Cars are now rationed in many Chinese cities and investments made back then in electrification mean a lot of traffic is now zero emissions at the tailpipe.

Africa features heavily through the rest of the list with DR Congo at number four, again significantly because of the widespread use of cooking fires. This contributes towards climate change, deforestation to provide the wood and charcoal but perhaps most pressingly the spread of these deadly fine particles in the air. Global South World has featured a project to expand electricity networks on the continent and this is why it matters so much.

Nominative democratisation

Do you know how many countries are so committed to democracy that they even put it in their name? The World In Maps has done the work.

Duncan

And sticking with the theme of national identity take a look at this eye-opening video showing how unoriginal countries have been in choosing their flags.

World Reframed is produced in London for Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

The presidential vote comes against the backdrop of a deep economic crisis. Bolivia is facing fuel shortages, rising food prices, and - most of all - a lack of US dollars. This shortage has pushed up the exchange rate and made imports more expensive, from fuel to medicines. Long lines for fuel and protests over food prices have become common.

The opposition blames the ruling MAS (Movement for Socialism), in power for most of the past two decades. Once united and backed by indigenous and working-class voters, the party is now deeply divided. A disputed election followed by the threat of military intervention in 2019 forced charismatic party founder Evo Morales out of the president's office. Wanted on charges of statutory rape, he has split his successor Luis Arce. Morales is calling for supporters to boycott the vote after the courts disqualified him from running owing to constitutional term limits.

That has left two opposition candidates as hot favourites to go to a run off vote.

Recent national polls show a tight race between economic liberals Samuel Doria Medina and Jorge ‘Tuto’ Quiroga. Some of the latest surveys even suggest Quiroga has slightly overtaken Doria Medina, although still within the margin of error. Both promise radical change including a more business friendly administration and intervention from multinational lenders.

Power list Asia

Check out Global South World's power list of the most influential social media journalists in South East Asia . In conjunction with Hypeauditor, Global South World has looked at the reach, engagement and audience quality of 50 journalists on the platform and ranked them here .

Sky high prices

Nepal has just announced it is waiving climbing fees for a number of its lesser-known peaks in the remote northwestern Himalayas for the next 2 years. The list does not include Everest or 25 of the other most popular mountains which tend to attract the vast bulk of visiting climbers, though. Those destinations are struggling with the sheer volume of people and their waste. Instead Nepal wants to draw attention to more than 400 other peaks which offer stunning climbs and varied challenges without the same congestion.

To make its point even more clear, the government will hike the cost of a permit to climb the world's highest mountain from $11,000 to $15,000 in September. Other popular summits will move to $350 from $250.

Acknowledgment but no apology

France's president Emmanuel Macron has accepted his country's responsibility for violent repression during Cameroon’s brutal fight for independence back in the 1950s and ’60s.

He expressed what he called “deep regret” for the violence, but stopped short of a formal apology. However, he acknowledged France’s responsibility in the deaths of independence leaders Ruben Um Nyobè, Paul Momo, Isaac Nyobè Pandjock and Jérémie Ndéléné, who were killed between 1958 and 1960 during military operations conducted under French command.

Macron also pledged to open archives, support historical initiatives, and implement recommendations offered by a joint Franco-Cameroonian commission.

Drugs and politics

In Colombia, the government is talking to the Clan del Golfo, the country's largest drug-trafficking organisation and the biggest cocaine producer in the world .

Under President Gustavo Petro’s “Total Peace ” plan, they’re hoping to negotiate a surrender in exchange for reduced sentences and reintegration programs.

Longer lives

At the turn of the 20th century, the average life expectancy around the world was just 32 years, pulled down disease and infant mortality. Now the figure is almost 71 years for men and more than 76 years for women. While a big divide remains - the lowest life expectancies are in Chad, Lesotho and the Central African Republic - in coming years the average is likely to continue rising. That's because of initiatives in developing countries to tackle easily preventable deaths.

Where have all the elephants gone?

