“The corrupt Biya regime in Cameroon hunts its political opponents, enables Wagner’s illicit activities, and has created conditions for jihadist groups like Boko Haram and ISIS to thrive and fuel the Anglophone crisis,” Risch wrote on November 4.

The US senator was referring to the Wagner Group, a Russian state-funded paramilitary organisation, and the Boko Haram, a jihadist militant group that has troops in Nigeria , Chad, Niger and Mali.

While Washington has had diplomatic ties with Youanda since 1960, Risch asserted that Cameroon “is not a US partner.”

“It’s time to reassess this relationship before the blowback gets worse,” he said. 

A former French colony, Cameroon has always struggled with managing the divide between its Anglophone and Francophone regions.

This age-old conflict has caused separatist groups to mushroom, further intensifying the instability of the Central African country.

While criticisms of the 92-year-old Biya are not new, Risch’s comments are significant as the US has a formal allyship with Cameroon. Its president, Donald Trump , has also been keen on peacemaking during his second term. 

In an archived page in the US Department of State Website, Cameroon was described as a “key” player in regional stability and a “regional partner in countering terrorism in the Lake Chad Region and anti-piracy efforts in the Gulf of Guinea.”

The two countries have had a bilateral investment treaty in place since 1986, and Washington has provided nearly $1.7 billion in foreign assistance since 2001.

“I therefore ask all Cameroonians, wherever they are, to stay at home for three days to demonstrate their dissatisfaction and their commitment to fight until the truth of the ballot box, which we claim, prevails and we can recover our victory,” he said. 

Tchiroma made the call in a video to his supporters. Fearing his security , he has been in an unknown location since the proclamation, when he claimed protesters outside his house were being shot at. 

If Cameroonians heed his call, the “ghost town” protest will run until November 6 — the same day Biya is scheduled for inauguration for his eighth term as Cameroon president.

The statement did not address widespread allegations of electoral fraud .

“Cameroonians have exercised their free will and made a rational choice, one based on experience and wisdom, a choice that guarantees peace and stability in Cameroon,” Communication Minister Rene Emmanuel Sadi said. 

Biya’s latest win — his eighth since first taking power in 1982 — has been widely contested.

While his 53.66% vote share was his lowest since 1992, it was still enough to secure him another seven-year term, which would end just shortly before his 100th birthday and extend his rule to 49 years.

Protests before and after the official proclamation on 27 October have been marred by violence. Four people were killed in a demonstration in Douala, Cameroon’s commercial capital, a day before Biya’s victory was confirmed.

Opposition leader Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who placed second in the Constitutional Council’s tally, has repeatedly insisted that he was the true winner and called on Cameroonians to protest by staying away from work.

Sadi said such “hasty” declarations of victory and calls for insurrection threaten not only peace but also economic development.

“The Government strongly condemns the hasty proclamation of victory by one candidate, as well as the radical challenge to the final verdict of the Constitutional Council confirming the victory of incumbent President Paul Biya,” he wrote. 

“These are all unacceptable actions, for which both the perpetrators and the instigators are responsible.” 

Biya is set to begin his eighth term during his inauguration on November 6.

Meanwhile, in Ivory Coast, President Alassane Ouattara coasted to victory after earning 90% of votes cast in the October 25 elections . The win handed Ouattara his fourth, five-year term, which would extend his rule to 20 years. 

More astounding was President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s win in Tanzania, as the country’s electoral body declared she won 98% of the vote in a widely participated election — 87% of registered voters turned out, compared with 50% in 2020. 

While these electoral wins are separated by distance and circumstance, the three are bound by ties that extend beyond their status as reelectionists and leaders in Africa. 

Opposition barred

One of the most glaring similarities between the Cameroon, Ivory Coast and Tanzania elections was that major opposition bets were barred from running — many of them disqualified on questionable grounds. 

In Cameroon, veteran politician and lawyer Maurice Kamto was dropped from the candidates' list after his party, the Movement for the Renaissance of Cameroon, fell into disarray after internal disputes led to rival endorsements. Before his candidacy came to an abrupt end, he was widely regarded as the strongest challenger to Biya. 

