Structurally, China is a unified multi-ethnic country. China officially recognizes 56 ethnic groups, with Han people constituting 91% of the population and the rest representing the minorities. This demographic composition has heavily influenced Beijing’s approach to governance, where unity is not merely ideological but administrative.

On March 12, 2026, China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) adopted the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress (中华人民共和国民族团结进步促进法), to promote ethnic unity and progress. Adopted at the closing meeting of the fourth session of the 14th National People's Congress (NPC), it will come into effect from July 1, 2026.

The legislation aims at legally "fostering a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation" and advancing a law-based governance of ethnic affairs. It is viewed as a transition from earlier policies of limited autonomy towards a more assimilation-driven framework. The government projects this change as a key element for advancing common prosperity and development among all ethnic groups.

The official rhetoric of cohesion and modernization is not restricted to the legal and policy realm, but it extends to the classrooms and personal choices to strengthen the “Chinese” identity.  For example, the law on ethnic unity emphasizes studying Mandarin in pre-schools and directs all the national and local government authorities and private firms to prioritize the display of Chinese characters over minority languages in public settings. The law considers this an important instrument for forging a shared national identity. 

CPC’s understanding of minorities is widely shaped by its priority on national security and stability. From that perspective, the new law appears to be a pragmatic step for achieving standardization across language, administration, and ideology. A strong, shared identity acts as an anchor of society, mitigating friction, providing social cohesion, and strengthening state capacity. By invoking the sense of shared identity, the new law tries to align the ethnic groups with the centralized national narrative and resist separatism in any form.

But instead of social cohesion, this engineered standardization of identity intensifies the hierarchies, conferring privileges to some over the others. This hierarchy is iterated in President Xi Jinping’s new model of governance—a “unified multiethnic state." The new system imagined the Han culture as the trunk of the tree, and the remaining 56 ethnic groups as the branches and leaves.

This metaphor of the trunk and the branches, seemingly benign, is laden with the power asymmetries and a sense of subordination of minorities in the name of nation-building rather than co-existence. Under President Xi, minorities are encouraged to bring colors to the geography of China through their culture, festivals, costumes, songs, etc., but any other identity forged through language or ideas is systematically sinicized. The new law seamlessly merges this Han-centric party ideology into the legal framework. 

In the context of this centralization project, regions like Xinjiang and Tibet lie at the intersection of minority identity and geopolitical priorities of China. While the whole world is saturated with the documented reports on “re-education” centers for the Uyghur Muslims and the associated human rights violations, laws like this raise suspicions about the Party’s intentions. The extensive surveillance and cultural and religious restrictions corroborate the sense of suspicion on the minorities and, hence, Beijing’s drive towards "de-ethnicization" and enforced assimilation.

Similarly, in Inner Mongolia, the centralized implementation of Mandarin in the education system is symbolic of minority identity being re-scripted. Starting from the classrooms, laws like the Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law aggressively articulate the state-sponsored singular civilizational narrative of Zhonghua, or Chinese civilization, that is predominantly Han.

Compared to democratic countries like the USA and India, China’s approach stands apart. While both the USA and India have historically embraced plurality and multiculturalism, China is experimenting differently with its minorities. Through instruments like the Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law, China is redesigning unity that does not exactly emerge from diversity. This law might redefine the nationhood for Xi’s China in the 21st century, but it has not evolved organically.

Where social cohesion is perceived as synonymous with national security,   ethnic identity becomes increasingly ornamental and performative. Unified national identity is not simply a byproduct of national policies; it is bigger than that. National identity is composed of various ethnic, religious, and language groups that live, negotiate, and thrive together. Whether the Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law can manufacture this national identity and cohesion, however, remains an open question.

The article solely represents the views of Dr. Ila Joshi, an Assistant Professor of International Studies in the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences at Jaypee Institute of Information Technology, Noida, India.

The embassy said the aid came from the People ’s Republic of China and framed it as a sign that Cuba was not alone as it faced mounting external and domestic pressures.

The shipment comes as Cuba has been plunged into crisis following a collapse of its national power grid, which left the country of about 10 million people without electricity.

Cuba’s state power utility, Union Nacional Electrica de Cuba, said the country suffered a “ complete shutdown of the national grid ,” while the Ministry of Energy and Mines reported a “complete disconnection” of the national electrical system and said it was investigating the cause.

State media later said power had been restored to about 5% of Havana’s residents, or roughly 42,000 customers, as well as several hospitals, although officials warned that the small circuits restored so far could fail again. It was Cuba’s third major blackout in the past four months.

