The mobilisation was led by miners affiliated with the Departmental Federation of Mining Cooperatives of Cochabamba (Fidecomin), who marched towards the city centre to demand the immediate repeal of the decree. Protesters described the measure as unconstitutional and warned that it disproportionately affects low-income Bolivians who rely on subsidised fuel to sustain their daily livelihoods.

Speaking during the march, miners made clear that the repeal of Decree 5503 is their sole demand and signalled that the current protests could escalate. Union representatives said more forceful actions, including road blockades and broader mobilisations, remain under consideration if the government fails to respond.

Decree 5503 set new fuel prices at 6.96 bolivianos per litre for regular petrol, 11 bolivianos for premium petrol, and 9.80 bolivianos for diesel. The policy marks a significant shift in Bolivia’s long-standing fuel subsidy system and comes amid wider economic pressures facing the country.

The government has suggested that the protests may be driven by political motivations, a claim firmly rejected by demonstrators, who argue their demands are social and economic in nature . With mobilisations expected to continue, attention now turns to the executive branch, which faces mounting pressure to address opposition to the decree and prevent further escalation of the conflict.

The removal of subsidies, which until now kept fuel well below international market costs, will result in sharp increases in gasoline and diesel prices. Under the new regime, the cost of petrol and diesel is expected to rise substantially, with diesel climbing more than 160 per cent and petrol nearly doubling in price. At the same time, the government said it would maintain the price of liquefied petroleum gas to protect household budgets.

Paz described the elimination of fuel subsidies as part of an “economic and social emergency” and insisted the move does not mean abandonment of social commitments, but rather “order, justice and transparent redistribution” of resources. He also announced a 20 per cent increase in the national minimum wage and expanded social support measures intended, officials say, to cushion the impact on vulnerable groups.

The decision has drawn both support and criticism domestically. Some sectors welcomed the end of costly subsidies that drained the state coffers, which previously amounted to several billion dollars annually and argued the move could help reduce fiscal deficits and encourage private sector participation in fuel supply. Others, including labour groups and transport unions, have expressed strong opposition, staging demonstrations and strikes in major cities such as La Paz and Santa Cruz, as the higher fuel costs quickly rippled through public transport and other key services .

Internationally, Bolivia’s policy shift is being watched as part of a wider pattern in Latin America , where countries are grappling with the legacy of long-standing subsidies amid economic pressures including inflation, dollar shortages and budget deficits. For foreign investors and regional partners, the reforms signal a significant break with the previous two decades of fixed fuel pricing and a move towards market-oriented adjustments aimed at restoring fiscal health.

Speaking during a visit by members of the South‑South Development Commission (SSDC) to the refinery and fertiliser complex over the weekend, the refinery’s chief executive, Aliko Dangote said the plant will deliver roughly 50 million litres of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) daily beginning December 1, with a similar target for January, and plans to scale up to 1.7 billion litres per month by February 2026.

“In line with our commitment to national well-being, and consistent with our track record of ensuring a holiday season free of fuel scarcity, the Dangote Petroleum Refinery will supply 1.5 billion litres of PMS to the Nigerian market this month. This represents 50 million litres per day. We are formally notifying the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) of this commitment. We will supply another 1.5 billion litres in January and increase to 1.7 billion litres in February, which translates to about 60 million litres per day,” Dangote said.

The announcement comes on the back of growing pressure on Nigeria’s energy sector to end decades of chronic fuel shortages, long petrol-station queues, and volatile prices.

The Dangote refinery first began partial petrol distribution in 2024, addressing some of Nigeria’s fuel needs. Yet despite this progress, imported fuel still accounted for a large portion of the monthly supply.

Between August 2024 and October 2025, the country imported approximately 15.01 billion litres of Premium Motor Spirit.

The controversial reform, enacted in mid-September 2025, raised the price of diesel from $1.80 to over $2.80 per gallon. Noboa’s administration argued that the subsidy—costing the state more than $1 billion a year—was unsustainable and often exploited by smugglers. Officials say the savings will be redirected to social programmes and production incentives. Yet, for millions of Ecuadorians who depend on diesel for transport and agriculture, the move has instead meant higher living costs and greater uncertainty.

According to government data, national diesel consumption has fallen by around 13–14 percent since the policy took effect, with steeper drops of over 25 percent in border provinces such as Carchi and Imbabura. While authorities present this as proof that the reform is working, unions and Indigenous organisations see it as evidence of an economic slowdown and declining livelihoods in rural areas.

The public backlash has been fierce. The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE), transport unions, and farmers have led weeks of demonstrations demanding the reversal of the policy. Security forces have clashed repeatedly with protesters, prompting the government to declare a state of emergency in several provinces. At least one person has died, more than a hundred have been detained, and some are facing “terrorism” charges—a move that rights groups have criticised as excessive.

Tensions reached a new peak when President Noboa’s convoy was attacked with stones in Cañar, an incident the government described as an assassination attempt. The episode underscored how fragile the situation has become. A month on, Ecuador stands at a crossroads: between the promise of economic discipline and the mounting demand for social justice . Whether Noboa can restore calm without losing public trust remains an open question.

According to the presidential decree, the emergency applies to the provinces of Pichincha, Cotopaxi, Tungurahua, Chimborazo, Bolívar, Cañar, Azuay, Orellana, Sucumbíos and Pastaza. Noboa said the protests had “exceeded the legitimate limits” of peaceful resistance and now represent “a serious alteration of public order beyond the control of ordinary measures.” The order suspends the right to public assembly in these regions, limiting gatherings in public spaces for 60 days, though peaceful demonstrations will still be permitted if they do not infringe on others’ rights.