Ivory Coast’s electoral body stripped two challengers of their eligibility: Tidjane Thiam, whose acquisition of a French citizenship was seen as an automatic forfeiture of his Ivorian citizenship, and Laurent Gbagbo, the country’s former president who was barred over a 2018 criminal conviction.

Two opposition candidates were also prohibited from running in Tanzania, namely Chadema’s Tundu Lissu, who spent two months in jail for treason over his calls for fair elections, and Luhaga Mpina of ACT-Wazalendo.

Irregularities 

With the questionable disqualification of key challengers, many have alleged irregularities in the three elections. 

Even before this year’s polls, Cameroon has often been portrayed as a country practicing electoral autocracy — meaning it holds elections regularly, but ones that fall short of democratic standards. 

Opposition bet Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who placed second according to the Constitutional Court’s results, claimed he had won the October 12 vote with a 54.8% share of votes, based on partial data. 

Allegations of irregularities in the Ivorian polls primarily stem from the removal of key candidates from the ballots, resulting in what observers label as a “non-competitive” election. Residents said the election was held under a climate of fear, too, with a heavy police presence observed in the days leading up to, and after, the vote. 

In Tanzania, evidence of electoral fraud was more blatant, as the country entered an information blackout with the internet shut down. The European Union later slammed the “lack of level playing field” and “large number of fatalities and significant injuries” in the polls.

Protest and violence

Four protesters were killed a day before Biya’s proclamation in Cameroon, with many more reported to be hurt in demonstrations that have taken over major parts of the country, including its commercial capital, Douala. 

Biya has acknowledged this violence, but his government was quick to flip the script, blaming “perpetrators and instigators” who alleged electoral fraud for fuelling post-election chaos.

Meanwhile, protests in Ivory Coast had largely been quashed by the government as dozens of demonstrators were arrested for public order offences, in what Amnesty International described as a clear sign of repression.

Post-election violence in Tanzania was the most alarming, as the opposition claimed the death toll had reached 700. The actual count, they said, could be much higher as more killings took place during a nighttime curfew. 

Tanzania’s foreign minister dismissed the violence as a "few isolated pockets of incidents here and there,” adding the internet shutdown was a necessary measure to save lives. 

“It was very certain that Biya was going to clinch another victory,” said Amindeh Blaise Atabong, a Yaounde-based journalist who covers politics and society. “He has the apparatus.”

At 92, Biya is one of Africa’s longest-serving leaders and the world’s oldest head of state. Over 42 years in power, he has built a vast political machinery that critics say extends well beyond the bounds of legality — and deep into the electoral process itself.

Atabong said many Cameroonians have lost faith in the ballot box entirely. The International Foundation for Electoral Systems has described the country as an “electoral autocracy,” one that holds regular votes but fails to meet basic democratic standards.

Protests erupted even before the official proclamation of results, triggering violent clashes in Douala, Cameroon’s commercial capital, that left at least four people dead. 

There were even reports from opposition candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who finished second with 35.2% of the vote, of civilians outside his home being shot at hours before the announcement.

“It was very, very tense, and it has only gotten worse since then, especially after the proclamation of the results,” Atabong told Global South World. 

Biya has acknowledged the post-election violence in a brief statement released online shortly after being declared the winner, in what was his first and only public comment since re-election.

As protests swell across the country, uncertainty now hangs over Biya’s new seven-year term — including whether he will even be able to see it through, which would leave him in office until just shy of his 100th birthday.

“It's possible,” Atabong said when asked if Biya could step down before the term ends. “We've seen that in other places in Africa, with the most recent example being Madagascar, where the president had to flee because of popular protests.”

“So, everything is possible. We can’t rule that out.”

Change or nothing

Biya is set to be inaugurated on November 6 in Cameroon’s capital, Yaoundé. 

Atabong said the president returns to power over a country increasingly weary of the same leadership, with frustration especially high among the youth, a generation that feels locked out of opportunity and excluded from decision-making.

“The youth are really frustrated. Most of them are trying to leave the country. They are fed up with the system, which is mostly owned by octogenarians,” he said. 

Now entering his eighth term, Biya faces a Cameroon under growing strain, from global shocks such as the wars in Ukraine and Gaza to domestic challenges including the long-running Boko Haram insurgency and deep linguistic divisions between the country’s English- and French-speaking regions.

