During his trip, Bolsonaro also pushed for tougher US action against Brazil’s major criminal gangs, urging Washington to designate Primeiro Comando da Capital and Comando Vermelho as terrorist organisations — a move later backed by US officials. The proposal has heightened political tensions, with President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s government rejecting the classification, warning that it could raise sovereignty and legal concerns and deepen divisions ahead of the vote.

“There may be sectors that actually want this to influence the United States elections in November or to influence the Mexican elections in 2027,” she said. “In both cases, the issue of sovereignty is very important.”

She accused U.S. politicians of repeatedly using Mexico as a campaign issue during election periods. “When there are elections in the United States, they have tried to use Mexico for the election,” Sheinbaum said. “We are nobody’s piñata.”

The president defended a constitutional reform recently approved by Mexico’s Chamber of Deputies, arguing that all political parties should support measures aimed at preventing foreign influence in national elections. “All Mexicans should agree with this: that there should be no foreign interference in elections in Mexico,” she said.

The proposed reform would allow federal and local elections to be annulled if authorities determine that foreign interference influenced the outcome. It covers activities such as illicit financing, propaganda campaigns, digital manipulation and political, economic, diplomatic or media pressure from foreign governments.

Sheinbaum acknowledged that clear rules would be needed to determine when foreign interference had occurred and how it could be proven. The measure passed the lower house by 307 votes to 128, with one abstention, and now moves to the Senate for consideration.

Opposition lawmakers have warned that the reform could be applied too broadly or used to challenge legitimate election results. The ruling party argues it is necessary to protect Mexico’s sovereignty and electoral integrity.

Mexico’s next general elections, scheduled for June 2027, will elect all 500 members of the Chamber of Deputies, 17 governors and more than 2,000 local officials.

This is not a new phenomenon. Looking back two decades, media coverage at the time highlighted a similar stance from former president Álvaro Uribe, who chose to avoid debates framed by confrontation and personal attacks. His argument centred on maintaining a campaign tone free from aggression—both receiving and delivering it. Today, sectors aligned with figures like Senator Iván Cepeda echo comparable reasoning, emphasising direct engagement with citizens over participation in adversarial debate formats.

This ongoing discussion reflects what is happening today, as highlighted by Carolay Morales, a Colombian journalist from Global South Voices. She points out that some political sectors argue it is more effective to speak directly to people in public squares, mass events, and public tours, rather than engage in debates with opponents. This approach prioritises a direct connection with supporters, but also raises questions about the lack of spaces to confront ideas between candidates.

However, this strategy has long sparked criticism. Commentators have argued that bypassing debates transforms political communication into a one-directional exchange, where candidates speak to supporters rather than engage with competing ideas. As noted years ago by Alejandro Gaviria, this dynamic resembles a “preacher and followers” relationship, raising concerns about the lack of dialogue between equals. Without debates, opportunities to challenge proposals, clarify positions, and contrast visions for the country become limited.

The persistence of this approach raises broader questions about democratic practice—not only in Colombia but globally. While campaign styles and political figures evolve, certain strategies remain unchanged. The current election cycle invites reflection on whether debates should be considered an essential component of democratic accountability, or simply one of many optional tools in modern political communication.

During the ceremony, Museveni also performed a traditional warrior gesture with a ceremonial sword and shield.

Museveni, who has ruled Uganda since 1986, was declared winner of the January 2026 presidential election with 71.65% of the vote. His latest term will run from 2026 to 2031.

The election was held amid a nationwide internet blackout, which the government said was intended to limit misinformation. The opposition, however, accused authorities of using the shutdown to conceal alleged electoral fraud.

Technical failures also disrupted voting , forcing officials to rely on manual registers. Museveni accused the opposition of orchestrating the disruptions in an attempt to manipulate the vote.

A visual analysis of issue-specific net approval ratings from January 2025 through April 2026 indicates that Trump remains underwater on every major policy front, with particularly steep losses tied to cost-of-living pressures.

Among the issues tracked, inflation stands out as the president’s most significant vulnerability. Net approval on inflation has fallen to roughly -34 percentage points, the lowest among all categories, reflecting persistent voter dissatisfaction over prices and tariffs .

This aligns with broader polling trends. A Washington Post-ABC-Ipsos survey found that inflation received Trump’s worst approval ratings among key issues, with only about one-third of Americans supporting his handling of it.

Economists and political analysts say this reflects the political sensitivity of consumer prices, especially amid tariff-driven cost pressures that have fed into household budgets.

Trump’s economic approval, once considered a relative strength, has also weakened. Net approval on the economy now sits near -22 points , while trade policy trails slightly worse at -24 points , according to the Silver Bulletin aggregation.

Polling data suggests that tariffs and market volatility have contributed to the decline. Nate Silver noted that economic disruptions and policy shocks have led to “permanent damage” in approval ratings even after temporary rebounds.

Earlier in 2025, Trump’s net approval on the economy was already negative, around -15 to -16 points, highlighting a steady erosion rather than a sudden collapse.

Immigration continues to be Trump’s strongest issue, though it too is now in negative territory. Net approval on immigration stands at approximately -11 points , significantly better than other policy areas but still below zero.

Silver’s analysis indicates immigration is “just about the only issue” where Trump’s ratings approach parity, even as overall approval declines.

However, even this relative strength has weakened over time, with polling showing declines following controversial enforcement actions and domestic incidents.

The deterioration across issues mirrors Trump’s broader approval trajectory. Silver Bulletin’s aggregate shows Trump with about 39.7% approval and a net rating near -17 points, marking a new low for his second term.

Other polling averages reinforce the trend. As of early April 2026, national aggregators place Trump’s approval around 39–41%, with disapproval nearing 57–60%, yielding a net deficit of roughly -16 to -20 points.

Analysts attribute the decline to a combination of economic anxiety, foreign policy tensions, and polarisation among independent voters, whose support has softened significantly.

This brings our live coverage of Djibouti’s 2026 general election to an end. The vote is widely expected to extend President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh's rule for over two decades. Follow Global South World for ongoing updates as the process continues, with final results expected from the Electoral Commission within the next 48 hours.

15:30 GMT: IGAD perspective on Djibouti elections

12:30 GMT: Online reactions trail the elections

12:00 GMT: President Guelleh casts his vote

The leader said, "Everything went well thanks to God, I have fulfilled my duty as a citizen, and I hope that the citizens of Djibouti will do the same," after casting his ballot.

7:50 GMT: Voting continues in Djibouti

7:02 GMT: Guelleh promises prosperity

During the final campaign run, sitting President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh assured Djiboutians that his party would continue to promote prosperity.

6:16 GMT: Voting begins in Djibouti

Djibouti heads to the polls on Friday, April 10, 2026, but few observers expect surprises.

At the centre is President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh, widely known as “IOG”, who has ruled Djibouti since 1999 after succeeding his uncle, Hassan Gouled Aptidon, the country’s first president. If re-elected, Guelleh would extend his tenure to nearly three decades in power.

His dominance is backed by the  ruling party, the People’s Rally for Progress  (RPP), which leads the broader governing coalition, the Union for the Presidential Majority (UMP).

A 2010 constitutional amendment removed presidential term limits, allowing Guelleh to run indefinitely. More recently, in 2025, Djibouti’s parliament eliminated the 75-year age cap for presidential candidates, a move widely interpreted as designed to ensure Guelleh, now 78, could stand again.

Who is contesting IOG?

Mohamed Farah Samatar stands as the sole challenger to President Guelleh, though his candidacy carries its own complexities. A former insider of the ruling establishment, he is now contesting the presidency under the banner of the Unified Democratic Centre (CDU).

During the lead-up to the votes, Samatar took his campaign to the Tadjourah and Obock regions, where he addressed supporters and attempted to project an alternative vision for the country, insisting that “another Djibouti is possible”.

Even so, analysts remain sceptical about the broader significance of the race. Sonia Le Gouriellec, a specialist on the Horn of Africa at Lille Catholic University, told AFP: “There’s not much at stake. It’s just a token competition.”

Who can vote?

Roughly  243,000 voters are registered for Djibouti’s 2026 presidential election , according to data from the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, out of a national population estimated at just over one million.

Polling stations are expected to open in the morning and close later in the day, after which counting is expected to begin.

Despite being labelled an “electoral autocracy” by international monitors, Djibouti is hosting a regional observer mission from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), with 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya , Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda deployed nationwide.

The bloc is expected to release its initial assessment after the vote, followed by a formal statement on 12 April.

His dominance is backed by the ruling party, the People’s Rally for Progress (RPP), which leads the broader governing coalition, the Union for the Presidential Majority (UMP).

A 2010 constitutional amendment removed presidential term limits, allowing Guelleh to run indefinitely. More recently, in 2025, Djibouti’s parliament eliminated the 75-year age cap for presidential candidates, a move widely interpreted as designed to ensure Guelleh, now 78, could stand again.

The electoral field itself underscores the imbalance. In previous elections, Guelleh has secured overwhelming victories, including 87% of the vote in 2016 and over 97% in 2021, figures that international observers and opposition groups have questioned.

Who is contesting IOG?

Mohamed Farah Samatar stands as the sole challenger to President Guelleh, though his candidacy carries its own complexities. A former insider of the ruling establishment, he is now contesting the presidency under the banner of the Unified Democratic Centre (CDU).

During the lead-up to the votes, Samatar took his campaign to the Tadjourah and Obock regions, where he addressed supporters and attempted to project an alternative vision for the country, insisting that “another Djibouti is possible”.

Even so, analysts remain sceptical about the broader significance of the race. Sonia Le Gouriellec, a specialist on the Horn of Africa at Lille Catholic University, told AFP: “There’s not much at stake. It’s just a token competition.”

Criticism has been sharper from civil society. Omar Ali Ewado, who leads the Djibouti League of Human Rights (LDDH), dismissed the process outright, describing the vote as a “masquerade” and a “foregone conclusion”.

This context shapes the core issue about how the election is unlikely to produce political change, but it may intensify uncertainty about what comes next.

Who can vote?

Roughly 243,000 voters are registered for Djibouti’s 2026 presidential election , according to data from the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, out of a national population estimated at just over one million.

That marks a modest increase from the around 215,000 registered voters in 2021, pointing to a gradual expansion in the electoral roll, though still representing only about a quarter of the population.