The president also authorised the mobilisation of the Armed Forces and National Police to maintain security, protect lives and ensure freedom of movement and economic activity. Noboa claimed that police and soldiers had been attacked, kidnapped, and mistreated during the protests. Human rights groups, meanwhile, have reported nearly 200 alleged violations, mostly attributed to security forces.

This is the second state of emergency Noboa has declared in recent weeks. On Friday, Ecuador’s Constitutional Court annulled a previous decree affecting five provinces, following challenges from the powerful Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE), which leads the current demonstrations. The court upheld the emergency only in the provinces of Carchi and Imbabura, the latter considered the epicentre of unrest.

The protests erupted after Noboa ended long-standing diesel subsidies — a policy that he says will save the state $1.1 billion but that critics argue will hit rural and Indigenous communities hardest. CONAIE leader Marlon Vargas warned that demonstrators could “take over Quito” if the government refuses to negotiate, invoking memories of the 2019 and 2022 uprisings that forced previous administrations to reverse similar fuel price hikes. So far, one person has been killed, more than 80 injured, and over 100 arrested during the 13 days of demonstrations.

Around 500 protesters, coming from across Cotopaxi, marched along the Pan-American Highway after military roadblocks and counter-protests blocked access to the central plaza. Demonstrators chanted slogans calling for Noboa’s removal, while organisers emphasised the peaceful nature of the march.

Leaders of the Indigenous and Peasant Movement of Cotopaxi (MICC) and other groups coordinated the demonstration, citing strategic concerns over avoiding direct confrontations. “We are organising carefully. Our aim is to resist government actions, not provoke violence”, said coordinator Apawki Castro.

The Ministry of the Interior reported 24 arrests during the day, after clashes in other parts of Cotopaxi and nearby provinces like Imbabura. Security forces said some demonstrators attacked police facilities, vehicles, and officers with projectiles, though the main march remained largely peaceful.

President Noboa vowed not to yield to the protesters, accusing them of trying to destabilise the country. He maintains his presence in Latacunga and has imposed states of exception, including curfews, in multiple provinces. Indigenous participants, meanwhile, argued that the protests were a response to broken campaign promises and sudden fuel price hikes, drawing parallels with earlier movements in 2019 and 2022 that forced previous governments to reverse similar policies .

Protests have already broken out in provinces like Carchi and Santo Domingo, with roadblocks and arrests reported. The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (Conaie) called the move a “paquetazo” and warned it will affect millions of poor and rural families. The group has threatened nationwide mobilizations, recalling their major role in the 2019 protests that forced a previous government to reverse a similar reform.

The government says it will not negotiate the decision, while critics warn the measure could increase inflation and living costs. Officials argue the reform is necessary to reduce Ecuador’s deficit, which reached nearly 5% of GDP when Noboa took office in 2023.

In June 2008, then–Prime Minister Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi removed fuel subsidies just months after losing Barisan Nasional’s two-thirds parliamentary majority. Inflation surged from 2.3% in January to 8.5% by July, and despite wage hikes and cash aid, public and party dissatisfaction mounted. Criticism, including from predecessor Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, contributed to Abdullah’s early exit, with Datuk Seri Najib Razak succeeding him. Najib avoided similar moves, instead adopting a managed float system (2014–2018) during a period of low global oil prices. Now, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is preparing to address the RON95 blanket fuel subsidy.

GRS to maintain ties with Pakatan, rules out talks with other parties

Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) will continue its exclusive partnership with Pakatan Harapan for the upcoming 17th state election, focusing now on seat distribution talks. Secretary-general Datuk Seri Masidi Manjun said no cooperation with other parties was discussed during the Aug 10 meeting, chaired by GRS leader Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor and attended by coalition partners. Masidi stressed that local parties should lead the alliance, which he credited with maintaining Sabah’s political stability and supporting development efforts.

Sabah must shed its “master-servant” mindset

At the PGRS Congress in Kota Kinabalu, Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor rallied supporters with the phrase “The Master is here. The Master is not there,” recalling a past federal leader’s dismissal of Sabah’s push for a “Borneo Bloc” with Sarawak to strengthen East Malaysia’s voice. That leader had warned Hajiji and his colleagues against pursuing the idea, implying Kuala Lumpur held ultimate authority. Hajiji’s later support for Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim after the 2022 election was seen as a form of political payback. The episode highlights Sabah’s smaller political clout compared to Sarawak, which holds more parliamentary seats and stronger state control.

LFL urges Akmal to debate flag issue instead of bullying store owner

Lawyers for Liberty (LFL) slammed Umno Youth chief Dr Akmal Saleh’s plan to visit a Penang store to “teach” its owner how to display the Jalur Gemilang, calling it bullying, vigilantism, and racially divisive. LFL director Zaid Malek said the store owner had already apologised, yet Akmal ignored this, risking criminal offences such as intimidation and inciting public mischief. Urging government action, Zaid invited Akmal to debate the flag issue instead of harassing citizens. The plan, part of a “Maruah Tanah Airku” rally, follows a viral video showing the flag being carried upside down.

Malaysia must stop saying one thing and doing another

In his first year as UK foreign secretary, David Lammy made 47 overseas trips, including to Malaysia for the 58th ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting on 12 July. Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, opening the event, stressed ASEAN’s “centrality” in shaping the Asia-Pacific’s regional architecture. Lammy also met Anwar, with both hailing upgraded UK-Malaysia ties as a “strategic partnership” based on shared values. However, this rhetoric contrasts with Malaysia’s political reality, where Anwar’s government is pushing legislation—such as amendments to the Printing Presses and Publications Act—that critics say will further curb freedom of expression on sensitive issues of religion, race, and royalty.