With a 92-year-old president who frequently disappears from public view, questions are mounting over whether Biya remains fit to govern.

“Economically, the country is shrinking, there is bad governance , there is corruption, there is high level of unemployment, the cost of living is high, and we have not really capitalised on the transformation of most of our local resources,” Atabong said. 

“All of that put together, it's a cocktail that can easily degenerate.”

Ruling for more than four decades has left Cameroon deeply dependent on Biya’s grip. Still, Atabong said many citizens are bracing for the inevitable instability that will follow his eventual exit, whenever that comes.

“There is no indication that he is ready to step down because after he modified the constitution in 2008, striking off the term limit, he is still free constitutionally to go in for another mandate after this current one, which he just won,” he said.

“People just want change, even if it means moving from bad to worse.”

What now?

For now, as Biya remains out of public view, opposition figures continue to contest the results of the October 12 election.

Tchiroma had called for a three-day national lockdown, urging Cameroonians to “let the entire country come to a standstill,” to show the world that “we are resisting and that we will not yield” and to remind the Biya government that “the strength of an economy is its people.”

However, following violent clashes outside his Garoua home, Tchiroma was reportedly forced to flee with the help of “loyalist army” members, a move that, if confirmed, could signal growing cracks within Biya’s own ranks.

“The way going forward, I think it will depend on a couple of factors. First of all, it depends on within the rank of the security forces,” Atabong said. “If that doesn't happen, then I think not long from now, the riots will grow. So, it all depends on the days ahead, how it's going to play out.”

Atabong also noted the muted reaction abroad. The African Union even congratulated the longtime Cameroonian president in a statement that also expressed concern over the post-election unrest in the country.

“Since Cameroon, and largely Africa, has been a diplomatic battlefield, most of the foreign powers are very cautious on how they go about relations with the incoming government,” he said.

“Big countries like the US, maybe Russia, maybe China, they will more or less end up at lip service and be more cautious about how they comment on the developments in Cameroon because they have their interest in the country,” he added. “For now, the international community is failing Cameroon.”

With just days to go before Biya’s November 6 inauguration, unrest continues to define the political climate. What unfolds in the coming days could determine not only the next seven years of Biya’s rule, but also whether Cameroon’s fragile calm can hold at all.

This concludes our coverage of the October 29 elections in Tanzania, where incumbent leader President Samia Suluhu Hassan prepares to begin a fresh five-year term amid growing unrest and violence. Follow Global South World's official social media pages for more post-election updates from Tanzania.

Hassan declared winner by 98%

Tanzania's electoral commission declared on Saturday that President Samia Suluhu Hassan had won, with nearly 98% of the votes, an election that set off violent protests across the country this week.

The result hands Hassan, who took power in 2021 after the death in office of her predecessor, a five-year term to govern the East African country of 68 million people.

Protests erupted during Wednesday's vote for president and parliament, with some demonstrators tearing down banners of Hassan and setting fire to government buildings and police firing tear gas and gunshots, according to witnesses.

Demonstrators are angry about the electoral commission's exclusion of Hassan's two biggest challengers from the race and what they described as widespread repression.

Tanzania's main opposition party said on Friday that hundreds of people had been killed in the protests, while the U.N. human rights office said credible reports indicated at least 10 people were killed in three cities.

The government dismissed the opposition's death toll as "hugely exaggerated" and has rejected criticism of its human rights record.

Reuters could not independently verify casualty figures.

COMMISSION SAYS TURNOUT WAS 87%

The electoral commission said that Hassan received more than 31.9 million votes, or 97.66% of the total, with turnout nearing 87% of the country's 37.6 million registered voters.

Turnout appeared low on election day, according to witnesses, with some polling stations disrupted by the protests.

The Tanzanian authorities have imposed a nationwide curfew for the past three nights and restricted access to the internet.

Foreign Affairs Minister Mahmoud Thabit Kombo on Friday denied allegations that security services had used excessive force, saying there had only been a "very few small pockets of incidents" caused by criminal elements.

U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, in a statement issued on Friday by his spokesperson, called "for a thorough and impartial investigation into all allegations of excessive use of force" and deplored the loss of life.