Historically, turnout has been relatively strong on paper, averaging close to 67%, though critics argue these figures should be viewed in the context of limited political competition.

Polling stations are expected to open in the morning and close later in the day, after which counting is expected to begin.

Despite being labelled an “electoral autocracy” by international monitors, Djibouti is hosting a regional observer mission from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), with 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda deployed nationwide.

The bloc is expected to release its initial assessment after the vote, followed by a formal statement on 12 April.

What is at stake?

Djibouti’s location along the Bab el-Mandeb Strait places it at the crossroads of global commerce. Estimates suggest that around 12–15% of global trade and a significant share of oil shipments pass through this narrow waterway connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden. The country has leveraged this position to build an economy centred on logistics, ports, and foreign military partnerships.

The Port of Doraleh, one of the most important infrastructure assets in the region, serves as a critical hub for shipping and for landlocked Ethiopia, which relies on Djibouti for roughly 90–95% of its imports and exports. Revenues from port operations, logistics services, and foreign base leases form a substantial part of Djibouti’s national income.

This strategic value has attracted a concentration of global military presence rarely seen in such a small state.

Djibouti hosts:

Additionally, although Djibouti has invested heavily in infrastructure, including rail links and port expansion projects often financed through external borrowing, concerns persist about public debt levels, which have at times exceeded 70% of GDP, much of it linked to Chinese-funded projects.

Youth unemployment remains high, and the benefits of growth have not been evenly distributed, contributing to underlying social discontent.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), India’s ruling party, stands as the largest political organisation globally by membership, with around 180 million registered members. The figure places it far ahead of its closest rival, China’s Communist Party, which reports roughly 98 million members.

The scale of these numbers reflects not just population size, but increasingly sophisticated political outreach strategies, digital enrolment systems, and grassroots expansion efforts.

India also accounts for four of the ten largest political parties worldwide. The Indian National Congress, once the dominant force in Indian politics, remains third globally with about 50 million members. Regional and newer parties are also prominent: the AIADMK is estimated at 16 million members, while the Aam Aadmi Party has crossed the 10 million mark.

In the United States, where party membership is less formally structured, estimates place the Democratic Party at just over 47 million members and the Republican Party at around 36 million. These figures are typically derived from voter registration data rather than formal enrolment, making direct comparisons more complex.

Outside Asia and North America, Turkey’s AK Party holds approximately 11.24 million members, while Ethiopia’s Prosperity Party is close behind with 11 million. Pakistan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf rounds out the top ten with roughly 10 million members.

In India, political membership drives have become highly organised operations, often linked to election cycles, welfare outreach, and ideological campaigns. Mobile technology and social media have further lowered the barrier to entry, enabling parties to scale rapidly.

The data also highlights the growing institutional strength of ruling or dominant parties in several countries, raising questions about political competition, internal party democracy, and the evolving nature of civic participation.

The upcoming election stands out for the unusually high number of candidates. More than thirty contenders have registered to run, making it one of the most crowded presidential races in the country’s history . This reflects a highly fragmented political landscape, where parties are divided, and new political movements continue to emerge without clear dominance.

For many voters, the wide range of options has not necessarily translated into enthusiasm. Instead, it has contributed to confusion and scepticism, with a large portion of the electorate still undecided. Analysts suggest that this reflects a broader sense of disillusionment, as citizens struggle to identify candidates who can effectively address the country’s ongoing challenges.

The campaign itself has been marked by a limited focus on detailed policy proposals. While candidates have put forward a variety of ideas, critics argue that there has been little in-depth debate on key issues such as public security , corruption, and economic inequality. As a result, the election has often been characterised more by personalities than by clear political programmes.

Despite the political turmoil, Peru’s economy has remained relatively stable compared to other countries in the region. However, experts warn that continued instability could eventually affect investor confidence and economic performance, especially if the next government struggles to maintain consistent policies.

With no clear frontrunner likely to secure an outright majority, a second-round runoff appears almost certain. This means that alliances and voter mobilisation will play a crucial role in determining the final outcome. As election day approaches, Peru faces a critical moment that could either stabilise its political system or prolong a cycle of uncertainty.

Zimbabwe is entering a period of heightened political uncertainty, with the country facing a constitutional crisis . While the document does not spell out the exact trigger, the context strongly suggests tensions linked to constitutional amendments and the broader balance of power within state institutions. The absence of specifics signals that this is still unfolding, rather than a resolved dispute, with potential implications for governance and legal stability.

Zanu PF intensifies long-term political positioning

Zanu PF is actively advancing its 2030 Bill campaign , taking the message to Heroes Acre, a site loaded with national and historical symbolism. This move underscores the strategic weight of the campaign, positioning it as part of a longer-term political project rather than routine legislation. At the same time, provincial outreach on Amendment No. 3 is being stepped up, indicating a coordinated national effort to build public backing for constitutional changes.

Referendum stance signals confidence in mobilisation

The Zanu PF party’s assertion that it does not fear a referendum reflects a calculated posture. It suggests confidence in its ability to secure public approval if a national vote is called. When viewed alongside the intensified outreach campaigns, this stance points to active preparation for a referendum scenario, even if no formal timeline has been announced.

ZiG transition exposes gap between policy and confidence

The debate around the Zimbabwe Gold currency is sharpening, highlighting a distinction between adoption and stability. Authorities are pushing for ZiG-only payments as a key step in the transition, but the need to emphasise stability separately suggests that confidence in the currency remains uncertain. The reference to the latest Monetary Policy Committee statement indicates that this is an ongoing policy challenge, not a settled issue.

Economic measures reflect mounting pressure on households and growth

Government responses point to rising economic strain, with plans to cut fuel taxes aimed at cushioning consumers. At the same time, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe has held interest rates despite global fuel shocks, while authorities review construction sector fees to stimulate activity. Taken together, these measures reflect an attempt to balance immediate cost-of-living relief with broader economic stability.

It is crucial to note, however, that the vote excluded major opposition parties, including the National League for Democracy, led by detained former leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

Min Aung Hlaing is expected to step down as commander-in-chief to comply with constitutional rules barring a president from holding both roles. General Ye Win Oo, a former military intelligence chief and long-time associate of the junta leader, has been promoted and is widely expected to take over the top military post.

Under the constitution, 25% of seats are reserved for the armed forces, while the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party won a large majority of the remaining seats in elections held in December and January.

Tom Andrews, the United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, has urged the international community to reject the election results and any political arrangements that follow, describing the process as an attempt by the military to legitimise its rule.

The political shift comes as Myanmar remains in conflict. According to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data project and the UN Refugee Agency, nearly 93,300 people have been killed and 3.7 million displaced since the military seized power in February 2021. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners says more than 30,600 people have been arrested since the coup, with about 22,500 still in detention.

An opposition shadow parliament formed by ousted lawmakers also held a parallel session this week, maintaining it is the country’s only legitimate legislature.

Agents from the National Drug Control Directorate (DNCD), working with the Public Prosecutor’s Office and state intelligence agencies, seized 700 packages of suspected cocaine during an operation at the Caucedo Multimodal Port in Boca Chica, Santo Domingo province. Authorities profiled multiple containers in transit and identified suspicious images in one shipment. A detailed inspection revealed 14 bales containing the packages, hidden inside a container loaded with grapes. The container originated in Chile and passed through Colombia and Ecuador, transiting the Dominican Republic before heading to Belgium, Germany, Rotterdam, and the United Kingdom, where it was scheduled to be unloaded. The seizure occurred shortly after President Luis Abinader attended the “Shield of the Americas” summit in Miami, where a 17-country coalition against drug trafficking was announced.

PLD could trigger a 2028 runoff

The Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) is positioning itself to potentially f orce a presidential runoff in 2028 , which would be the first in nearly 30 years. After its 2020 election defeat, the party has intensified grassroots mobilisation and internal restructuring to rebuild its base. Party leaders aim to prevent any candidate from surpassing 50% in the first round, increasing the chances of a second-round vote. A possible Gonzalo Castillo–Margarita Cedeño ticket could split votes between the ruling PRM and the People’s Force (FP), reshaping the political landscape. Meanwhile, FP leader Leonel Fernández faces a strategic dilemma, as another presidential bid could divide the opposition vote further, complicating potential alliances despite a limited municipal pact between the two parties in 2024.

MPD slams leaders’ silence on Trump’s Spanish remark

The Dominican Popular Movement (MPD) criticised what it described as the “complicit silence” of several Latin American presidents after US President Donald Trump made a dismissive remark about the Spanish language during the “Shield of the Americas” summit. Trump reportedly joked that he would not learn Spanish, saying he did not have time to learn “your damn language.” The MPD called the comment offensive to the history, culture, and identity of Latin America and the Caribbean, noting that Spanish is spoken by more than 500 million people worldwide. The group also condemned the lack of response from leaders at the summit, arguing that none publicly challenged the remark.

Abinader at Trump’s Americas summit: energy talks with US, Bolivia ties

President Luis Abinader used the Shield of the Americas Summit in Miami, hosted by US President Donald Trump, to hold two key bilateral meetings : one with US Energy Secretary Chris Wright on energy cooperation and another with Bolivian President Rodrigo Paz Pereira to open new diplomatic and trade ties. The summit gathered more than a dozen Latin American and Caribbean leaders and focused on the creation of a new military coalition to combat drug cartels and organised crime in the hemisphere. The initiative will be led by Kristi Noem, recently appointed Special Envoy for Operation Shield of the Americas, in what analysts describe as part of Washington’s broader strategy to strengthen security and energy partnerships in the region.

PRM strengthens structure in Monte Plata ahead of 2028

PRM provincial president in Monte Plata, Víctor Pichardo, held a series of meetings across the province to strengthen the party’s structure ahead of internal processes and the 2028 elections. Accompanied by Secretary General Rafael De Luna, he visited several municipalities to organise grassroots members and promote the party’s “Verify Yourself” membership update initiative. Pichardo said the effort aims to consolidate the PRM’s base and ensure the party is prepared to retain power in future elections.

Ngadziore, who was elected into the National Assembly in 2023 under the youth quota representing Harare Province, also called on citizens to “rise up” against the shift “from a military coup to a constitutional coup.” 

“This is not a call only for young people. It is a call for Zimbabweans: students, workers, informal traders, the elderly, even those within the ruling party who still believe in the ideals that gave birth to this country,” he said. 