The blackout unfolded against the backdrop of what Chinese and Cuban officials have described as continued U.S. pressure on the island.

Trump, speaking at the White House on Monday, said he believed he would have “the honour of taking Cuba.”

“Whether I free it, take it — think I could do anything I want with it. You want to know the truth. They’re a very weakened nation right now,” he said.

China has repeatedly said it will continue its “ support and assistance ” to Cuba and has condemned Washington’s pressure, saying it undermines regional peace and stability.

The Chinese ambassador to Cuba, Hua Xin, recently denounced the impact of the U.S. blockade on the Cuban people and said Beijing would continue backing Cuba’s sovereignty and national security while deepening cooperation in areas such as energy and food.

Chinese-backed projects cited by the ambassador included solar parks donated by China, solar energy systems for isolated homes and community centres, and food assistance, including shipments of rice.

The decline was driven largely by a steep fall in arrivals from mainland China amid simmering political tensions and travel disruptions.

The tourism agency said the timing of the Lunar New Year holiday weighed on travel, as it fell in mid-February this year rather than late January in 2025. 

It also cited a Chinese government advisory warning against travel to Japan and reduced flight frequencies.

Tensions have escalated since November, when Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi said a Chinese attack on Taiwan could constitute a “survival-threatening situation” for Japan, potentially triggering a military response.

Beijing has criticised the remarks. Foreign Minister Wang Yi said at the Munich Security Conference that forces in Japan were seeking to “revive militarism,” while China’s foreign ministry said dialogue must be based on mutual respect.

Tourism flows had already shown strain in December, when arrivals from mainland China fell 45% to around 330,000.

Meanwhile, 64.8% believe that Starmer’s trip, the first by a British prime minister to China in eight years, is widely seen as a move to provide greater certainty in Britain’s foreign relations.

According to the poll, 85.8 percent of participants believe China’s market presents significant opportunities for British businesses. Bilateral trade in goods between China and the UK reached $103.7 billion in 2025. 

Respondents also emphasized the importance of a stable bilateral relationship, with 83% saying cooperation should be guided by mutual respect, equality and shared benefit.

On resolving differences, 68.2% of respondents said disputes could be addressed through rational dialogue grounded in respect and practical cooperation. More than half of respondents, 56.9 percent, said China and the UK should uphold the post-war international order and the multilateral trading system.

Meanwhile, 67.4 percent expected both countries to demonstrate responsibility as major powers and collaborate within multilateral frameworks to tackle global governance challenges.

What went down in Beijing

Starmer’s visit follows a string of high-level foreign trips to China, including by Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney, European leaders, and India’s Narendra Modi, amid growing tensions with the United States under the second Trump administration.

On the trade front, Starmer secured 30-day visa-free access for Britons traveling to China and lower tariffs on whisky. British pharmaceutical company AstraZeneca also announced a $15 billion investment in the country.

However, no significant progress was reported on sensitive issues such as Taiwan, Hong Kong, or China-Russia ties. Some critics in Britain and the U.S. voiced concerns over human rights and espionage, which Beijing denies.

Despite these limitations, the CGTN poll indicates strong public confidence in the benefits of Starmer’s visit, particularly in promoting stability, dialogue, and economic opportunities in China-UK relations. It drew on responses from 9,086 overseas netizens within 24 hours.

In response to the disruptions, China’s main carriers – Air China, China Eastern Airlines and China Southern Airlines – have introduced flexible policies for Japan-bound travellers. 

Passengers holding eligible tickets purchased before January 26 can change flights once without fees or request refunds, with the measures covering services from late March to October to cities including Tokyo, Osaka and Okinawa.

The move follows warnings from China’s foreign ministry and comes after Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi suggested her country could intervene militarily if China attempted to invade Taiwan. 

Beijing responded with a travel advisory discouraging visits to Japan and limited cultural exchanges, prompting airlines to recalibrate capacity, particularly on leisure-oriented routes.

Effects of the diplomatic fallout have already reverberated across the two Asian giants. 

Chinese arrivals to Japan fell around 45% in December to roughly 330,000 visitors compared with the previous year. Despite the drop, Japan’s tourism sector reached a record 42.7 million foreign arrivals in 2025, buoyed by travellers from other countries.

China, the world’s largest tourism market, has traditionally been Japan’s largest source of inbound tourists, with visitors spending significantly more than other nationalities. In the first nine months of 2025, almost 7.5 million Chinese tourists arrived.