As recently as the 19th century there were 10 million elephants roaming almost the entire length and breadth of Africa. Nowadays there are fewer than half a million now. The damage was initially done by colonial traders eager for ivory. But even once that practice was stopped a loss of habitat continued batter the populations. Today, numbers appear to have stabilised but in many areas their future remains uncertain.

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

Heavyweight hero

We start with a scene that looks straight out of a superhero movie. In Cairo, professional wrestler Ashraf Kabonga attempted a mammoth stunt of pulling 20 cars, weighing a total of about 29 tonnes.

Each vehicle weighed up to 1,650 kg. The previous world record stood at 15 cars, set by Canadian strongman Kevin Fast back in 2014. Kabonga dragged his line of cars a full 10 metres, surpassing Guinness’ requirement. The crowd went wild.

While the record is still awaiting official confirmation, Kabonga is already being hailed as a national hero.

Beyond Petroleum?

From raw muscle to raw materials—BP made several big announcements last week including the news of its biggest oil find in 25 years. The discovery off Brazil is part of a new strategy of returning to the formula that made the company a global energy giant.

As World Reframed ’s Sasha Barrow reported, the company has faced increasing shareholder pressure, leading to an executive overhaul. Out went the sustainability visionaries, in came the profit maximisers.

But there’s a deeper question: When fossil fuels are extracted in the Global South, do climate goals suddenly become optional?

Countries like Brazil, Nigeria, and Guyana are rich in resources, but the profits often head north. Meanwhile, the emissions are global. It’s a contradiction that exposes the climate movement’s North-South divide.

Splitting BRICS

As has been widely reported, new US tariffs are shaking up international trade. But the key to Trump's latest moves are an attempt to target Brazil, India with duties of 50%.

Trump’s trade strategy has had limited effect on China, a tech powerhouse that’s too entrenched in the global economy. It's stranglehold on critical raw materials means it has a kill switch for large swathes of the US economy. With Russia is economically isolated, he has little leverage there. That leaves other BRICS countries to feel the squeeze.

But India and Brazil are not easy targets. Both have charismatic and confident leaders with strong powerbases. And both have domestic reasons to put up a fight.

India continues to buy oil from Russia, despite increasingly strong hints from America that it should stop. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has also resisted pressure to open up Indian agriculture to American imports. Instead, he’s heading to traditional rival China for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit at the end of the month

Brazil’s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva isn’t backing down either. He’s launched scathing critiques of Trump, and positioned himself as a champion of the global pushback against Washington. And back home this plays into his bitter campaign against predecessor Jair Bolsonaro. By accusing his rival of treacherously undermining Brazil's economy, Lula can build political capital. Yet with an export-driven economy, Lula risks facts on the ground going against him.

The broader takeaway? US coercion may no longer carry the weight it once did. As nations look for alternatives, a multipolar world takes shape.

An unwelcome guest

In a surreal scene on the island of Manukan, Malaysia, a large monitor lizard crashed through a hotel ceiling. Chaos ensued as hotel security tried to wrestle it into submission.

Eventually, the hotel team managed to coax the creature out of a fire exit.

Military and trade power

And finally a couple of highlights from World Visualized and The World in Maps .

Europe v Asia

According to the Global Firepower Index, in a straight fight between Europe and Asia, there's no doubt who would win. The strongest militaries in Asia, led by Russia, China, rank well ahead of most European powers.

The index has its critics as it tends to favour sheer numbers over skills, training and technology so nations with large populations and resource bases often rank higher. Still, it’s a stark reminder of Europe’s growing military dependence on the US.

China’s tight embrace

A striking map from The World in Maps showed China as the top trading partner for almost every African nation, with only a few exceptions (mostly former French colonies and South Africa ’s neighbours).

Despite $296 billion in trade, the exchange is lopsided: China sends manufactured goods, while Africa exports mostly raw materials. For all the talk of partnership, the relationship remains deeply unequal.

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

They dived into the growing generational divide in Africa n leadership, where ageing leaders like Côte d’Ivoire’s Alassane Ouattara and Cameroon’s Paul Biya continue to dominate political power despite a predominantly young population. They reflect on how this disconnect stifles innovation, blocks political renewal, and erodes public trust. The segment questions whether Africa’s youthful population will continue to tolerate this status quo or if a new wave of leadership could reshape the continent’s future.

