At first glance, the phenomenon appears highly visual: teenagers wearing animal masks, mimicking animal movements or speaking about feeling connected to wolves, cats or other species. However, as the trend has spread, discussion has shifted from the imagery itself to the meaning behind it.

Those who identify as therians generally do not claim physical transformation. Instead, they describe a psychological or symbolic alignment with a particular animal, saying certain instincts, traits or emotional patterns feel central to their sense of self. For many, it is framed as an internal experience rather than a performance.

Public reaction in Latin America has been mixed, ranging from curiosity and support to scepticism and concern. Some see it as a form of adolescent self-expression amplified by social media, while others question whether it reflects a deeper or more lasting shift in how young people define themselves.

Specialists note that adolescence has long been a period of identity exploration. In a digital environment where online communities can grow rapidly across borders, new forms of self-description can gain visibility and legitimacy faster than in previous generations.

As therian identity in Latin America moves beyond viral content into wider cultural debate, the conversation increasingly centres on broader questions about personal identity: how it is formed, how flexible it can be, and how societies respond when emerging expressions of self challenge familiar categories.

The Nordic Cross dates back to Denmark’s Dannebrog, widely regarded as the world’s oldest continuously used national flag. Historical records trace its use to the 13th century, and its off-centre cross design later became a template for neighbouring states.

Sweden, Norway, Finland and Iceland all adopted variations of the cross, using different colour schemes to express national identity while maintaining a shared visual language. Over time, autonomous regions such as Åland, the Faroe Islands, Orkney, and Shetland incorporated the same motif, reinforcing cultural continuity across borders.

Beyond history, the flags symbolise political and social ideals commonly associated with the Nordic countries: democracy, social welfare, transparency and strong institutions. These shared values underpin cooperation through bodies such as the Nordic Council , which coordinates policies on security , climate, labour mobility and education.

That unity has taken on greater significance in recent years as the region responds to external pressures, including Russia’s war in Ukraine and rising tensions in the Arctic.

Finland and Sweden’s accession to NATO, finalised between 2023 and 2024, marked a historic shift away from decades of military non-alignment. The move has strengthened NATO’s northern flank and increased the strategic importance of the Nordic region.

Norway, already a founding NATO member, has expanded military cooperation with its neighbours, while Denmark has stepped up defence spending amid concerns about security in the Baltic and Arctic regions.

While the Nordic flags may appear visually similar, their meaning runs deep. They represent a network of nations and communities bound by history , governance and shared responsibility.

The reform follows a ruling by the Corte Constitucional de Colombia, which demanded that the registry adapt its systems to allow gender markers beyond the traditional “male/female” binary. Implementation involved extensive technical adjustments, updating databases, printing systems and digital ID frameworks, to ensure that both physical and digital documents reflect the new options: “NB” for non-binary and “T” for trans.

For many in the LGBTQ+ community, this legal recognition goes beyond paperwork. It represents official validation of identities historically invisibilised by the state. According to advocates, having identity documents that reflect one’s self-perception is fundamental to accessing other civil rights , from employment and healthcare to political participation.

This reform also places Colombia among a growing list of countries seeking to modernise the concept of gender in state administration. By decoupling legal identity from rigid binary norms, the country signals a shift towards more inclusive policies a change that could set a precedent for other nations navigating the complexities of gender, identity and rights in a globalised world .

From the North Atlantic’s isolation to Central Europe’s dense multilingual corridors, the Germanic languages continue to evolve in ways that mirror Europe’s ongoing transformations.

The languages are traditionally divided into two major branches: North Germanic, which is spoken largely in Scandinavia , and West Germanic, which includes English, German, Dutch, Frisian, and Scots.

On the map above, Icelandic and Faroese dominate the North Atlantic fringes, Norwegian, Danish, and Swedish sweep across Scandinavia, and German, Dutch, Frisian, Scots, and English cover much of Western and Central Europe.

According to Encyclopaedia Britannica , the Germanic language family is descended from a common Proto-Germanic ancestor emerging around the mid–1st millennium BCE.

Additionally, the world’s most widely spoken Germanic language, English, owes its global dominance to centuries of colonisation and international trade. There are over 1.4 billion English learners and speakers globally, making it a defining linguistic force in diplomacy, science, and technology.

Meanwhile, German remains the most widely spoken native language within the European Union, a fact with cultural and political implications amid ongoing debates over EU unity and economic leadership.

The North Germanic languages, though spoken by smaller populations, have some of the highest literacy rates and strongest preservation efforts in the world . Icelandic, for instance, deliberately resists borrowing from other languages, implementing unique Icelandic terms for modern concepts.

There are 12 sovereign states in South America, each with a distinctive flag that carries culture, history and identity.

Some share colour palettes, for example, Venezuela, Colombia and Ecuador all draw on yellow-blue-red stripes linked to the independence era of Simón Bolívar. Others, like Brazil’s green-diamond-blue-circle design, embody unique national motifs.

But these flags aren’t just aesthetic; they signal something deeper about where the region stands and where it could go.

Economically, the region is facing slower growth amid mounting global headwinds. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) projects roughly 2.0 % growth for 2025 for Latin America and the Caribbean, and the wider region is wrestling with rising debt, tariffs, and volatility.

At the same time, South America is increasingly thrust into the global spotlight for other reasons: energy, critical minerals, climate, and geopolitics. A recent news feature reported that major oil producers are looking to Brazil, Guyana and Argentina to drive more than 80 % of global non-OPEC oil-production growth over the next five years, a significant pivot for the continent.

And in the lithium-rich salt flats of Bolivia, once hailed as the “Dubai of South America” for battery-metal prospects, disappointed locals, Indigenous communities, and environmental groups are pushing back as promise turns into frustration.