“A struggle without pain is a picnic. History has already taught us that freedom does not come on a silver platter. If we are afraid of hospitals, prisons or cemeteries when fighting oppression, then we are not liberators. We are simply accepting our chains,” he added. 

He went further to frame the constitutional amendment itself as a form of repression. “A constitutional amendment that removes your right to choose your leader is a form of arrest,” he said. “When you cannot vote for the president you want, when Members of Parliament are determined by manipulation, when your democratic power as a citizen is taken away, that is abduction in a metaphoric sense. You may not be in handcuffs, but your rights are in handcuffs.”

Takudzwa Ngadziore shared a message with President Emmerson Mnangagwa: “Young people cannot afford a basic, dignified standard of living. Parents cannot provide for their children . And yet you stand there and say you are a constitutionalist while your party advances a resolution to extend your term. If you truly believed in constitutionalism, you would simply leave. Courage is required for leadership. Unfortunately, that is what is lacking.”

Watch the full interview on Global South World .

"Interestingly, the election atmosphere is beginning to feel almost festive, and many people are expressing hope for a fair and credible election this time, especially after past controversies," Ahmed said. "That expectation of fairness is shaping much of the public mood, there’s anticipation rather than visible unrest."

Bangladesh’s 2026 election is widely viewed as a defining moment in the nation’s democratic history. It follows months of upheaval in 2024, when widespread protests over quota reform and broader grievances evolved into a national uprising that eventually forced Sheikh Hasina’s 15‑year rule to an end.

Hasina’s party, the Awami League, was barred from participating in the election, and she remains in exile in India. The vote was conducted under an interim government led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, which has pledged a peaceful and transparent process.

Alongside the parliamentary vote, a referendum on the July Charter, covering 84 clauses to be accepted or rejected as a whole, prompted ongoing debate and discussion among voters, with some expressing uncertainty about the implications of a yes-or-no decision.

"Overall, I would describe the current atmosphere as engaged and anticipatory," Ahmed described. "Life is continuing as usual, but political interest, especially among younger citizens, is noticeably heightened, with cautious optimism surrounding the electoral process."

According to multiple timelines and analyses , the clash between state forces and demonstrators after the High Court reinstated controversial job quota rules widened public anger. Clashes escalated into what many have described as a mass, pro-democracy movement that ultimately pushed Hasina out of power in August 2024.

The protests did not just shake the streets, they reshaped the state. Sheikh Hasina resigned and left the country in August 2024, ending her fifteen-year rule, and an interim government under Muhammad Yunus was formed.

This shift was in large part due to sustained public pressure, especially from youth and student networks, that exposed deep distrust in the status quo and ignited demands for democratic reform and government accountability.

The February 12, 2026, general election is seen not as a routine democratic exercise but as a key step in responding to those demands.

Bangladeshis widely regard this vote as a chance to reset the political process after years marked by contested elections, allegations of authoritarianism, and political repression under Hasina’s government. Many citizens hope the polls will restore civil liberties, strengthen institutions, and respond to calls for accountability raised during the protests.

The interim administration, under intense pressure to deliver a credible electoral timeline, has moved the election up as part of responding to public expectations that political change should culminate in a legitimate parliamentary mandate.

The protests have reshaped the political landscape in ways that will influence voter behaviour and party positioning:

For many voters, the upcoming election is not simply a choice between candidates; it is a referendum on change itself: whether Bangladesh’s democratic institutions can be strengthened to reflect the demands that first propelled thousands into the streets.

Indonesia’s financial regulatory environment is undergoing renewed scrutiny following leadership changes at the Financial Services Authority (OJK). The issue centres on how regulatory continuity will be maintained while advancing reforms aimed at improving market stability and investor confidence. The discussion reflects broader concerns about governance, oversight capacity, and the pace at which Indonesia’s financial system can adapt to domestic and global pressures. The topic has become a focal point for policymakers and market observers alike as Indonesia positions itself within regional and global financial markets.

President Prabowo outlines strategic direction at national coordination meeting

At a National Coordination Meeting, President Prabowo Subianto set out strategic directions for government ministries and state institutions. The meeting emphasised alignment across sectors, signalling the administration’s intent to consolidate authority and streamline execution of national priorities. While the briefing does not enumerate specific policy instruments, the framing highlights coordination as a central governance challenge and a defining feature of Prabowo’s early leadership approach.

Prabowo engages former KPK chair Abraham Samad on corruption eradication

Corruption eradication re-entered the political spotlight following dialogue between President Prabowo and Abraham Samad, former chairman of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). The engagement underscores persistent public and institutional concern over the effectiveness of Indonesia’s anti-corruption framework. The discussion reflects tensions between political power, enforcement independence, and public trust, all of which remain unresolved structural issues in Indonesian governance .

International spotlight on Riza Chalid as red notice is issued

Indonesia’s anti-corruption efforts extended beyond its borders with the issuance of a red notice for Riza Chalid , marking a significant international dimension to a domestic corruption case. The development positions Indonesia within global law enforcement cooperation mechanisms and raises questions about accountability for high-profile individuals. The case has drawn attention due to its cross-border implications and its symbolic weight in demonstrating the state’s willingness to pursue suspects internationally.

Electoral system under review as parliamentary threshold debate intensifies

Indonesia’s electoral framework is under renewed debate, particularly around the parliamentary threshold and broader electoral reforms. Lawmakers and political stakeholders are questioning whether current thresholds fairly balance political representation with governability. This debate unfolds alongside concerns over money politics and election integrity in regions such as Kalimantan, indicating systemic challenges that extend beyond legal thresholds to enforcement and political culture.

Upcoming local council elections in the Maldives are under scrutiny following concerns about the accuracy of the voters’ register. Questions have been raised about potential inconsistencies in voter lists, prompting debate over electoral integrity and the need for safeguards to ensure that elections reflect the will of eligible voters.

Political parties praised for transparent and democratic primary elections

Recent party primaries in the Maldives have been commended for their transparency and adherence to democratic processes. Observers have highlighted the conduct of the primaries as a positive sign for internal party democracy , particularly as political groups prepare candidates for upcoming local council elections.

Foreign observers invited and National Complaints Bureau established ahead of elections

The Maldivian authorities have invited foreign observers to monitor forthcoming elections, while also establishing a National Complaints Bureau to handle election-related grievances. These measures are intended to enhance transparency, build public confidence in the electoral process, and provide formal channels for addressing disputes.

Government expands emergency healthcare with new ambulances and medical launches

The government has expanded emergency healthcare services by procuring 56 ambulances for MVR 65.3 million, which have been handed over to islands across the country. In addition, plans are underway to equip atoll hospitals with speedboats and medical launches by the end of January to improve access to urgent medical care in remote communities.

MDP leaders call for unity as Adam Azim secures Male’ mayoral ticket

Within the Maldivian Democratic Party, Adam Azim has urged party members to unite ahead of elections after securing the Male' mayoral ticket in the party’s primary. Ali Azim publicly congratulated him, stating he would work to ensure victory, as the MDP navigates broader political developments and prepares for upcoming electoral contests.

Bangladesh — February 12

Bangladesh’s 2026 national election is one of the most significant tests of democratic resilience in South Asia. After mass student protests in 2024 toppled long-time leader Sheikh Hasina, the country has been governed by an interim administration led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus.

Scheduled for February 12, the election will determine all 300 seats in the Jatiya Sangsad (national parliament) and will be accompanied by a constitutional referendum. Over 127 million voters are registered, making it one of the largest electorates in the world.

With the ruling Awami League previously barred from contesting and major opposition parties such as the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) re-entering the fray, this election represents a dramatic realignment of political forces.

At stake are fundamental questions about civil liberties, judicial independence, and the role of the military in governance, issues highlighted by analysts who note deep public mistrust and the need for credible electoral processes to prevent renewed instability.

Nepal — March 5

Nepal is preparing for one of the most consequential elections against the backdrop of major political unrest. In September 2025, Gen Z-led protests spread nationwide, driven by discontent with corruption, authoritarian governance, and a controversial social media ban. The protests became the most intense political movement in years, leading to violent clashes and dozens of deaths.

Following the unrest, Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli resigned, and the federal Parliament was dissolved. In response, President Ram Chandra Paudel appointed former Chief Justice Sushila Karki as interim prime minister, making her Nepal’s first female head of government. The interim government’s primary task is to oversee a stable transition toward the March elections.

Republic of the Congo — March 22

The Republic of the Congo will hold its presidential election on March 22, 2026, with long-time incumbent Denis Sassou Nguesso seeking another term after decades in power.

Nguesso, who has governed since 1997 and previously served from 1979 to 1992, remains a polarising figure. Critics argue his extended rule has eroded democratic norms, and freedom indices rate the polity among the lowest in political rights.

The election is significant for domestic governance, but also because Congo holds key natural resources and strategic importance in Central Africa. Opposition coalitions are attempting to unify against Nguesso’s longstanding rule, and the 2026 vote could signal either continuity or a breakthrough for alternative leadership.

Colombia — May 31

Colombia will hold its presidential election on May 31 , following parliamentary elections earlier in March. The contest comes at a critical juncture for the Andean nation as it tackles issues like narcotics-driven violence, economic inequality, and peace process implementation.

The 2026 vote will test the durability of reforms initiated under previous administrations and will shape Bogotá’s diplomatic posture toward neighbouring Venezuela and broader Western Hemisphere cooperation on security and migration challenges.

The country is also expected to elect a new leader as the incumbent President Gustavo Petro has been banned from recontesting.

Ethiopian General Election — June 1

Scheduled for June 1, 2026, Ethiopia’s general election will be the first major vote since ongoing internal conflicts deeply disrupted the nation’s political landscape.

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s Prosperity Party will seek to extend its hold on power in a country still grappling with security challenges, a fragile economy, and questions about electoral credibility.

As East Africa’s second-largest country by population, Ethiopia’s political direction will resonate across the region, particularly in how it handles ethnic tensions, federal governance, and economic reform been high in recent years.

Brazil — October 4

Brazil’s general election, set for October 4, will be closely watched across Latin America and beyond.

Brazil’s election will determine the presidency as well as the composition of both chambers of Congress. With Brazil being the largest democracy in Latin America, influential in regional trade, climate policy, and global diplomatic forums, political shifts here could affect Mercosur, climate cooperation (especially Amazon preservation), and relations with major powers such as the United States, China, and the EU.

