What the proposed changes mean

The reforms, driven by the ruling party, would extend presidential and parliamentary terms from five to seven years and, more controversially, remove the direct election of the president. Instead, lawmakers would choose the head of state. If approved, the changes could also allow President Emmerson Mnangagwa to remain in power beyond his current mandate.

The proposals followed a highly criticised consultation process that lasted just four days from March 30 to April 2, far shorter than the 90 days typically required under Zimbabwe’s 2013 constitution. Critics argue that the shortened timeline limited public participation and undermined the legitimacy of the process.

Concerns over democratic backsliding

Opponents warn that the reforms could erode democratic safeguards introduced after the end of Robert Mugabe’s decades-long rule. By shifting presidential elections to parliament, where the ruling party holds significant influence, analysts fear a consolidation of power that weakens accountability and reduces the role of citizens in choosing their leaders.

Arguments for stability

Supporters, however, argue that the changes could help reduce election-related violence, which has marred Zimbabwe’s recent polls. They contend that indirect elections may ease political tensions and bring stability to the country’s governance system.

Broader global trend

Zimbabwe’s debate reflects a wider pattern seen in several countries where constitutional changes have extended leadership tenure or altered political structures. In Uganda and Rwanda, constitutional amendments have allowed long-serving leaders to remain in office. In Russia, reforms have enabled President Vladimir Putin to potentially extend his rule for years. More recently, developments in Cameroon have raised concerns about the concentration of power within ruling elites.

A nation divided

As Zimbabwe weighs its next steps, the country remains divided. For some, the reforms offer a path to stability. For others, they signal a dangerous shift away from democratic principles.

The outcome could shape not only Zimbabwe’s political future, but also the broader conversation about constitutionalism and democracy across the Global South .

World Reframed episode 35

World Reframed is produced in London by Global South World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

This story is written and edited by the Global South World team. You can  contact us  here.

The Chairperson of the African Union Commission, H.E. Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, has strongly condemned the 26 November military coup d’État in Guinea-Bissau as the country awaited the announcement of the November 25 election results. He reaffirmed the AU’s zero-tolerance stance on unconstitutional changes of government, citing key normative instruments including the Constitutive Act, the Lomé Declaration, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, and the Ezulwini Framework. The Chairperson also acknowledged the Joint Statement issued on the same day by the heads of the AU, ECOWAS, and West African Elders Forum election observer missions.

Claims emerge that coup may have been staged

Political tensions deepened as Senegal’s Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and Nigeria’s former President Goodluck Jonathan publicly suggested the ousting of President Embaló may have been fabricated . The military halted the release of election results, claiming it intervened to stop a destabilisation plot — allegations Sonko and Jonathan questioned, saying no evidence had been presented. Some civil society groups and opposition figures accused Embaló of staging a “simulated coup” to block the results in case of defeat, although the former president has not responded to the claims. Embaló, who was flown to Senegal after his release, has previously been accused of using political crises to suppress dissent.

ECOWAS suspends Guinea-Bissau after military takeover

West Africa’s ECOWAS bloc suspended Guinea-Bissau from all its decision-making bodies following an emergency virtual summit on 27 November. The Mediation and Security Council, chaired by Sierra Leone’s President Julius Maada Bio, condemned the military intervention as an “illegal abortion of the democratic process” and urged coup leaders to allow the national election commission to publish the disputed presidential results. Member states from Cabo Verde, Ghana, Liberia, Nigeria, Senegal, Benin, and others participated in the session and rejected the army’s decision to halt the vote tally.

Deposed president transported to Senegal as tensions ease

Guinea-Bissau’s deposed leader Umaro Sissoco Embaló arrived in Senegal late on 27 November after negotiations led by ECOWAS secured his release. Senegal’s foreign ministry confirmed he landed “safe and sound” aboard a military aircraft. The coup unfolded hours before provisional results from presidential and parliamentary elections were due. The junta suspended the entire electoral process, banned demonstrations, and imposed a nighttime curfew, citing an alleged plot involving unnamed politicians and a “well-known drug baron” to destabilise the country.