RECENT CRITICISM FOR HASSAN

Hassan, 65, won praise after taking office in 2021 from predecessor John Magufuli for easing repression that increased under his tenure but has more recently faced criticism from opposition parties and activists after a series of arrests and alleged abductions of opponents.

She has denied allegations of widespread rights abuses. Last year, she said she had ordered an investigation into reports of abductions, but no official findings have been released.

During the campaign, she touted accomplishments expanding road and railway networks and increasing power generation capacity.

The main opposition party CHADEMA had called for protests during the election, which it said amounted to a "coronation".

CHADEMA was disqualified in April from the election after it refused to sign a code of conduct, and its leader Tundu Lissu was charged with treason.

The commission also disqualified the candidate for opposition party ACT-Wazalendo, leaving only minor parties to take on Hassan.

Violence breaks out in Tanzania's biggest city

Tanzania’s largest city, Dar es Salaam, descended into chaos on Wednesday, October 29, as protests broke out during the country’s general elections.

Demonstrators clashed with police, reportedly setting a police station ablaze and damaging public property.

A video by Viory showed a column of smoke rising over the city. The protests, led by opposition supporters, called for political reforms and transparency in the electoral process.

Police used tear gas to disperse crowds, and authorities have imposed a curfew. Internet disruptions were also reported nationwide.

President Samia Suluhu Hassan, expected to secure re-election, has faced accusations of stifling dissent after key opposition candidates were disqualified. Human rights groups have condemned recent crackdowns on free speech and political activity.

Ballots destroyed and officials flee as protests escalate

Reports from local sources describe ballots being destroyed and scattered on the streets as protests intensified. Election officials allegedly abandoned polling stations amid the unrest, raising further doubts about the credibility of the electoral process and the government’s ability to maintain control.

Police stations torched in Dar es Salaam and Arusha

Protesters burned police stations in both Dar es Salaam and Arusha, and a police patrol vehicle was also set alight in Dar es Salaam. The attacks on security infrastructure signal rising anger on the streets and a growing breakdown of public order.

Defiance on the streets as protests continue despite curfew

Demonstrations persist across Tanzania even after police enforced a nationwide curfew. Crowds have defied restrictions, demanding accountability and transparency following the country’s disputed election.

Influx of wounded patients at Muhimbili Hospital

Muhimbili National Hospital is witnessing an influx of injured patients following post-election violence across the city, hospital sources told the BBC. The surge in casualties comes as protesters took to the streets demanding electoral reforms and the restoration of free political activity. Demonstrators set vehicles ablaze and damaged public infrastructure in various parts of Dar es Salaam, prompting a swift response from authorities.

Tanzania’s police chief, Camillus Wambura, imposed a citywide curfew starting from 6:00 p.m. local time (15:00 GMT), urging residents to remain indoors. No end date for the curfew has been provided.

Dar es Salaam’s Regional Commissioner, Alfred Chalamila, warned earlier that the government would take firm action against anyone disturbing public order. Protests were also reported in other parts of the country, including Mbeya and Tunduma. “We are tired,” a protester told the BBC. “We want an independent electoral commission so that every Tanzanian can choose the leader they want.”

Opposition suppression, new promises, chaos – Tanzania’s incumbent president readies for another term?

Incumbent President Samia Suluhu Hassan and her ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), are widely expected to secure another term in office, as the country has wrapped up the nationwide vote.

But the path to re-election has been marked by the suppression of opposition voices, raising new concerns over the country’s democratic course.

Now there are widespread demonstrations across the country following the close of polls.

President Samia, who took office in 2021 following the death of former leader John Magufuli, is seeking her first full term. Since then, she has positioned herself as a reformer and bridge-builder, especially in  international  circles, but at home, her government has been criticised for systematically sidelining opposition figures and dissent. Read more .

US Embassy issues security alert over post election unrest

The U.S. Embassy in Tanzania has issued a security alert to American citizens and embassy staff following reports of demonstrations and unrest in several parts of the country after the elections.

According to the advisory, Tanzanian police have imposed a curfew in Dar es Salaam beginning at 6:00 p.m. on October 29, as security forces respond to protests in multiple locations. The embassy warned that the situation remains fluid, with reports of ongoing demonstrations and an increased security presence across major cities.