Sitting President Lula da Silva is seeking a second term and will be going head-to-head with the son of jailed former President Jair Bolsonaro, Flavio Bolsonaro.

Luis Redondo, president of the National Congress, said the situation requires an immediate investigation into both the primary elections held in March and the subsequent general election process. He explained that a special commission appointed in March has been instructed to examine and document irregularities linked to the conduct of the vote.

The recount follows controversy surrounding the 9 March primary elections, which were affected by widespread logistical failures in the distribution of voting materials. In several polling stations, delays reportedly exceeded 16 hours, fuelling voter frustration and raising concerns that the disruptions may have influenced participation and the integrity of the process.

Redondo pointed to Honduras’ electoral law , which requires the CNE to formally declare election results within 30 days of voting and to order their publication in the Official Gazette, La Gaceta . He noted that the Constitution grants Congress the authority to step in and oversee the count and declaration of results if the electoral body fails to fulfil its legal obligations.

“We want transparency, and if it reaches this branch of the State, if there is no declaration, the constitutional process will be applied and we will carry out the count and the tally, vote by vote,” Redondo said, referring to the review of results from more than 19,000 polling stations nationwide. Lawmakers supporting the recount argue the move is essential to restoring public trust in the electoral system amid fears of institutional failure and broader political pressure.

This concludes our live coverage of Guinea-Bissau's 2025 general elections. With fierce competition between the candidates, counting is underway to determine the country's next president. Polling stations opened at 0700 GMT and are expected to close at 1700 GMT. Provisional results are expected within 48 hours. Follow Global South World for continued updates about Guinea-Bissau post-election.

18:15 GMT: Polling stations end voting processes, counting begins

After 10 hours of voting, Guinea-Bissau has officially closed its polls, and counting is currently underway.

16:32 GMT: Mozambique's Philip Nyusi and Nigeria's Goodluck Jonathan oversee elections

As part of a measure of transparency, the African Union sent its Chief of the Mission of Election Observers, Mozambique's former President, Filipe Nyusi, along with the former President of Nigeria, Goodluck Jonathan, to monitor the ongoing elections.

Filipe's inclusion, however, is being questioned due to the belief that he ruled as Mozambique's president through fraudulent electoral means.

12:40 GMT: “Bissau-Guineans want only solutions and not slogans”

Journalist Samba M. Baldé, explains in an interview with Global South World, that, despite the many campaign messages spread by the various candidates, the citizens need practical solutions to their problems.

11:51 GMT: Voting continues in Guinea-Bissau

10:34 GMT: Incumbent President Umaro Sissoco Embalo votes

President Umaro Sissoco Embalo cast his vote this morning at a polling station in Umaro Djabula in Gabu. The president is seeking to make history as the only president to be given a second term in 3 decades.

9:47 GMT: People queue to vote in Mansôa

Bissau-Guineans in Mansôa are taking turns in casting their votes. Fernando Dias is expected to vote in this town. Citizens, however, remain committed to their desire to have a different economic climate and hope the results reflect that.

What you need to know

Candidates

Embalo is competing against 11 other candidates, including Fernando Dias, a relatively new figure in politics.

Right at his heels is 47-year-old Fernando Dias , backed by a powerful figure from the disqualified opposition leader, Domingos Simões Pereira, of PAIGC. This party led the country to independence in 1973.

Other contenders on the ballot include José Mário Vaz, who served as president from 2014 to 2020 and became the first post-independence leader to finish a full term. Baciro Dja, 52, a former defence minister who briefly occupied the prime minister’s office twice under President Vaz, first in 2015 and again in 2016.

Also in the race is 48-year-old Joao Bernardo Vieira, the namesake and nephew of Guinea-Bissau’s longest-serving president, who held power for most of the years between 1980 and 1999 and returned to office from 2005 to 2009.

The polls are expected to open at 7:00 am GMT and close at 5:00 pm GMT.

What citizens expect

During a conversation with Global South World's Abigail Johnson Boakye, a Bissau-Guinean journalist, Samba M. Baldé, shared that despite the hype around the upcoming elections, electorates seem to be less engaged as they are tired of slogans or manifestos and want real solutions.

"Engagement exists, but it's uneven because voters react to something that has certain benefits than to only promises, because for voters, when candidates fail to translate to voters their proposals into real impact or how they can really impact society , public interest quickly drops. ...But people are, for example, no longer satisfied with slogans. They want clear plans and measurable results in Guinea-Bissau," Samba said.

However, 47-year-old Fernando Dias also seems to be in a comfortable lead.

After being disqualified from standing as a candidate, opposition leader Domingos Simões Pereira has thrown his weight and support behind the Party for Social Renewal (PRS), a party headed by political newcomer Fernando Dias.

Expectations of the citizenry

During a conversation with Abigail Johnson Boakye, a journalist with Global South World, Samba M. Baldé, a Bissau-Guinean journalist, shared that despite the hype surrounding the upcoming elections, electorates seem to be less engaged, as they are tired of slogans and manifestos and want real solutions.

"Engagement exists, but it's uneven because voters react to something that has certain benefits than to only promises because for voters, when candidates fail to translate their proposals into real impact or how they can really impact society, public interest quickly drops. ...But people are, for example, no longer satisfied with slogans. They want clear plans and measurable results in Guinea-Bissau," Samba said.

On November 23, 860,000 voters head to the polls to decide whether their country can finally break free from decades of political turbulence.

Who is Fernando Dias?

Although new to the political spotlight, Dias is not entirely new to public life. His journey reflects a careful mix of academic training, political apprenticeship and a recent surge in national prominence.

He is a trained lawyer, holding both a Bachelor's degree in Law and a postgraduate qualification in Criminal Law from the Bissau Faculty of Law.

Before emerging as a presidential contender, he had built a steady career within state institutions, serving as the first Vice-President of the National People’s Assembly during the 11th legislature.

His roots in party politics run deeper than his “newcomer” label suggests.

He once served as Secretary-General of the youth wing of the Party for Social Renewal (PRS), eventually becoming its interim leader following a leadership vacancy. In June 2024, he was elected as president of the PRS.

He promises security for the people and desires to ensure the military does not interfere in the West African country's politics again.

"Our mission is clear: free Guinea-Bissau from the shackles of dictatorship and return power to the people. With faith, unity and courage, we will win the polls and build a new time for our nation," he wrote on his Facebook wall.

Background

Guinea-Bissau’s presidential and legislative races come at a moment when institutions are strained, and trust is fragile.

Umaro Sissoco Embaló's bid is seen as controversial because he has strategically reshaped the political arena through sudden dismissals and the appointment of a new prime minister ahead of the vote.

Heavyweight Domingos Simões Pereira and the historic PAIGC party-led coalition, PAI-Terra Ranka, were barred from contesting after the Supreme Court ruled their paperwork incomplete in October. This marks the first time the PAIGC party will be absent on a ballot paper.

Coups d'états, dissolved parliaments, and stalled reforms have marked Guinea-Bissau’s history. Embaló dissolved the National Assembly in December 2023, claiming an attempted coup, and left the country with no operational parliament for nearly two years.

Although his tenure ended in February 2025, Embaló stayed in the seat of power.

Dr. Thomson Fontaine, leader of the United Workers’ Party (UWP), has sharply criticised a new rule (SRO-39) that requires government-issued ID, like passports or driver’s licences, for voter confirmation. He argues that removing birth certificates from the list unfairly disenfranchises poorer citizens who can’t afford those IDs. Fontaine claims this undermines democracy and called on authorities to reverse the change.

Electoral chief says confirmation drive is running smoothly

Chief Election Officer Anthea Joseph reports that over 4,000 people have already applied for voter confirmation since the process began on 15 October 2025. She acknowledges minor issues, like dress code for photo-ID submission, but says overall feedback has been positive and parts of the system feel “very transparent.”

Voter registration temporarily suspended amid system overhaul

The Electoral Commission has announced a pause in new voter registrations while it builds a modern, electronic registration system. They’ve hired a consortium (SEMLEX / Genkey) to develop the software, train officers, and ensure compliance with the new Registration of Electors Act. A public update is scheduled for December 2025, when the resumption timeline should be clearer.

Opposition warns of civil liberty erosion over voter confirmation rules

Bernard Hurtault, leader of the Dominica Freedom Party, warns that the stricter ID requirements and the confirmation process disproportionately affect low-income and elderly voters, posing a threat to civil rights. He also raised concerns about confirmation centres allegedly being staffed by government supporters, challenging the impartiality of the Electoral Commission. Hurtault urged citizens not to be discouraged and called for continued pressure to ensure fairness.

Ocean Oasis Hotel opening hailed as CBI programme triumph

Government officials, led by Prime Minister Roosevelt Skerrit, celebrated the opening of the Ocean Oasis Hotel in Castle Comfort as proof that the Citizenship by Investment (CBI) programme is driving real economic development. The 37-room waterfront hotel is expected to create jobs and boost tourism, and Skerrit framed it as a concrete outcome of CBI funds being used for national growth.

Bangladesh’s interim government is under pressure as political parties continue to clash over the July National Charter, a framework meant to guide the country’s transition. The rift has widened over how and when a national referendum on the Charter should be held. Despite repeated calls for unity, the stalemate threatens to delay vital reforms and further test the credibility of the interim administration.

Government faces test as parties spar over referendum timing

The government’s biggest test now lies in navigating growing partisan tensions. Several political parties are unwilling to compromise on the referendum’s timing, accusing the interim government of trying to dictate the process. Officials, however, warn that if talks fail, the government may move ahead unilaterally to keep the transition on track. Analysts suggest that such a move could spark political unrest at a sensitive time for the nation.

Can political parties reach an agreement through discussion? What history says

Observers remain sceptical that the warring political camps will voluntarily engage in meaningful dialogue. Historical precedents show that major political agreements in Bangladesh have often required mediation or external pressure rather than self-initiated consensus. Political scientists argue that unless this dynamic changes, the July Charter dispute risks becoming another protracted impasse in the country’s democratic evolution.

Is the July Charter drive losing its way?

Efforts to secure broad-based agreement on the Charter appear to be faltering. Major parties have refused to participate in government-led discussions, accusing the administration of lacking transparency. Critics worry that the government’s top-down approach and political brinkmanship are eroding public confidence in what was supposed to be a unifying reform process. Without renewed dialogue, the Charter’s legitimacy could come under question both domestically and internationally.