Meanwhile, in regional diplomacy , the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) remains an evolving bloc with economic, political and trade ambitions.

The map above shows how, even as much of the country had legalised interracial marriage, a swath of states, primarily in the South, still enforced laws that made it illegal for people of different races to wed.

These “anti-miscegenation” laws were among the last vestiges of institutionalised segregation. According to the online timeline of marriage laws, more than one-third of U.S. states had such bans well into the 1960s.

The watershed moment came on June 12, 1967, when the Loving v. Virginia decision by the Supreme Court of the United States declared that laws prohibiting marriage between people of different races were unconstitutional, saying that “the freedom to marry … resides with the individual and cannot be infringed by the State.”

However, the map from 1966 reminds us that until that ruling, countless couples faced legal prohibitions simply because of their race.

Some states’ bans lingered on the books long after they became unenforceable — for example, the state of Alabama didn’t officially remove its constitutional prohibition against interracial marriage until a voter referendum in the year 2000.

Why this history still matters

At first glance, these laws might seem like a chapter from long ago, but they speak directly to ongoing debates about equality, identity and the meaning of marriage. For example:

The sea of green across the map above represents Sunni Muslims, the largest branch of Islam, stretching from Egypt and Saudi Arabia through to Turkey and Jordan.

The darker shades, the Shia Muslim heartlands, mark Iran, southern Iraq, and parts of Lebanon and Yemen. Scattered among them are smaller but deeply rooted communities: Christians in Lebanon and Egypt, Jews in Israel , Druze in Syria and northern Israel, Yazidis in Iraq, and Ibadis in Oman.

According to the Pew Research Centre , Muslims make up more than 90% of the population across most of the Middle East and North Africa, but the balance between Sunni and Shia populations continues to shape politics and alliances.

The Council on Foreign Relations notes that the Sunni–Shia split lies at the heart of many of the region’s biggest conflicts, from Syria’s civil war to power struggles in Iraq and tensions between Iran and Gulf Arab states.

Today, those divisions are once again in the global spotlight. As conflict flares in Gaza and regional powers like Iran and Saudi Arabia navigate a fragile détente, the lines of faith drawn across this map help explain the alliances forming and breaking behind the scenes.

But it’s not all division. In places like Lebanon, Egypt, and Jordan, multi-faith societies continue to blend cultures, languages, and traditions that have survived thousands of years of change. The presence of smaller groups like the Druze and Yazidis shows how deeply layered the region’s identity remains, resilient despite war and displacement.

From numeric scales of 0–20 in France to 1–5 in Austria, and 12-point systems in Ukraine, the continent’s grading landscape is vast and varied.

Take France, where students are assessed on a 0–20 scale and 10 marks the pass threshold, with anything above 15 considered excellent. In Austria, the system flips the logic: 1 is the best grade, 5 the fail, a setup that can confuse outsiders where high numbers usually mean top marks.

Meanwhile in Eastern Europe , such as in Ukraine, students operate on a 1–12 scale with 4 considered the minimum pass, while a 12 is reserved for exceptional work.

This diversity matters. With more students studying abroad, chasing scholarships or engaging in international mobility, understanding each country’s system isn’t just trivia, it can shape study plans, diploma recognition and job prospects.

What’s perhaps most striking is how these systems reflect more than academic standards, they reflect national identity. The fact that a Swedish student might get a “VG” (väl godkänd) rather than a letter grade, or that Norway uses letters A–E, shows how education is deeply rooted in culture.

Prime Minister Jotham Napat has criticised the opposition’s constitutional challenge, calling it a deliberate attempt to destabilise his administration. He urged political actors to respect the democratic mandate given by the people and focus on maintaining political stability. The PM’s statement came amid heightened tensions surrounding recent legislative changes, reflecting his broader call for unity and responsible governance in Vanuatu’s evolving democracy.

PM defends people’s vote on constitutional reforms

In response to criticism, Prime Minister Napat defended constitutional reforms aimed at ending Vanuatu’s recurring political instability. He emphasised that the amendments emerged from a grassroots democratic process, reflecting the will of the people rather than elite political interests. The reforms seek to strengthen governmental stability and reduce frequent changes in leadership that have historically hampered policy continuity. Napat underscored that the reforms symbolise a collective effort to build a stronger, more resilient democracy.

Australia and Vanuatu agree to $500m deal, but details remain scarce

Vanuatu has signed a $500 million agreement with Australia, focusing on economic transformation, labour mobility, and security cooperation. While officials hailed it as a major step toward deeper regional ties, few details about implementation have been disclosed. The deal aligns with Canberra’s broader Pacific engagement strategy, reflecting its efforts to strengthen partnerships in the face of growing strategic competition in the region. Observers note that transparency and equitable benefit-sharing will be key to the agreement’s success.

Vanuatu maintains non-alignment policy in Nakamal Agreement

Despite its growing ties with Australia, Vanuatu reaffirmed its non-alignment policy under the Nakamal Agreement, emphasising national sovereignty and independence in foreign affairs. Prime Minister Napat reiterated that while partnerships with countries like Australia are vital for development, Vanuatu remains committed to neutrality in international politics. This stance reinforces the nation’s long-standing position of avoiding entanglement in great-power rivalries, particularly between Western allies and China in the Pacific.

Tanna recognized as birthplace of Vanuatu’s independence movement

In a moment of national pride, President Nikenike Vurobaravu formally recognised Tanna Island as the birthplace of Vanuatu’s independence movement. The commemoration highlighted the island’s historical significance in mobilising local leaders and communities during the fight for sovereignty. The event served as a reminder of Vanuatu’s enduring commitment to unity and national identity, even as the country navigates contemporary challenges in governance and development.