The February cancellations illustrate how geopolitical friction can ripple through the travel sector, with diplomatic disputes directly impacting commercial flights and tourism flows between two of Asia’s largest economies.

Foreign media reports have since alleged that Zhang leaked sensitive nuclear weapons information to the United States, accepted bribes to influence promotions and built political cliques within the military.

According to the Wall Street Journal, the accusations were laid out during a closed-door briefing attended by some of China’s highest-ranking officers, hours before authorities announced the inquiry.

The allegations mark an extraordinary fall for a figure long regarded as politically untouchable. Zhang, 75, is a war veteran, the son of a founding PLA general, and a childhood acquaintance of Xi.

He is also one of the few remaining senior commanders with direct combat experience, having fought in China’s brief but bloody border war with Vietnam in 1979.

Nuclear leak

Investigators reportedly linked Zhang to a security breach in China’s nuclear sector uncovered during a separate corruption probe into Gu Jun, a former senior executive at China National Nuclear Corporation.

Gu, who oversaw both civilian and military nuclear programmes, is himself under investigation, and was said to have presented evidence implicating Zhang.

Zhang’s removal also comes amid a broader purge of China’s military leadership, as Xi seeks to reshape the PLA ahead of the Communist Party’s next major leadership transition in 2027.

In October, nine senior generals were removed in a single sweep, including He Weidong, a former second-ranked CMC vice-chair. Another serving CMC member, Liu Zhenli, is now also under investigation.

As a result, the powerful CMC has been reduced to just two members, one of them Xi himself, leaving the body at its smallest size in history.

The shake-up has raised concerns among analysts about short-term disruptions to military decision-making, readiness and operational tempo.

It also casts uncertainty over China’s long-term military ambitions, including Xi’s stated goal of building a “world-class” fighting force by 2049.

US gains confidence

As Beijing grapples with allegations of a major security breach involving its nuclear programme, Washington appears increasingly confident about recalibrating its strategic priorities.

The United States no longer sees China as its top security threat, according to the Pentagon’s 2026 National Defense Strategy, marking a sharp shift from a decade of policy that cast Beijing as Washington’s primary long-term rival.

Instead, the strategy places the defence of the US homeland and the Western Hemisphere at the centre of American military planning, aligning with President Donald Trump’s broader push to “restore American pre-eminence” in the Americas and revive the Monroe Doctrine.

The document calls on allies in Europe and the Asia-Pacific, including South Korea, to shoulder a greater share of their own defence, arguing that the US will no longer compensate for what it describes as allied security shortfalls.

While China remains a concern, the Pentagon says it will pursue deterrence rather than containment, approaching relations through strength, not confrontation and focusing on threats that directly affect US interests.

The shift underscores growing confidence in Washington’s strategic position, even as allegations of internal leaks and leadership turmoil cast fresh doubts over cohesion and trust within China’s military establishment.

And with the PLA still undergoing deep internal turmoil, observers warn that Beijing’s ability to project strength — including towards Taiwan — may be less assured than official rhetoric suggests.

Putin added that the strong ties between Moscow and Beijing serve as a “significant factor of stability in the world ,” stressing that cooperation between the two countries continues to expand across multiple sectors.

He highlighted collaboration in high-tech manufacturing, science, education, humanitarian exchanges and space exploration as evidence of deep mutual trust. Putin also pointed to close military cooperation, including regular joint exercises, strategic aviation patrols, naval drills and operations involving ground forces.

The remarks were made during the televised event Year in Review with Vladimir Putin , which combines the president’s annual phone-in with citizens and his end-of-year press conference. Both formats have been held since 2001 and were merged into a single event in 2023.

The broadcast typically spans several hours and covers a wide range of issues, including international relations, global conflicts, domestic social concerns, and economic and technological developments.

Last year’s edition attracted about 2.4 million questions from the public, with 76 answered live on air. The programme ran for four hours and 30 minutes, just 10 minutes short of its longest-ever duration in 2008.

Economists had expected a slightly stronger reading of 49.4, and while the figure is an incremental improvement from October, it highlights the depth of the slowdown. 

Industrial output this quarter has posted its weakest gains since early 2025, reflecting falling export orders and nervous domestic spending.

The latest survey also showed that activity across construction and services slipped into contraction for the first time in nearly three years. The non-manufacturing PMI fell to 49.5 in November, from 50.1 the month before, dragged down heavily by the property sector and residential services.

What’s behind the slump?

The data paints a picture of an economy losing momentum on multiple fronts. 