Cabinet likely to take up issue in next meeting

In a bid to break the deadlock, the interim government plans to bring the July Charter and referendum timeline before its advisory council at the next cabinet meeting. The move signals that officials are aware of the growing urgency but remain divided on the strategy. Political analysts believe the cabinet’s decision could determine whether the country moves toward reconciliation or sinks deeper into political uncertainty.

José Antonio Kast

Representing the Republican Party , Kast has focused on economic growth and security . He proposes strengthening Chile’s agricultural sector by improving irrigation infrastructure and modernising production technologies. Kast also emphasises public security, advocating for tougher measures against organised crime and reforms to enhance the efficiency of law enforcement.

Jeannette Jara

Representing Unidad por Chile , she prioritises sustainable development and social equity. Her platform includes promoting technologically advanced rural economies, supporting cooperatives, and ensuring that at least 40% of agro-industrial exports are certified for sustainability by 2028. Jara also highlights gender equality, access to quality healthcare, and investment in renewable energy as central goals.

Eduardo Artés

From PC Acción Proletaria , Eduardo Artés advocates for a more state-centric approach. He calls for increased state participation in agriculture and maritime production, transfer of large private landholdings to public ownership, and strong protections for small and medium farmers. Artés advocates for food sovereignty and aims to prohibit the use of harmful agrochemicals unless absolutely necessary.

Harold Mayne-Nicholls

Independent candidate, Harold Mayne-Nicholls, focuses on infrastructure, transparency, and decentralisation. He proposes improved regional development through investments in local infrastructure and education, alongside policies to increase citizen participation in governance and reduce bureaucratic inefficiencies.

Evelyn Matthei

Representing Chile Grande y Unido , she prioritises economic stability and pension reform. Her proposals include measures to attract foreign investment, create jobs, and enhance Chile’s social security system. Matthei also emphasises improvements in public healthcare and education while supporting fiscal responsibility.

Johannes Kaiser

Representing the Libertarian National Party , advocates for free-market policies. He plans to reduce government intervention in the economy, promote private sector-led job creation, and implement tax reforms designed to incentivise entrepreneurship. Kaiser also calls for individual liberties to be protected and for the judicial system to be strengthened.

Franco Parisi

Representing Partido de la Gente , he focuses on economic innovation and digital transformation. His agenda includes modernising public administration through technology, supporting small and medium enterprises, and enhancing the country’s competitiveness in international markets. Parisi also stresses the need for education reform and more efficient public services.

Marco Enríquez-Ominami

Representing the Progressive Party , he champions social inclusion and environmental sustainability. He proposes expanding renewable energy projects, supporting indigenous communities, and implementing social programmes to reduce poverty. Enríquez-Ominami also advocates for electoral reform and stronger protections for workers’ rights.

As Chileans prepare to cast their votes, these eight candidates offer a wide spectrum of policy approaches, reflecting the nation’s complex social, economic, and environmental challenges. The electorate faces a pivotal decision that will shape Chile’s trajectory for years to come.

Mamdani’s win is historic . At 34 years old, he becomes both the youngest mayor in more than a century of New York governance and the first Muslim and first South Asian to occupy the office.

His campaign, grounded in progressive aims, from housing affordability to expanded public services access, clearly resonated in a moment when voters signalled an appetite for change.

Cuomo’s comeback bid fell short, despite his experience and name recognition. While grabbing 41.6 % of the vote, he was unable to overcome a campaign anchored in the past, while the electorate looked forward. Meanwhile, Sliwa’s campaign struggled for traction in the liberal-leaning city, capturing just over 7 % of the vote.

The map in the image bears out these dynamics: large swathes of blue signalling Mamdani support spread across many boroughs, while gold-colored areas mark Cuomo’s strengths in some regions. It’s a visual reflection not only of political affiliation but of generational and demographic shifts.

On the national front, the result feeds into a broader narrative of Democratic “rejuvenation” in urban centres. Just as younger, more diverse voices are reshaping city halls, they’re also increasingly visible in national legislatures and party leadership circles. The emphasis on housing, cost-of-living and local public services echoes similar priorities in cities from London to Lagos.

Arrests, protests, and power struggles — Africa’s young people are once again taking to the streets, challenging systems older than their parents. Across the continent, pre-election crackdowns and generational frustration are colliding, revealing deep cracks in long-standing regimes.

Nowhere is that tension more visible than in Côte d'Ivoire, where authorities have intensified arrests of activists, journalists, and opposition figures ahead of the October 25 elections. President Alassane Ouattara, 83, is seeking another term, even as many of his rivals — including former president Laurent Gbagbo and ex–Credit Suisse CEO Tidjane Thiam — have been disqualified.

Madagascar: Gen-Z protests then the military take over

Weeks of youth-led protests in Madagascar have reshaped the country’s leadership. The military stepped in after mass demonstrations forced the government to collapse.

Over 60% of Madagascar’s population is under 25, and youth unemployment sits around 14%. This generation, frustrated by economic stagnation and corruption , coordinated their protests digitally through TikTok, WhatsApp, and Telegram.

But as in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, the promise of change may prove fleeting. Many of Africa’s Gen Z movements begin with the language of democracy, only to end under military rule.

Cameroon's election overshadowed by age and apathy

In Cameroon, the world waits for the results of a tense election. President Paul Biya, at 92, has ruled for 43 years — longer than most of his citizens have been alive. His challenger, Issa Tchiroma, 76, has already claimed victory and called on Biya to concede, before results have even been released.

Cameroon’s youth - 65% of the population, with a median age of just 18 - are largely disengaged from formal politics after decades of repression. Yet online, their voices are growing louder. Hashtags like #CameroonDecides and #TimeForChange have galvanised diaspora communities in France and Canada, creating new digital pressure on an ageing regime.

While Cameroon’s per capita GDP has risen since Biya took power, the gains have not been evenly felt. High inequality, inflation, and youth joblessness have eroded patience.

Côte d’Ivoire: a narrowing window for democracy

Despite years of peace since its 2011 civil conflict, Côte d'Ivoire’s political climate is tightening. Ouattara’s government is accused of political engineering through disqualifications and arrests.

Though the economy grows at 6% annually, youth unemployment remains high at 12%. Nearly 70% of Ivorians are under 30, yet they’re ruled by leaders from a political era that began before they were born.

Across much of Africa, that generational disconnect is stark: the median age of leaders is 63, while the median age of citizens is just 19.

Africa’s population is expected to double to 2.5 billion by 2050, with young people making up the overwhelming majority. Their demands for accountability, jobs, and representation are reshaping political discourse, often outside traditional systems.

When democratic institutions fail to evolve, the youth find new paths: protest, digital mobilisation, or even backing military “resets” that promise swift change.

Measuring fear in authoritarian states

In countries where citizens fear reprisals, measuring genuine public opinion is notoriously difficult. Researchers can use “list experiments” — indirect surveys that hide sensitive statements among innocuous ones like “I play sport weekly” or “I grow my own vegetables.” Rather than say which ones they agree with, respondents simply say how many statements are true. By establishing an average number of true statements on a control group, researchers can establish what proportion of people disagreed that "The government is doing a good job." without being able to attribute the belief to any individual.

By comparing answers between groups, analysts can estimate true support levels without forcing individuals to speak openly. After the 2021 coup in Mali, such a study revealed that while 74% publicly voiced support for the military government, real approval was closer to 63%.

From Antananarivo to Abidjan, Africa’s Gen Z is demanding something their elders rarely had, accountable leadership. Whether that results in deeper democracy or new forms of control depends on who answers their call.

Click here to watch our previous episodes

World Reframed is produced in London by  Global South  World, part of the Impactum Group. Its editors are Duncan Hooper and Ismail Akwei.

ISSN 2978-4891

His remarks followed a complaint filed by activist and former candidate Peter Beckhauser, who alleged “technological manipulation” in over 3,600 voting records from the 17 August election. Beckhauser claimed that votes intended for the opposition alliance Unidad and the Christian Democratic Party (PDC) were tampered with — accusations that have since been echoed by pro-Morales lawmakers.

Two deputies aligned with Morales’s faction — Renán Cabezas and Jerjes Mercado — have called for a special congressional commission to investigate the alleged irregularities. Arce, however, warned that any disruption to the electoral calendar or attempts to question the legitimacy of the vote could “trigger social convulsion and violent actions that Bolivians do not want.”

The president reiterated that his administration has fully supported the work of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, respecting the country’s institutions and the agreed timetable. With more than 7.9 million Bolivians set to vote both at home and abroad on 19 October, Arce urged political actors to uphold constitutional order, promising that his government — “together with the Bolivian people” — will remain “a vigilant guardian of democracy.”

The motion of censure, filed on September 23 by members of Congress from multiple parties, questioned Santiváñez’s suitability for office and cited ongoing investigations into alleged interference during his time at the Ministry of the Interior. Congress had confirmed that the debate and vote would take place on October 3.

Prime Minister Eduardo Arana previously stated he had no official information on planned resignations, despite mounting speculation in the media and growing political pressure.

Santiváñez’s resignation underscores ongoing political instability in Peru, where frequent ministerial changes have complicated governance . Since 2018, the country has seen six presidents and dozens of cabinet reshuffles, raising concerns among international investors and regional observers about policy continuity and institutional credibility.

Until the date of his resignation, Juan José Santiváñez   was the head of the Ministry of Justice for just 40 days and left the government of Dina Boluarte   when the president had less than a year left in office. In addition, he is retiring with a series of investigations and questions that involve him as a 'key man' of an alleged criminal organisation in which even the president's brother, Nicanor Boluarte, would be involved.

A fragile mandate amid divided politics

Mutharika’s Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) secured a decisive presidential win, but parliamentary seats are fragmented, with the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and smaller groups holding significant sway. This means policy will require coalition building.

A resounding victory for Mutharika but will need cross-party cooperation to advance government's business in parliament.

The economic reality: a country under strain

A new analysis by Fitch Solutions’ BMI highlights just how precarious Malawi’s economy has become, underscoring the uphill battle for newly re-elected President Peter Mutharika. The data show Malawi’s budget and current account deficits have remained stubbornly high for years, with both hovering deep in negative territory since 2017.