The embassy instructed U.S. government personnel to shelter in place at their residences and announced that, for October 30, operations at the U.S. Embassy in Dar es Salaam will be limited to emergency consular services only.

Social media reactions to curfew, alleged internet shutdown in Tanzania

Many Tanzanian netizens are reporting difficulties accessing platforms like X without resorting to VPNs. Digital rights commentators say these shutdowns curtail freedom of expression and limit democratic dialogue. For example, scholars warn that internet blackouts reduce the available space for political debate, activist organising, and citizen oversight. Some social media users are expressing frustration and fear - citing that restrictions may signal an attempt to limit dissent ahead of election results.

Unrest spreads across Tanzania as protests turn violent

In the hours following the vote, Tanzania has descended into turmoil.

Protesters have taken to the streets, torching buildings and destroying property in several regions, as anger over the electoral process intensifies. Police forces have been deployed nationwide, attempting to contain the chaos and restore order. But with demonstrations spreading and communication networks disrupted, the scale of unrest now threatens to overshadow the very legitimacy of Tanzania’s election.

President Samia cast her vote, urged Tanzanians to turn out peacefully

President Samia Suluhu Hassan began the day by expressing gratitude to Almighty God after joining fellow citizens of Chamwino to cast her vote. The Head of State described it as “a blessed morning,” commending the sense of unity and civic responsibility shown by voters who turned up early across the country.

President Samia encouraged all Tanzanians to continue turning out in large numbers to vote peacefully and calmly, noting that millions had already participated in an orderly manner. She emphasized that maintaining peace and stability during the election process was vital to strengthening democracy and ensuring that every citizen’s voice is heard.

Silence and tension mark Tanzania’s election day

In Tanzania, the right to vote has collided with the struggle to be heard.

As the country heads to the polls, violent clashes and an internet blackout have plunged the electoral process into uncertainty. Reports from local media describe streets under tight security, opposition leaders detained, and voters struggling to access information or communicate online. With most social networks blocked and news outlets operating under pressure, Tanzania’s election unfolds in a climate of fear and silence - one where the flow of information may prove as decisive as the vote itself.

Tanzania’s 2025 elections face a crisis of information control 

In Tanzania today, truth itself has become a battleground.

As the country approaches its general elections on October 29, 2025, it is not the ballot box but the control of information that may decide the nation’s future. Across newsrooms, churches, and social media, fear and censorship are reshaping the space for public debate and democracy.

Over recent years, the government has steadily tightened control over what citizens can read, post, or even discuss. Key online platforms once central to public conversation -Twitter (now X), Clubhouse, Telegram, and the influential Tanzanian forum JamiiForums - have been  blocked or restricted. Read more here .

Elections without opposition?

As Tanzanians prepare to vote in presidential, parliamentary, and local elections on Wednesday, October 29, much of the opposition has been pushed to the margins, with leading parties boycotting the race and several candidates disqualified or silenced.

The election is officially set to feature 17 presidential contenders, but only one, incumbent President Samia Suluhu Hassan of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), enjoys national recognition and institutional backing. 

The imbalance has prompted critics to question whether the poll represents a genuine democratic contest or simply a formality to extend CCM’s near five-decade rule. More here .

Blind political loyalty 

In Tanzania, as in many African democracies, politics has become less about reform and more about political loyalty. 

Politics in Tanzania is now less about policy and more about belonging – cheering for a team instead of striving for better governance. And when loyalty overshadows ideas, meaningful change disappears.

Once political identity becomes part of who we are – “I am CCM” or “I am Chadema” –  the goal shifts. People stop comparing policies and start defending their side while attacking the other. Political scientists call this  affective polarisation :  when people become emotionally attached to one camp and hostile toward another, no matter the issues. More here .

Controversial promises ahead of the elections

As Tanzanians vote in the 2025 general election, the campaign period closed with promises made over the past two months taking centre stage – some attracting attention for their controversy. The October 29 polls will elect the president, members of the National Assembly, and ward councillors. Campaigning officially began on 28 August and has been marked less by policy debate than by a series of unconventional pledges that have sparked both amusement and debate. While some of these promises appear light-hearted, analysts  suggest  their prominence reflects the limited participation of major opposition figures in this year’s race. Read more here .