Retail sales growth has slowed for five consecutive months — the longest decline since the early Covid-19 lockdowns — signalling that consumers remain cautious despite government efforts to revive demand. 

Job uncertainty, falling house prices and weak confidence are weighing on household spending.

Trade strains continue to cloud the outlook. Exports unexpectedly contracted in November as global demand failed to compensate for a steep fall in shipments to the United States . 

Although tensions eased slightly after a temporary truce was struck in South Korea in October between Presidents Donald Trump and Xi Jinping, key issues — including controls over rare earth exports — remain unresolved, leaving the deal fragile.

Relations with Japan have also deteriorated, adding another layer of uncertainty. A diplomatic dispute in recent weeks has prompted Beijing to consider economic countermeasures, raising concerns over further disruption to regional supply chains.

Bright spots

There are pockets of resilience: high-tech manufacturing stayed in expansion territory at 50.1 for a tenth month, and sentiment indicators show some improvement. The index measuring expectations for production and operations climbed to 53.1, with aerospace equipment and non-ferrous metals reporting confidence levels above 57.

Smaller firms also showed signs of recovery, with the PMI for small enterprises jumping two points to 49.1 — the strongest reading in nearly six months. But large manufacturers, which drive the bulk of industrial output, weakened to 49.3, signalling uneven recovery across sectors.

The weak readings follow a bruising period for industry. Industrial profits fell 5.5% in October, the sharpest decline since June, and the property slump continues to erode demand for construction materials and household goods. Services activity, which had been buoyed by the October Golden Week holiday, has now given up much of that boost.

For policymakers, the dilemma remains familiar. 

Beijing has resisted launching major stimulus, arguing that growth is still on track to meet the government’s 5% target for the year. But with output stagnating and demand still faltering, pressure is growing for clearer support measures — and confidence that China’s manufacturing engine can restart after months of sputtering.

“This development is extremely dangerous and warrants high vigilance from neighbouring countries and the international community,” Mao warned.

She argued that Japanese political factions are deliberately pushing beyond the limits of the nation’s post-war Peace Constitution.

“Japanese right-wing forces are striving to break free from the constraints of the Peace Constitution, venturing further down the path of militarism and reckless expansion, leading Japan and the region towards disaster,” she said.

China also confirmed it has postponed a planned trilateral summit between China, Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK), saying the political conditions required for the meeting have collapsed.

Mao pointed to recent comments by Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi regarding Taiwan as a major contributing factor.

“Japanese leaders have openly made erroneous remarks on the Taiwan issue, undermining the foundation and atmosphere for trilateral cooperation,” she stated. “The conditions for holding the Leaders’ Meeting are currently unfeasible.”

Beijing signalled it will now take the issue to the United Nations , accusing Japan of undermining the One-China principle.

“If Japan merely repeats that its position has not changed while remaining vague on specifics, and continuously oversteps boundaries in its actions, then such reiteration is nothing but empty words,” Mao said.

The diplomatic row has already seeped into daily life, prompting travel warnings and leading to thousands of cancelled flights on both sides as relations deteriorate further.

Yet, behind these displays of its military muscle, Xi Jinping’s China is waging an equally strategic campaign to dominate through something far less tangible —and also far more innocuous —soft power.

From the viral success of the Labubu blind box dolls to the global reach of video-sharing app TikTok, Chinese-originated cultural exports are reshaping global tastes and narratives, bolstering Beijing’s status as the world’s No. 2 soft power nation, second only to the US.

And while these seemingly harmless tools of power contrast sharply with China’s tormentor image in Asia, in reality, the two work hand in hand, according to Dylan Loh, an associate professor at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore who specialises in Chinese foreign policy.

“China's attempt to cultivate or build an image of a peace-loving, open country sometimes rubs up against the fact that it pursues more assertive actions on the ground,” Loh told Global South World.

“But I stress again that the fact that using soft power doesn't mean that countries give up more blunt tools of foreign policy,” he added. “Using soft power does not preclude using coercive measures.”

Among China’s most successful recent cultural exports are the Labubu dolls, a pop culture phenomenon that sent sales of their creator, Pop Mart, soaring by over 100% in 2024, thanks in part to their growing popularity in Western markets.

Their rise has been fuelled by TikTok, the video app built by Beijing-based ByteDance and now used by more than one billion people, including almost half the population of the United States.

TikTok’s rise is peculiar as the app is banned in China, a country known for blocking popular social media platforms like Facebook, Instagram and X. 