Fiscal shortfalls consistently exceed 8–10% of GDP, while current account gaps further strain the balance sheet. Real GDP growth, meanwhile, remains modest, projected below 4% into 2026. This combination of sluggish growth and structural deficits leaves Malawi highly exposed to external shocks.

Malawi’s economy is among the most aid-dependent in Sub-Saharan Africa. U.S. foreign assistance and multilateral aid make up a large share of secondary income inflows. At the same time, Malawi has barely 1.5 months of import cover, critically below the IMF’s recommended threshold.

In contrast, regional peers such as Zambia and Tanzania enjoy stronger external buffers, with higher import cover and less reliance on aid.

What Mutharika promises and what stands in the way

Mutharika is remembered for delivering relative stability in his earlier term (2014–2020), when inflation fell to single digits and roads were built. Yet his legacy was clouded by allegations of cronyism, which may affect donor confidence today.

Economists say his government must prioritise:

Cautious optimism, high risks

Fitch Solutions warns that Mutharika will likely need “cross-party deals” to govern effectively, while policy missteps or stalled reforms could push the country into a deeper crisis. His administration must restore economic stability through tighter fiscal discipline, credible monetary policies , and structural reforms. Otherwise, Malawi risks deepening its dependence on aid and falling further behind its regional peers. overshadowing recovery.

Although Tarcísio included the trip to Brasília in his official schedule, he made no mention of the meeting with Bolsonaro. According to Brazilian media , discussions centred on the 2026 candidacy to succeed Bolsonaro, as well as a proposed bill in Congress that would reduce sentences for those convicted over the attempted coup.

A month ago, Tarcísio was considered a strong contender for the presidency, backed by centrist leaders. However, his chances now appear to be shifting towards seeking re-election in São Paulo, particularly as President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva may put forward his vice-president, Geraldo Alckmin, a three-time governor of the state.

For some, delaying until 2030 could open a path for the right to regain power in a post-Lula scenario. Tarcísio is viewed favourably by business circles and centrist blocs, but loyalists within the Bolsonaro movement remain sceptical, questioning whether he is radical enough and noting that he has not pledged to pardon Bolsonaro.

Meanwhile, the Bolsonaro family is weighing its own options. Former first lady Michelle Bolsonaro has signalled she could run with the family’s full backing, while Eduardo Bolsonaro, currently based in the United States , positions himself as a representative of the movement’s hard-line wing, despite polling poorly.

Official figures showed 92% turnout with 89% approval, though opposition groups and civil society organisations disputed the numbers, citing empty polling stations and alleged fraud.

The new constitution extends presidential terms from five to seven years, permits one re-election, creates a Senate with presidential appointees, and establishes a special court to try senior officials. It also allows independent candidates to contest for the first time, but crucially removes earlier restrictions barring junta members from running.

Colonel Mamady Doumbouya, who seized power in 2021 by ousting then-president Alpha Condé, has not declared whether he will run. Analysts note, however, that the timing and content of the constitutional changes suggest he may seek to remain in power.

The country holds the world ’s largest bauxite reserves and vast iron ore deposits at Simandou, making political stability vital for global supply chains. Multinational mining companies, including Rio Tinto and China’s Chinalco, have major stakes in the sector.

The outcome will also test the credibility of West Africa’s response to military takeovers. ECOWAS has pressured juntas in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger to restore civilian rule, and its stance on Guinea’s vote may set a precedent.

For Guineans, hopes for stability are tempered by scepticism after years of authoritarian rule and unfulfilled promises. A credible, transparent election could mark a turning point; a disputed one risks cementing military power under a democratic facade.

Post-coup paths in Africa: recent returns to civilian rule and the juntas that remain

Several African states have transitioned, unevenly, between military and civilian rule in recent years. Where some transitions yielded elections and a nominal return to civilian government, others remain firmly under junta control. The pattern matters for regional stability, investment and international policy toward the continent.

Key recent returns to civilian rule

States still effectively under military rule

Recent years show no single path from coup to stable democracy. For a successful democracy to operate smoothly, it requires credible, inclusive elections, institutional checks on armed actors and sustained regional and international support. Where those elements are absent, elections or constitutional changes often become mechanisms for legitimising extended military influence rather than restoring accountable civilian governance .

A Weakened MAS

Once a dominant force, MAS now faces the consequences of its internal split, with loyalties divided between President Luis Arce and former leader Evo Morales. Morales, though barred from running, still managed to mobilise nearly 17% of voters toward casting null ballots, underscoring his continued influence but also the limits of his electoral base. The result was a weakened MAS and unexpected gains for alternative candidates, signalling a new phase in Bolivia’s volatile political cycle.

While the immediate outcome has reshuffled party alignments, Breda warns that Bolivia’s deeper challenges remain unresolved. The persistent polarisation between Arce’s government and Morales’ loyalists risks prolonging cycles of protest and road blockades, instruments that have long paralysed the economy and undermined trust in institutions. At the same time, the lack of a unifying political force raises concerns about governance, as fragmented opposition groups may struggle to present coherent alternatives. According to Breda, this fragile equilibrium could turn Bolivia’s upcoming months into a test of resilience for its democracy.

The economic protest factor

Beyond political rivalries, Breda further pointed out that Bolivia’s elections were heavily influenced by a wave of protests over economic crisis and shortages. 

Breda told Global South World that since October 2023, ACLED recorded more than 500 protests linked to the lack of dollars, fuel, and rising food prices, a level of unrest rarely seen in the country’s recent history. “When there were protests about lack, they were almost non-existent, except briefly during the pandemic”, Breda explained. “This gives us a sense of how severe the current economic situation has become”, he added.

But the turmoil was compounded by pro-Evo Morales blockades, which often paralysed transport and trade for weeks. Rather than bolstering Morales’ cause, Breda argues these actions deepened the economic crisis and fueled frustration across the country. “The protests of his supporters actually aggravated shortages and made life harder for ordinary Bolivians. This increased rejection of MAS as a whole”, Breda said.

The reaction from financial markets was swift: stocks fell 12% , the peso slid 5% , and government bonds dropped 4% following news of the defeat.

Kicillof’s gamble to hold a separate provincial vote—despite internal Peronist pushback—proved strategically successful, solidifying his influence within the movement and elevating him as a potential presidential contender for 2027 .

In his victory speech, Kicillof thanked supporters, criticised Milei’s administration, and pledged that Buenos Aires Province would act as “a shield and a safety net to defend the people ”, calling on the president to “change course” in the wake of the results.

This stems from the late arrival of ballot papers. Initially printed in Port Moresby, the final shipment of ballots was delayed until September 2, well past the original August 23 delivery date.

This compressed timeframe left insufficient margin for packing and distributing the materials for polling on 4 September.

Additionally, quality control concerns emerged regarding the serial numbers printed on the ballots, an essential safeguard against fraud , and prompted officials to take corrective measures before proceeding.

Electoral Commissioner Desmond Tsianai emphasised that the decision was not taken lightly but deemed necessary to uphold a fair and transparent process.

“Every eligible voter should have the opportunity to cast their ballots. Rescheduling polling at this stage is the most responsible decision to ensure that all ballot papers are delivered securely so that all Bougainvilleans can vote on the same day. This step protects the rights of voters and upholds the integrity of the election,” Commissioner Tsianai said.

The Atolls constituency remains an exception, as its ballots were already on track for delivery in time, and hence its polling proceeds as planned on Thursday.

Global South World reported that this year’s general election marks the first-ever one-day polling model for Bougainville. With 46 seats in the House of Representatives up for grabs—including newly added constituencies—and a competitive presidential race, the region is poised for a crucial junction in its political journey.

Over 404 candidates are vying for parliamentary seats, including a record 34 women across both reserved and open-competition seats, while the presidential contest features seven candidates challenging incumbent Ishmael Toroama.

On Friday, 5 September, polling stations across the Autonomous Region will open from 8:00 am to 4:00 pm Bougainville Standard Time. With over 3,000 electoral staff mobilised to ensure smooth operations, the election is expected to proceed with minimal disruption.

His allegations, focused on Karnataka’s Mahadevapura constituency, point to alleged irregularities such as duplicate voter entries, fake addresses, mass registrations, and mismatched photographs.

Gandhi said his team spent six months gathering evidence, demanding not only transparency but also access to digital voter rolls and CCTV footage from polling stations.

The charges have unleashed a political firestorm. Gandhi carried his protest to the streets of New Delhi, where he and several opposition leaders were detained during a march to the ECI headquarters.

The ruling BJP and its allies swiftly countered, accusing Gandhi of trying to discredit India’s democratic institutions for political mileage. Some leaders even demanded that he embark on an “apology yatra” across the country.

During a discussion with Abigail Johnson Boakye on Qonversations, Indian Journalist Sumit Singh added his voice to call for transparency and a background to the political uproar.

The commission’s ultimatum

The Election Commission of India (ECI) has responded in unusually strong terms, branding Gandhi’s claims “baseless, absurd, and without merit.” Citing Rule 20(3)(b) of electoral law, the Commission has issued an ultimatum : Gandhi has seven days to either submit an affidavit with evidence or issue a public apology. Should he fail to comply, the Commission warned, his charges would be treated as null and void.

This sets up a critical standoff. With state elections, including Bihar’s, just months away, the dispute has elevated the issue of electoral credibility into the national spotlight.

For Gandhi, the choice ahead is fraught with risks:

Voters will now choose between two opposition figures on October 19: centrist senator Rodrigo Paz Pereira and former president Jorge “Tuto” Quiroga . Both candidates come from the right of the political spectrum, yet their approaches to rescuing the country’s fragile economy differ in tone and scope.

Rodrigo Paz Pereira: “Capitalism for All”

At 57, Paz Pereira has emerged as the surprise frontrunner. An economist and son of former president Jaime Paz Zamora, he ran a low-key campaign under the Christian Democratic Party. Despite polling behind in early surveys, his promises of moderation and pragmatism resonated with voters seeking alternatives to state-heavy management.

His platform centers on economic inclusion . He has pledged tax reforms to stimulate national industry, free importation of essential goods to counter shortages, and policies designed to benefit middle- and low-income sectors. Paz emphasizes decentralization, advocating a fairer redistribution of the national budget between central and regional governments. He frames his project as a path toward a more open market economy—without abandoning a social focus.

