The transition from Humala to Kuczynski in 2016 initially followed a standard electoral process, yet it also marked the beginning of a more fragmented political era. Kuczynski governed with a hostile Congress, which repeatedly sought his removal. Mounting pressure linked to corruption allegations ultimately led to his resignation in March 2018, setting a precedent for executive vulnerability under congressional scrutiny.

His successor, Vizcarra, inherited both the presidency and the institutional conflict. His decision to dissolve Congress in 2019, though constitutional, intensified political polarisation. In November 2020, Congress removed him on grounds of “moral incapacity”, a constitutional provision that has since become central to Peru’s instability. This mechanism, broadly defined and politically contested, has enabled repeated presidential removals without the need for criminal conviction.

The short-lived presidency of Merino, lasting only five days, highlighted the limits of congressional legitimacy when faced with public opposition. Mass protests forced his resignation, leading Congress to appoint Sagasti as a transitional president. Sagasti’s administration restored a degree of stability, overseeing elections and completing a full interim mandate, which remains an exception in an otherwise turbulent decade.

The election of Castillo in 2021 once again raised expectations of political renewal. However, his presidency was characterised by persistent confrontation with Congress, frequent cabinet changes, and ongoing investigations. The crisis culminated in December 2022, when Castillo attempted to dissolve Congress and was immediately removed from office. His vice-president, Boluarte, assumed power, but her tenure was also marked by protests, governance challenges, and eventual removal by Congress in 2025.

The appointment of Jerí as interim president in 2025 continued the pattern of short-lived administrations. His removal in early 2026, following allegations of misconduct, reinforced the perception of systemic instability rather than isolated crises. Across these transitions, a consistent pattern emerges: presidents rarely complete their mandates, and leadership changes are driven more by institutional confrontation than by electoral cycles.

Several structural factors explain this phenomenon. Peru’s fragmented party system weakens executive support in Congress, while the constitutional provision of “moral incapacity” provides a flexible tool for removal. Additionally, corruption investigations have affected multiple administrations, further eroding public trust. These conditions create a political environment in which governance is often secondary to survival.

As Peru approaches new general elections , the primary expectation is not necessarily political transformation but institutional stabilisation. The key challenge for future leadership will be to establish a functional relationship between the executive and legislative branches. Without reforms that clarify constitutional ambiguities and strengthen party systems, the cycle observed over the past decade is likely to persist, regardless of electoral outcomes.

Candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who placed second with 35.2% of the vote, claimed civilians outside his Garoua home were being shot at hours before the proclamation, triggering widespread concern.

“Urgent: Currently at my home in Garoua, they are shooting at civilians who are camping in front of my house,” Tchiroma wrote on Facebook on Monday. “The assault is on.” 

Reports from the ground relayed to Global South World indicate growing fear among Cameroonians.

While allegations of vote rigging are not new in the country — nearly every election has been accused of favouring Biya — sources say his government is now responding to these claims not with restraint, but with force.

Biya’s victory was confirmed after Cameroon’s Constitutional Council dismissed all eight petitions alleging electoral irregularities, any of which could have led to the partial or total cancellation of the polls .

Opposition groups, including Tchiroma, have rejected the results. The former Biya ally claimed on social media that he was the real winner and accused the council of being “complicit in a breach of trust.”

Biya, meanwhile, sought to present himself as a magnanimous victor and unifying leader, acknowledging the “weight of the responsibility” and the “great expectations” of his “compatriots.”

“At this point in time when the sovereign people have once again placed their trust in me for a new term of office, my first thoughts are with all those who have unnecessarily lost their lives, as well with their families, as a result of the post-election violence.”

“People are supposed to be in the streets for three or four days until the guy changes position,” an Ivorian journalist told me in a recent interview. “But some people are afraid."

"Do you know that since the day the guy took power in 2010, until today, there have been some people in jail? Can you believe this?" he added.

That fear is not unfounded. In the lead-up to the 2020 election , at least 85 people were killed in political violence after President Alassane Ouattara announced he would run for a third term, a move widely seen as unconstitutional at the time.

The opposition boycotted the vote, labelling it a “constitutional coup,” and the resulting low-turnout election saw Ouattara claim over 94% of the vote.

The current tensions lie in the electoral list, which opposition leaders claim is deliberately packed with non-Ivorian names to tip the scales in favour of the ruling party.

“Even if it is Jesus Christ, this president will win,” said the journalist. “Because he has put so many foreign people inside.”

The 2002 civil war and the post-electoral crisis of 2010 were both rooted in disputes over who qualifies as truly Ivorian . In a country with a significant immigrant population, opposition leaders say Ouattara’s electoral commission is exploiting that legacy to manufacture loyalty through questionable registrations.

Efforts to audit or revise the register have been rebuffed. “What is the most important? It is to check one by one, all people on the list to see if they are Ivorian or not. The guy will refuse. Because if this list is cleared, he will never win — never, never, never.”

Many fear a repeat of 2020’s violence , or worse. The opposition has signalled that unless the electoral list is revised and all qualified candidates reinstated, they may reject the results outright. “I’m not sure this election will be held,” the journalist confessed. “If on the 25th of this month the election is not held, from the 26th morning he is no more the president. There will be someone — not involved in politics — to organise it.” It’s a scenario that edges the country close to *constitutional rupture*.

Should protests escalate or the vote be widely discredited, international mediation may be required, as was the case in 2011, when post-election violence ended only after French and UN troops intervened. For now, Ivorians live with a sense of déjà vu.