As well, this app’s global dominance has demonstrated how lines between soft power and geopolitics intersect. Recently, the US and China reportedly reached an agreement to transfer TikTok’s U.S. operations to American investors, ending years of speculation that the platform could be used by Beijing to spread propaganda through its algorithm.

The agreement even became one of the most-discussed outcomes of Presidents Xi Jinping and Donald Trump’s meeting at the APEC summit in South Korea in October.

For Loh, the Labubu craze represented a more organic way of harnessing soft power for China — one detached from the ruling Communist Party’s influence, and therefore less prone to Western suspicion. 

“Labubus have underlined the potential of private industry, of society , of apolitical elements of soft power and how it can go global pretty quickly with very little intervention from the state,” he said. 

“In many ways, these are the most authentic kinds of soft power because you see the absence largely of the state,” he added. “It's done almost on a purely commercial basis. People do not think that it is threatening or suspicious.”

With or without Xi’s direction, China is rapidly emerging as a formidable challenger to the Western-dominated cultural landscape. Whether this ascent — like the Labubu dolls and TikTok themselves — will prove a passing fad or a lasting trend remains to be seen.

“It shows that Chinese-created cultural products can have global aesthetic appeal,” Loh said. “It shows that cultural products from the West do not have a complete monopoly or dominance over media , cultural entertainment, or sporting domains.” 

“Whether or not this represents a longer-term shift into the acceptance of Chinese products or Chinese cultural products, we will have to wait and see for a bit longer. 

“China and the United States have different national conditions , and differences are inevitable. As the world's two largest economies, occasional frictions are normal,” Xi said.

The meeting produced two key outcomes: the U.S. agreed to cut tariffs on Chinese fentanyl-related exports from 20 percent to 10 percent, and both countries signed a one-year agreement on the supply of strategic rare-earth minerals.

The talks come as Beijing and Washington seek to prevent escalating economic disputes from derailing broader bilateral engagement, with both leaders emphasising cooperation over confrontation.

Both leaders departed the South Korean air force base adjacent to Gimhae International Airport in Busan mum on the outcome. Though, Trump leaned in to whisper something to Xi before boarding his motorcade.

It was only aboard Air Force One that the home-bound Trump disclosed details of their discussion, revealing that both sides had agreed to ease trade tensions, though no formal deal was signed. 

Trump described the talks as a “12 out of 10” and said an agreement could come soon, with plans for reciprocal visits in 2026.

He also announced a cut in fentanyl-related tariffs from 20% to 10%, saying he trusted Xi to curb the export of chemicals used to make the deadly opioid. 

China also agreed to resume large-scale US soybean purchases, a move welcomed by American farmers.

Xi further offered a one-year suspension of rare earth export curbs, helping calm global supply concerns. Both leaders also said they would “work together” to seek a resolution to the war in Ukraine .

During the meeting, Xi acknowledged differences between the two powers, saying it was “normal for the two leading economies of the world to have frictions now and then,” but added that Beijing and Washington “are fully able to help each other succeed and prosper together.” 

Trump, in turn, described Xi as “a great leader of a great country” and said he believed the two sides would “have a fantastic relationship for a long period of time.”

The exchange came amid renewed tensions between Washington and Beijing, as Trump’s administration threatened to impose 100% tariffs on Chinese goods starting November 1, following China’s restrictions on exports of rare earth metals. 

The two sides have also clashed over the future of TikTok’s US operations, though officials have hinted at a “preliminary consensus” for a broader trade deal.

Trump ignored questions from reporters about his new nuclear weapons policy as the media were ushered out of the room. Earlier, he had posted online that the US would “start testing our Nuclear Weapons on an equal basis” with other countries, calling the move a reluctant but necessary step.

Xi, meanwhile, praised Trump’s “great contribution” to recent peace efforts, including the Gaza ceasefire and the resolution of border disputes in Southeast Asia . 

“China and the US can jointly shoulder our responsibility as major countries,” Xi said, calling for cooperation to “accomplish more great and concrete things for the good of our two countries and the whole world.”

The two are expected to discuss issues that have strained US-China ties in recent months, including tariffs , semiconductor exports, rare earth metals, and the TikTok deal. 

Trump quipped that Xi was a “very tough negotiator,” adding, “That’s not good.”

Joining Trump are key members of his delegation: US Ambassador to China David Perdue, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles, and US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer.

It remains unclear whether military and defence matters are on the agenda, a critical question given that both nations command the world’s largest armed forces and possess some of its most advanced weaponry.

Trump, who returned to the White House in 2024, said he and Xi “know each other well,” as they already had prior encounters during his first term from 2017 to 2021.

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