Jorge “Tuto” Quiroga: Shock Therapy for the Economy

Quiroga, 65, represents a more traditional conservative agenda. Once vice president under Hugo Banzer and head of state from 2001 to 2002, he is a veteran of Bolivian politics. This time, he campaigns as a self-proclaimed liberal promising a “seismic change” for the economy.

His program echoes the austerity measures promoted by Argentina’s Javier Milei: deep spending cuts, sweeping privatization of state companies, and a drastic reduction of the fiscal deficit. Quiroga argues that only a return to free-market orthodoxy and international openness can restore stability. His message appeals to business sectors and urban voters frustrated by years of subsidies and growing public debt .

A Country at a Turning Point

Both contenders promise to dismantle MAS’s state-centered model and steer Bolivia toward a market-driven economy. Yet the contrast is clear: Paz Pereira offers a moderate adjustment with social safeguards , while Quiroga pushes for a radical break with the past .

The October runoff will determine not only who governs Bolivia for the next five years but also how sharply the country pivots away from its leftist legacy.

In the sticky heat of Bolivia’s lowlands, or the thin, icy air of its mountain cities, the view has been the same for much of 2025: endless lines of cars curling around blocks on the worst days of fuel shortages. On top of that, the black-market dollar has been playing its own game — at one point worth almost twice the official rate set by the central bank, and still stubbornly high. As a result, prices keep climbing, household budgets are under pressure, and frustration hangs in the air. These are the rhythms of a country in economic distress.

Now, Bolivia heads into a presidential election unlike any in the past two decades — shaped by deep economic troubles and, for the first time in more than 20 years, led in the polls by economically liberal candidates.

Preliminary surveys point to two contenders at the top: Jorge “Tuto” Quiroga and Samuel Doria Medina . This marks a dramatic shift from the socialist tradition that, over the past four electoral cycles, brought to power leaders aligned with the “pink tide,” such as Evo Morales Ayma and Luis Arce.

Two decades of apparent economic stability have left behind few long-term plans. Today, the country faces the consequences: dwindling gas revenues, no new sources of foreign currency, and an overfocus on unexploited revenues from lithium, a resource all candidates mention but whose global price has fallen, while Bolivia’s industrial capacity remains minimal.

With the two frontrunners separated by a narrow margin, analysts believe the race will almost certainly go to a second round. Global South World spoke with the vice-presidential candidates from both leading tickets to understand how they plan to steer Bolivia out of crisis.

LIBRE: Radical change and a digital push

On one side of the ballot, Juan Pablo Velasco joins former president Jorge “Tuto” Quiroga as the vice-presidential nominee of the Libertad y Democracia Alliance (LIBRE). Their central promise: radical change. Quiroga was elected vice president in 1997 under the democratic government of former dictator Hugo Banzer Suárez, later assuming the presidency when Banzer resigned due to illness. 

Velasco, best known for leading a UBER ride-hailing like app in Bolivia, embodies LIBRE’s appeal to younger voters and the private sector. Yet his lack of public-sector experience has drawn skepticism about his readiness for high office. “We need to change our relationship with the state; it must stop being an analogue relationship, with queues and corruption and queues just to get a medical appointment. We will solve everything, bring change, and together we will achieve a free Bolivia.”

If elected, Velasco says the administration would liberalise exports, prioritising agribusiness and the agro-industrial sector — industries he believes could quickly generate revenue. He stops short of detailing how the sector’s environmental footprint, particularly its role in 2024’s record-breaking wildfires, would be addressed. For example, he states: "We need to crack down and enforce strict controls on forest burning. Last year, 12 million hectares went up in flames (...) We have no park rangers, no ranger infrastructure, nothing. (...). How do we solve this? With control." He has also expressed interest in tapping into carbon credits, without elaborating on how such a scheme would work or on the shortcomings of that industry, even in Bolivia.

For Velasco, economic stabilisation is the first order of business in the transition. He insists Bolivia must rebuild ties with multilateral lenders: “Right now, we have no active agreements with the CAF – Development Bank of Latin America, FONPLATA, or the IMF - International Monetary Fund. That has to change.”

Drawing on his tech background, Velasco envisions a “Digital Bolivia” that would promote entrepreneurship and technology exports. “We have an incredible number of developers. Thanks to the pandemic, remote work has expanded, and our best developers would rather work as call center agents for a startup in Singapore than develop technology products here—because they lack the right conditions” he says.

When asked about democracy, Velasco emphasizes that for Quiroga, it is the top priority. He expresses confidence in his running mate’s leadership in this subject. In the last year, Quiroga has had an active role in denouncing the authoritarian rulers of Venezuela and Nicaragua. 

Unidad Alliance: Radical center and free-market approach 

In the other leading campaign, Samuel Doria Medina has chosen economist, seasoned state official, and former international development executive José Luis Lupo as his running mate — a pairing the Unidad alliance hopes will convey both experience and economic credibility.

Doria Medina defines their stance as radical center , yet his campaign trail has included photos with right-wing leaders like El Salvador’s Nayib Bukele and Peru’s Keiko Fujimori .

Doria Medina is one of Bolivia’s most recognisable political figures. He is also an accomplished businessman: in 2014, he sold his controlling stake in cement giant SOBOCE for around $300 million, later expanding into real estate, hospitality, and fast-food franchises. More recently, he has leveraged TikTok to soften his image with humour. He has also received the endorsement of US-based Bolivian billionaire Marcelo Claure .

Lupo’s arrival on the ticket is intended to reinforce the campaign’s economic credentials. With senior roles at the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) — overseeing operations in Argentina, Brazil, and Colombia — and at the CAF – Development Bank of Latin America , he brings decades of experience. He has also served in ministerial posts in Bolivia on five different occasions. During the campaign, he has avoided missteps in interviews and is known for his precise language.

“This is the most crucial election of Bolivia’s democratic era,” Lupo says. His economic blueprint starts with a $5 billion stabilisation fund to unify the exchange rate, curb inflation, guarantee access to dollars, and secure fuel supplies while a new energy policy is rolled out. The program also calls for strengthening legal certainty to attract investment, reforming mining , hydrocarbons, tax, and lithium laws, and passing a new innovation and technology law.

“We will need shock actions,” he acknowledges, “but with protections so the most vulnerable do not bear the cost.”

Lupo promises that within the first 100 days, a Doria Medina government would secure the independence of the central bank, push judicial reform, and present state restructuring laws aligned with an open-market, pro-business framework that also recognises Bolivia’s diversity and plurality.

For Lupo, the stakes extend beyond Bolivia’s borders: “This election marks a regional shift away from populism.

He closes with a message of optimism: “Bolivia is not a failed state. It is viable — with a strong demographic bonus in its youth and its women”,  adding that they want a country  “where young people aren’t constantly looking to the airport as their way out.”

Whether Bolivians choose LIBRE or Unidad, August’s election will mark the first time in a generation that the nation’s political compass appears to be pulling away from the left. When the last ballot is counted, the question will be whether Bolivia awakens to a new political era — and whether that brings stability. However, one thing seems certain: the new Legislative Assembly in Bolivia will be dominated by two economically liberal blocs. Radically changing the past recent history of Bolivia. 

Additional info: 

For this piece, the Global South World team also reached out to Mariana Prado, vice-presidential candidate alongside Andrónico Rodríguez for Alianza Popular and former Minister of Development Planning under Evo Morales. The interview request went unanswered. After the two leading presidential contenders, their ticket had been polling in third place; however, the latest results show they have fallen behind, as support for null votes and undecided voters has grown. Their campaign is the one most closely aligned with left-leaning ideas.

MAS: On the outside looking in

Meanwhile, the Movement for Socialism (MAS) — which carried Morales to power and governed for nearly two decades — is polling at the bottom. Its candidate, former government minister Eduardo del Castillo , faces steep odds.

Morales, barred from running by the Constitutional Court’s two-term limit, is urging voters to submit null ballots, claiming them as symbolic support. He has even opened campaign offices dedicated to the effort.

Maria Cristina Claros, the president of the Electoral Commission of Santa Cruz, explained the meticulous process of assembling these kits. "We have been able to verify and monitor the production of the cases from the very start. In other words, the first thing we do is set up the case that already has a code. The barcode is scanned to report to the monitoring system that production of that case with that code is already underway," she said.

The kits are filled with everything needed to facilitate the voting process, she said, adding, "We place the identification of those eligible to vote, the surnames of the people who vote at that polling station, the tally sheet that goes inside our security envelope, the different security envelopes, the worksheets, the ballot papers, and all the material that needs to go inside the electoral case," Claros added.

The Electoral Commission aims to ensure transparency, security, and efficiency in the upcoming election.

The traditional MAS support base—primarily Indigenous Aymara and Quechua voters—is shifting away, driven by urgent concerns over livelihoods rather than identity politics , with many now casting “wallet votes” based on economic realities.

Meanwhile, the left is deeply fragmented: neither Evo Morales nor president Luis Arce is participating, and MAS is divided, while the right—though also somewhat split—gains ground, with candidates like Samuel Doria Medina and Jorge “Tuto” Quiroga leading in polls .

Overall, economic hardships have overshadowed ideological divides, making financial stability the decisive issue for Bolivian voters at this critical moment.

“The polls tell us one thing, and the streets tell us another. There is a great deal of acceptance… that is one of the great goals we have in this electoral process,” Rodriguez told supporters.

The candidate outlined four urgent priorities, resolving fuel shortages, addressing the scarcity of U.S. dollars, and revitalising the hydrocarbons, mining, tourism, and agricultural sectors. He also proposed strengthening Bolivia’s “popular economy ” through a sustainable development model based on the creative and circular economy.

Rodriguez contrasted himself with “the usual politicians,” highlighting his background as a businessman who “seeks out the best people ” and works to tight deadlines.

Muriel Cruz, Senate candidate for Santa Cruz, praised the reception Rodriguez received in the city, while supporter Andres Tasima said his proposals were “the key” to lifting Bolivia out of its current economic slump.

Bolivia heads to the polls on August 17.

In his remarks, the businessman-turned-politician accused rival candidates of engaging in “dirty warfare” instead of focusing on real solutions. He touted his “100-day plan” for government reform, which includes decrees to end state secrecy and curb wasteful spending, promising full transparency across the public sector. 