Vietnam’s Green Motorbike Revolution

The episode also spotlights Vietnam’s plan to ban petrol-powered motorbikes in major cities by 2030 in a bold move to tackle urban pollution. While Vietnam’s streets are filled with two-wheelers, the government is pushing for electric alternatives to improve air quality. The hosts explore how this green shift, despite logistical and economic challenges, could set a precedent for other countries in the Global South facing similar environmental concerns.

Reparations and Colonial Legacies

Reparations for slavery take centre stage as the hosts discuss calls within the Pan-African Parliament to hold former colonial powers accountable for centuries of exploitation. With African countries still paying debts rooted in colonial structures, the discussion highlights the irony of the Global North’s wealth being built on the suffering of the Global South. The segment emphasises the growing momentum behind the reparations movement and its potential to reshape historical narratives and economic justice .

The World's Most Endangered Animals

Turning to biodiversity, the show highlights critically endangered species like the Javan rhino and Amur leopard, many of which are found in the Global South. The conversation challenges Western narratives that paint poorer countries as solely responsible for environmental damage, pointing out that industrialised nations have already depleted much of their own natural ecosystems. The hosts also discuss success stories, like the recovery of mountain gorillas, showing that local conservation efforts can have global impact.

Rethinking Global South Economics

The episode concludes by unpacking what defines the Global South beyond geography. Using data visualisations, the hosts explain how wealth and power are still largely concentrated in the Global North, even as emerging economies like India and China gain prominence. They underscore how colonial legacies, economic imbalances, and new development trends shape global inequality, and why it’s crucial to centre voices from the Global South in these conversations.

🎧 Listen to the episode on all major platforms and join the conversation on how leadership and environmental choices are shaping our shared future.

World Reframed is produced in London for Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

Here’s what they covered this week:

Burkina Faso Scraps Elections Oversight

They open with the striking move by Burkina Faso’s military leadership to abolish its independent electoral commission. With over a third of the state’s budget going to fighting Islamist insurgents, the junta claims democracy can wait until 2030. The conversation expands to Niger and Mali, forming a military-led Alliance of Sahel States that has pivoted away from France toward Russia and China.

China ’s Car Crisis: Too Many Vehicles, Not Enough Buyers

They spotlight a strange problem: zero-mileage used cars. China’s auto dealers are flooding the market with unsold electric and display vehicles labelled as used, prompting questions about the country’s saturated market and looming export surge amid Western EV tariffs .

India's Hypersonic Missile Development

India’s growing defense capability, especially hypersonic weapons, comes into focus as a reaction to past humiliation with Pakistan and global military tech escalations fueled by conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East.

Trump’s Deportation Strategy and the Eswatini Puzzle

An eyebrow-raising move by Donald Trump sends migrants, unrelated to Eswatini, to the small African monarchy. The podcast explores why Eswatini might agree to accept criminals with no links to the country and what it signals about global migration deals.

Lula’s Swipe at Trump & the Rise of BRICS

Following a revitalised BRICS summit in Brazil, President Lula dares to say what many won’t: “Trump is not emperor of the world.” The episode explores how Global South leaders are beginning to reclaim narrative space on the world stage.

Presidents’ Pay vs Power

A segment from World Visualized highlights global disparities in leaders’ salaries, from monarchies like Saudi Arabia to low-paid presidents like Ukraine’s. African examples include Ethiopia and Egypt, where official pay doesn’t always reflect real wealth or public expectations.

Population Declines, Migration, and Africa ’s Growing Role

With countries like Italy and China facing population crises, Africa's demographic boom to 2.5 billion by 2050 stands in stark contrast. The discussion links climate, migration, and soft power, especially China’s strategy of offering scholarships to African students to build long-term influence.

Listen to this and more on World Reframed, available on Apple Podcasts, YouTube, and everywhere you listen to your podcasts.

World Reframed is produced in London for Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.