Military installs transitional president and outlines one-year transition

The military high command has appointed Gen Horta N’Tam (also referenced as Horta Inta-A in local reporting), previously army chief of staff and a close ally of Embaló, as transitional president for a one-year period. In a televised address, Gen N’Tam said political actors’ failure to resolve worsening tensions prompted the armed forces to intervene. He later named former finance minister Ilidio Vieira Té as the new prime minister. Opposition candidate Fernando Dias, who also claimed victory in the vote, denounced the takeover as a “fabricated coup” intended to block the release of election results, urging citizens to demand transparency. Despite the turmoil, daily activities resumed gradually on Thursday in the capital, Bissau.

At the centre of this year’s race is President Alassane Ouattara, who has led the country since 2011. His decision to seek a fourth term has reignited debate over constitutional limits and political succession. Supporters argue that his leadership has brought stability and economic progress, while critics say his continued presence risks undermining democratic norms in a country still haunted by memories of the 2010–2011 post-electoral crisis, which left thousands dead.

Under Côte d’Ivoire’s two-round electoral system, a candidate must secure more than 50 percent of the vote to win outright. If no one achieves that threshold, the top two contenders advance to a runoff. The Independent Electoral Commission (CEI) is overseeing preparations, with over 20,000 polling stations expected nationwide. However, questions remain about voter registration accuracy and access for displaced or rural populations.

Who’s on the ballot — and who isn’t

The final candidate list has been sharply reduced after the electoral court validated just five contenders out of roughly sixty submissions. Among those cleared to run are Simone Ehivet Gbagbo, the former first lady, and several lesser-known opposition figures.

However, two of the most prominent figures, Laurent Gbagbo , the former president, and Tidjane Thiam, ex-Credit Suisse CEO, have been barred from contesting. Authorities cited legal and nationality issues, but the disqualifications have deepened claims that the political space is being narrowed. Both men command significant popular support, and their exclusion could shape voter turnout and legitimacy perceptions.

High stakes for democracy

For many Ivorians, this election is not only about leadership but also about trust in the democratic process. The 2020 vote was marred by boycotts and sporadic violence, and observers fear similar tensions if opposition candidates or their supporters feel sidelined. With the memory of past unrest still vivid, maintaining peace will be a critical challenge for the government and security forces.

Côte d’Ivoire’s election also matters beyond its borders. The country is a major economic hub and the world’s top cocoa producer, serving as a bellwether for West Africa’s political and economic health. A credible and peaceful election would reinforce investor confidence and regional stability. Conversely, a disputed process could add to the wave of uncertainty already rippling across the sub-region, where coups and contested polls have become more common.

While the government touts strong GDP growth and major infrastructure projects, many Ivorians remain frustrated by rising living costs and persistent unemployment, particularly among youth. Rural voters, especially in cocoa-producing areas, have voiced concerns about uneven development and limited access to basic services. For them, the election represents a chance to push for policies that feel more inclusive and grounded in daily realities.

These socioeconomic issues could ultimately drive voter sentiment more than partisan loyalty. Whoever wins will inherit the task of balancing investment-driven growth with equitable development, in a country where prosperity and inequality often coexist uneasily.

Ivorians are hoping this election can consolidate two decades of hard-won peace and stability.

His supporters call him the “stability guy,” crediting him with years of economic growth. His critics say it’s a sign of democracy fatigue, the feeling that leaders in the region just don’t want to let go.

The field this year is also thinner than usual. Laurent Gbagbo , the former president ousted after the 2010–2011 crisis, can’t run because of a previous conviction. Tidjane Thiam , a former Credit Suisse boss and one of the opposition’s biggest names, was also barred after the courts ruled he was still technically a French national when he registered. Their absence has left many wondering how competitive the race really is.

And then there’s the online chaos. Fake news, deepfakes, and WhatsApp rumours are swirling through the country’s digital spaces. Authorities have been cracking down hard, banning protests, arresting activists, and tightening social media monitoring. Earlier this year, 26 protesters were sentenced to three years in jail for what officials called illegal demonstrations.

It’s not the first time Côte d’Ivoire has headed into an uneasy vote. The 2010 election ended in months of fighting that killed around 3,000 people. Since then, the country has rebuilt, but deep divisions still linger. Many young Ivorians, who make up the majority of the population, say they’re tired of recycled politics and just want jobs, fairness, and a real say in their future.

Observers from ECOWAS , the African Union , and the European Union are expected to monitor the polls. But as election day approaches, the question many Ivorians are quietly asking is simple: can this vote finally move the country forward? Or will it reopen old wounds?