Positioning himself as an alternative to “career politicians,” Doria Medina stressed his private-sector background as evidence of his ability to deliver results. “Unlike the other candidates who are the usual politicians, I am a businessman, a businessman who seeks out the best people , not just friends,” he said. “To get things done, I set deadlines and deliver results; I don’t procrastinate. Now, we need a businessman president.”

The rally saw large crowds marching and dancing through the streets in support of Doria Medina, who is making his fourth run for Bolivia’s top office.

Hyppo Niombio, a survivor of the previous electoral violence, told Viory that, "When we see all the efforts that have been made, we don’t want them to be wasted again," he said.

"Like it or not, the country risks sinking into violence. It’s important to call on everyone citizens, the international community, and religious leaders to act to prevent further violence. We no longer want to see our brothers fleeing to Ghana . I myself was kidnapped and had my skull fractured three times,” he added.

Ouattara, now 83, was re-elected in 2020 following a constitutional revision that effectively reset term limits. The 2016 Constitution permits him to seek one more term.

For many opposition members, the announcement raised fresh concerns over political exclusion. Siabe Oscar, an opposition figure, criticised the disqualification of candidates from the electoral list, stating that, "What worries all Ivorians today is that some candidates have been excluded, even though they are determined to contest the election. Since President Ouattara has always prioritised security and the well-being of Ivorians, I believe he must find a solution with the excluded opposition figures. Being a candidate doesn’t necessarily mean winning. But re-registering them would allow free and fair participation, giving Ivorians the right to choose their leader."

 More than 3,000 people were killed in the 2010 - 2011 crisis following disputed election results.

In an interview, Fritz Alphonse Jean, president of Haiti’s Presidential Transitional Council, emphasised the urgent need for both institutional readiness and public safety to hold credible elections . 

"For elections to happen, two conditions must be met: institutional readiness, which we are currently working on, and a secure environment,” Jean said. “When we speak of a wartime budget, it is precisely to ensure that law enforcement can operate effectively and maintain public safety,” he told Viory.

Jean confirmed that international partners, including Brazil, Mexico , and Colombia, are backing Haiti’s security plans. In addition to sending officers abroad, the government is bringing in international instructors to train larger groups of officers on the ground.

"The support we are receiving from countries such as Brazil, Mexico and Colombia is aimed at ensuring we have law enforcement forces capable of meeting the security challenges we are facing," he said.

The first group of military recruits is already in Mexico undergoing an eight-week specialised training course, with a second cohort expected to follow soon.

Ouattara, who has been in power since 2011, framed the next term as a period of “generational transition,” promising to appoint a new team that would continue to improve the lives of Ivorians while maintaining national progress.

“This new term will be one of generational transition with the team I will put in place,” he said. “We will be able to consolidate our achievements and continue to improve the daily lives of our fellow citizens, especially the most vulnerable,” he said.

During Uganda’s turbulent 1980s, Ali led the Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) rebel group before reconciling with President Yoweri Museveni in 1986. His fighters were integrated into the national army, earning him the rank of major general, later rising to a full general by 2012.

Fast forward to 2025, General Ali is contesting in the National Resistance Movement (NRM) primaries for Adjumani West Constituency, a seat he has held in most elections since 2001. Despite visible health concerns, his camp insists he remains fit and capable. "Contrary to what the public thinks, my boss is fit and is seeking re-election to represent the people of Adjumani," said Gabu Amacha, Gen. Ali’s political assistant told Nation.Africa .

Amacha emphasised that Gen. Ali’s experience is unparalleled, having served in various ministerial roles including finance, trade and industry, youth and culture, tourism, internal affairs, and disaster preparedness. "His service in government spans from 1968, when he joined the army and rose to the rank of a four-star general," Amacha added.

Following his nomination, famously done from inside his car, Ali wasted no time hitting the campaign trail, hosting a thanksgiving event where he even tried to show off some dance moves to demonstrate his vitality.

His campaign task force says Gen. Ali’s priorities include upgrading Adjumani Town Council to municipality status, improving infrastructure like roads and health facilities, and enhancing the implementation of government programmes in the region.

Although his team insists this will be his last parliamentary term, the general has often been represented by his aides rather than making public appearances himself.

At 92, Cameroon’s President Paul Biya has announced his bid for an eighth term in the October 12 election, aiming to extend his 43-year rule. In a post on X, Biya cited “insistent calls” from citizens to run again. In power since 1982, he scrapped term limits in 2008 and has never lost an election. His bid comes amid growing criticism over alleged corruption, embezzlement, and poor governance. If re-elected, Biya would remain in office until nearly 100.

Cameroon’s economic update: Harnessing forests and natural wealth for sustainable growth

The World Bank has released its 2025 Cameroon Economic Update, titled “Cameroon’s Green Gold: Unlocking the Value of Forests and Natural Capital.” The report emphasises sustainable forest and resource management as drivers of inclusive, resilient growth, while offering a detailed analysis of recent economic trends and outlook. In 2024, Cameroon’s GDP grew by 3.5% (up from 3.2% in 2023), boosted by cocoa prices, cotton yields, and power supply improvements. Inflation dropped sharply from 7.4% to 4.5%, aided by tighter monetary policy and price controls. The current account deficit narrowed to 3.4% of GDP, though the fiscal deficit widened to 1.5% due to rising expenditures and weaker revenues. Public debt inched up to 46.8%, mainly from external borrowing.

Société Générale signs agreement with Cameroon to sell Société Générale Cameroun

Société Générale has agreed to sell its 58.08% stake in Société Générale Cameroun to the State of Cameroon, which would raise its ownership to 83.68%. The state will assume all operations, clients, and employees of the subsidiary. The deal, pending regulatory approval, is expected to close by end-2025 and boost Societe Generale’s CET1 ratio by about 6 basis points.

Cameroon LGBTQI groups host "impactful" cultural event

On July 3, Yaoundé’s Kyriakides Park came alive with “Spectacle Culturel,” a vibrant event celebrating diversity in the arts under the theme “For an inclusive and non-discriminatory artistic environment.” Organised by the Unity platform, a coalition of 39 civil society groups, and coordinated by CAMFAIDS, the show featured theatre, music, slam, and dance to highlight LGBTQI rights and fight stigma in the cultural sector. Unity president Michel Engama stressed the event’s goal to amplify silenced voices, while CAMFAIDS' Ebenezer Munkam called it a vital step toward building a more inclusive and equitable artistic world in Cameroon.

Cameroon priest says synodality counters ‘nauseating’ politics

In sharp contrast to the “nauseating” and divisive nature of Cameroon’s electoral politics, Father Humphrey Tatah Mbuy is calling for a renewed focus on synodality, a path rooted in unity, listening, and inclusion, as the nation prepares for its 2025 elections and Jubilee Year of Hope. Mbuy described synodality as a “spiritual renewal” that prioritises truth, honesty, and fraternity, unlike election tactics marked by manipulation and exclusion. He noted the challenge facing Christian politicians caught between political strategy and the Church’s call for inclusive, Christ-centred leadership. As both politics and the Church demand action in 2025, Mbuy stressed that synodality offers a hopeful alternative where “no one is left behind” in building a unified people of God.

A Gambian woman, Mariama Naba Darboe, was arraigned this week at the Brusubi Magistrates’ Court for allegedly insulting President Adama Barrow in violation of the new Criminal Offences Act, 2025. Prosecutors claim Darboe referred to the President as a “motherfucker” on July 5 in Tanji, an act now criminalised under Section 107(2), which prohibits "parental insults" against senior public officials, Foroyaa reports. She pleaded not guilty when the charge was read in Mandinka. Prosecutor ASP O. Bobb requested that Darboe surrender her travel documents as part of bail conditions, but her lawyer, F. Conteh, objected. “The offence charged is a misdemeanor, not a felony,” she argued. Magistrate Jallow ruled in favour of bail at D50,000 (approximately $700)with two Gambian sureties and the deposit of all travel documents.

Rights group welcomes landmark ECOWAS ruling on FGM

The Women in Liberation & Leadership (WILL) group has praised the ECOWAS Court of Justice ruling against Sierra Leone for failing to outlaw female genital mutilation (FGM). In a statement, WILL called the ruling “a monumental step forward in the fight against FGM” and “a resounding affirmation of the rights of women and girls across the region.” The court ruled Sierra Leone violated international human rights by failing to criminalise FGM, referencing obligations under the Maputo Protocol and African Charter. “This ruling could not have come at a more pivotal moment for The Gambia,” the group said, noting the country’s Supreme Court is currently hearing a constitutional challenge to its 2015 FGM ban, the Standard reports.

MPs block attempt to restore diaspora voting rights

Lawmakers on Tuesday again rejected Clause 14 of the Elections Bill, dashing hopes of reinstating diaspora voting. Lamin Ceesay (Kiang West) moved a motion to rescind the earlier decision, citing a Supreme Court ruling that confirmed voting rights for Gambians abroad. “This clause is cardinal in the evolution of our electoral system,” he said. “The Constitution guarantees the right of all Gambians to vote, regardless of where they live. We must act to give effect to that right,” Foroyaa quotes Ceesay. Despite citing constitutional sections including 39(1) and 100(2)(b), the motion was not carried, maintaining the status quo and sparking concern among diaspora rights advocates.

Justice Ministry received 619 prosecution files in five years

Attorney General Dawda A. Jallow told Parliament that his ministry received 619 criminal case files from 2021 to 2025. These included cases of murder, rape, fraud, and robbery. However, he cautioned that the data were manually compiled due to the absence of a digital case management system. “Due to the limited time given for the submission of this answer, I am not able to provide detailed information regarding the status of all these cases,” he said. Jallow stressed the urgent need for digital reform, “It remains a serious concern that the Attorney General cannot, in this digital age, generate such information instantly from his desk,” Fatu Network reports.

Parliament rejects draft constitution for second time

For the second time since 2020, Gambia’s lawmakers have voted down a draft constitution. The 2024 Promulgation Bill failed to achieve the three-quarters majority required to move forward, garnering just 35 votes in favor and 21 against. Justice Minister Dawda A. Jallow, who tabled the bill, expressed disappointment, “This is the second time the Assembly has rejected an opportunity to usher in a new republican era for The Gambia. Constitutional reform transcends partisan politics and speaks to the very soul of our nation.” The bill proposed key democratic reforms such as presidential term limits and a 50%+1 election win threshold. Its failure is viewed as a significant setback to post-Jammeh reforms, Foroyaa reports.