Tanzania heads to the polls today in a high-stakes vote that could cement the ruling CCM party’s seven-decade grip on power.

With opposition candidates sidelined by arrests and intimidation, President Samia Suluhu Hassan appears poised to secure another term amid calls for fair competition and political reform.

Meet the candidates for next Tanzanian president

Over 37 million Tanzanian voters head to the polls today to select their new leader under a tense political climate marked by limited media access and growing state control.

Who among them will prevail?

Polls opened at 4 am GMT and closed at 1 pm GMT — vote counting is underway, and results will be made public within three days, according to the election commission.

BACKGROUND

Post-election protests turn violent

Violent protests broke out in Tanzania's biggest city, Dar es Salaam, on Wednesday during an election, President Samia Suluhu Hassan is expected to win following the disqualification of the leading opposition candidates.

Internet service was disrupted across the country, monitor group NetBlocks said, as unverified videos of young protesters throwing rocks at security forces and a petrol station in flames circulated on social media.

Hundreds of protesters were marching towards the Selander Bridge that leads to Dar es Salaam's centre, said a witness who asked not to be named.

Witnesses reported violent protests in at least four neighbourhoods of Dar es Salaam, while video from BBC Swahili showed police using tear gas to disperse protesters in another part of the city.

Who’s in

The incumbent president and the first woman to lead Tanzania, Suluhu Hassan has years of experience in government and initially projected herself as a moderate reformer. Running with Emmanuel Nchimbi as her vice-presidential candidate, she remains the dominant political figure in the race. Her strongest potential challengers, particularly from the Chadema opposition party, have been weakened by systematic state pressure. Opposition leaders have faced legal restrictions, arrests, and in some cases, violent intimidation. This has left Tanzania’s political opposition fragmented and largely unable to mount an effective national campaign.

Masoud, the former First Vice President of Zanzibar, has emerged as the main opposition figure in the campaign. Known for his legal background and measured political style, he has positioned himself as a reformist voice advocating for stronger governance , youth empowerment, and greater autonomy for Zanzibar within the union.

Although the National Electoral Commission reportedly barred his candidacy earlier this year, ACT Wazalendo continued to campaign with him as its symbolic presidential representative, drawing significant crowds, particularly in Zanzibar. His prominence underscores the frustration among opposition supporters over shrinking political space.

Kadege’s campaign centres on youth employment and vocational training, aiming to expand opportunities for young Tanzanians.

Mulumbe advocates for the use of satellite technology to boost sectors like agriculture, mining , and justice, and supports introducing dual citizenship to strengthen economic ties.

Mwiru focuses on agricultural reform, proposing zonal markets, fixed crop and livestock prices, and 24-hour access to essential public services.

Who’s out

Much of the opposition in Tanzania has been pushed to the margins in the presidential, parliamentary and local elections, with leading parties boycotting the race and several candidates disqualified or silenced.

The election is officially set to feature 17 presidential contenders, but only one, incumbent President Samia Suluhu Hassan of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), enjoys national recognition and institutional backing.

The imbalance has prompted critics to question whether the poll represents a genuine democratic contest or simply a formality to extend CCM’s near five-decade rule.

Tanzania’s two largest opposition parties, CHADEMA and ACT-Wazalendo, are not taking part after accusing the government of orchestrating a systematic crackdown on dissent. Several of their key leaders have been barred from running, while others face ongoing court cases or arbitrary detention.

In April, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) disqualified CHADEMA’s presidential candidate on what the party described as “manufactured technicalities.” International news agency Reuters later confirmed that other opposition figures were similarly struck off ballots at local and parliamentary levels.

Human rights groups, including Amnesty International, have reported a “climate of fear”, citing arbitrary arrests, media restrictions, and enforced disappearances in the lead-up to the vote.

“Authorities have intensified repression ahead of the elections, instilling fear among activists, journalists, and ordinary citizens,” Amnesty said in an October report.

When Samia Suluhu Hassan took office in 2021 following the death of John Magufuli, she was initially praised for loosening restrictions on the opposition and reopening civic space. But over time, that image has faded.

Opposition activists say the state has perfected a softer, procedural form of authoritarianism — one that relies less on overt violence and more on bureaucratic obstacles, judicial harassment, and control of the media landscape.

What’s at stake

Beyond the political contest, Tanzanians continue to grapple with everyday struggles; unreliable electricity, water shortages, unemployment, and poor healthcare.

Still, many voters feel there is little space for genuine alternatives, with the ruling party dominating the political narrative and state machinery.

Dearth of information

There are 17 candidates, but reliable information about most of them remains scarce. The campaign has been dominated by the ruling party’s candidate, while smaller contenders have struggled to gain visibility in a political environment marked by limited media access and growing state control.

The political climate is tense, with reports of repression, arrests, and intimidation targeting opposition figures. President Samia Suluhu Hassan, who assumed office in 2021 after the death of John Magufuli, entered power promising reform and reconciliation. However, critics argue that her government has since tightened its grip on the political system, leaving little room for genuine competition.

While smaller candidates remain part of the electoral process, there is very little publicly available information about most of them, and their campaigns receive limited coverage, giving them minimal capacity to challenge CCM’s entrenched dominance. Their participation, however, serves as a reminder of Tanzania’s multi-party structure, one that exists more in form than in genuine political balance.

Candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who placed second with 35.2% of the vote, claimed civilians outside his Garoua home were being shot at hours before the proclamation, triggering widespread concern.

“Urgent: Currently at my home in Garoua, they are shooting at civilians who are camping in front of my house,” Tchiroma wrote on Facebook on Monday. “The assault is on.” 

Reports from the ground relayed to Global South World indicate growing fear among Cameroonians.

While allegations of vote rigging are not new in the country — nearly every election has been accused of favouring Biya — sources say his government is now responding to these claims not with restraint, but with force.

Biya’s victory was confirmed after Cameroon’s Constitutional Council dismissed all eight petitions alleging electoral irregularities, any of which could have led to the partial or total cancellation of the polls .

Opposition groups, including Tchiroma, have rejected the results. The former Biya ally claimed on social media that he was the real winner and accused the council of being “complicit in a breach of trust.”

Biya, meanwhile, sought to present himself as a magnanimous victor and unifying leader, acknowledging the “weight of the responsibility” and the “great expectations” of his “compatriots.”

“At this point in time when the sovereign people have once again placed their trust in me for a new term of office, my first thoughts are with all those who have unnecessarily lost their lives, as well with their families, as a result of the post-election violence.”

In a Global South World interview, an Ivorian journalist shared fears over the integrity of the voter list, alleging that it includes thousands of foreign nationals, some of whom, he claims, are being used to swing the vote.

“If we go to the election with this electoral list, even if it is Jesus Christ, this president will win. Because he has put so many foreign people inside,” the journalist who spoke to Global South World on condition of anonymity. “There are some women inside who have 100 children. He will win. It is in his favour.”

“The real objective of the opposition is to make sure the election is not held on the 25th. Because if it is not held, from the 26th morning, he is no longer president,” the journalist added.

“Let us suppose the guy accepts that two principal opponents come on the list, no problem. There will be another problem. Because if the list is not cleaned, he will still win,” the journalist explained.

Côte d’Ivoire hosts a large immigrant population , and disputes over nationality and voter eligibility have long been volatile issues in its politics.

Conflicts in the 2000s were partly fueled by debates over who counted as “Ivorian”, a nationality issue now re-emerging and “raising concerns about the smooth running of the vote”

The final voter register lists 8.7 million people (in a country of 30 million, almost half under 18), yet authorities have ruled out any further revisions ahead of the election.

Critics say this refusal to audit the list despite reported irregularities undermines transparency. With the electoral commission insisting it’s independent and “respecting decisions of an independent judiciary,” the opposition remains sceptical

They argue that only a cleaned-up, credible voter list, free of unqualified or duplicate entries, can produce a legitimate outcome.

President Ouattara is seeking what opposition leaders describe as an unconstitutional fourth term, having already served since 2010.

“What is the most important? It is to check one by one, all people on the list, to see if they are Ivorian or not. The guy will refuse. Because if this list is cleared, he will never win – never, never, never,” the journalist added.