The above map displays individual guesses as yellow dots scattered across the globe, while correct answers are marked in green. The results reveal widespread confusion, with many respondents placing Iran in regions as varied as Europe, North Africa, Central Asia and even Australia.

Iran is located in Western Asia, bordered by Iraq, Turkey, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Afghanistan and Pakistan, with coastlines along the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea. It plays a central role in Middle Eastern politics and global energy markets .

The findings came at a time of heightened tensions between the United States and Iran in early 2020, following military escalations that brought the two countries to the brink of broader conflict.

It is 2026, and the US-Iran tensions are still blazing hot.

On Feb. 28, 2026, the United States and Israel carried out coordinated strikes across Iran . The operation, referred to by Washington as Operation Epic Fury and by Israel as Operation Lion’s Roar, targeted military infrastructure, command centres and missile installations.

Blasts were reported in Tehran and several other cities, with Iranian air defence systems and missile launchers among the sites hit. U.S. and Israeli officials described the action as pre-emptive, aimed at weakening Iran’s nuclear and missile capabilities following stalled negotiations over its nuclear programme.

Iranian state media reported that Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was killed in the initial wave of attacks, a claim later confirmed by multiple outlets, making it one of the most consequential moments in the conflict.

Cuba’s government condemned what it described as a new aggressive escalation by the United States, reaffirming its determination to defend national sovereignty. Official statements accused Washington of intensifying economic pressure through additional measures that further strain the island’s fragile economy. Authorities framed the latest actions as part of a broader hostile policy aimed at destabilising the country. Havana insisted it will resist external interference and continue defending its political system. The rhetoric underscores renewed diplomatic tension between the two nations.

Open-air cinema offers relief amid prolonged blackouts in Havana

Residents in Havana gathered for an open-air film screening organised by the Cuban Institute of Cinematographic Art and Industry (ICAIC), creating a rare communal moment amid severe electricity shortages. Using inflatable screens and rechargeable batteries due to fuel scarcity, organisers transformed a darkened street into a temporary cinema. Blackouts now affect more than half of the island during peak hours, worsening after new US measures targeting countries supplying oil to Cuba. President Miguel Díaz-Canel accused Washington of “asphyxiating” the country energetically, while residents described the screenings as a welcome emotional escape. The initiative reflects community resilience in the face of a deepening energy crisis.

Cuba commemorates key milestone in Martí’s political project

Cuban media marked an anniversary described as a decisive moment in the maturation and crystallisation of José Martí’s political vision. The date is portrayed as pivotal in consolidating the ideological foundations of Cuba’s independence movement. Official narratives emphasised Martí’s enduring influence on national identity and revolutionary thought. The commemoration reinforced the symbolic importance of historical memory in contemporary political discourse. Authorities highlighted Martí’s project as a cornerstone of sovereignty and unity.

US Supreme Court to examine issues related to measures against Cuba

Cuba reported that the United States Supreme Court will examine matters linked to the application of aggressive measures against the island. State media framed the review as part of ongoing legal and political disputes surrounding US sanctions policy. The development is seen as significant given the long-standing legal battles connected to economic restrictions. Cuban authorities continue to criticise the broader sanctions regime as unlawful and harmful to the population . The case adds another dimension to bilateral tensions.

Solar kits priced at over 75,000 pesos amid worsening blackouts

The Cuban government is promoting the sale of solar panel kits as power outages across the country frequently exceed 12 to 16 hours per day. According to the state electricity company, an 800-watt module costs 75,200 Cuban pesos and includes a solar panel, cables, connectors and a battery with 1,200-watt output. While the system can power basic appliances such as a refrigerator, rice cooker or television, it does not fully cover the needs of an average household. The programme is partly aimed at recognised “Heroes and Heroines of Labour”, with more than 130 modules already installed under a broader plan targeting over 10,000 workers. However, the price equals more than 20 average monthly state salaries, making it largely inaccessible without remittances or external support. Although authorities announced tariff exemptions and tax incentives for renewable energy investment, the high upfront cost highlights the economic constraints facing most Cuban families amid the ongoing energy crisis.

The upcoming election features an unusually crowded field, with around 20 presidential candidates, but only a few have gained significant traction in opinion polls . Surveys show that a large proportion of the electorate, nearly half, has not yet cemented support for a candidate, creating an unpredictable race that could result in a second round if no contender reaches the 40 per cent threshold required to win outright.

Security policy has emerged as a central theme in the campaign. Costa Rica, once known as one of Latin America ’s safest countries, has experienced rising homicide rates and public concern over organised crime. In this context, initiatives such as the inauguration of a new high-security prison modelled on El Salvador’s controversial CECOT facility have been spotlighted, with President Rodrigo Chaves and visiting leaders emphasising tough-on-crime approaches.

But alongside policy debates, the campaign has been marked by heightened political confrontation and public frustration. Observers note that traditional party structures are weak, many voters express apathy or disillusionment, and personalistic leadership styles have dominated discourse, potentially overshadowing substantive policy discussion. Some analysts warn that the often aggressive tone of the campaign — amplified on social media — poses a challenge to Costa Rica’s reputation as a stable and highly regarded democratic system in the region.

In response to calls for greater voter information, the Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones has launched initiatives such as the “Votante Informado” programme, designed to provide candidates’ plans and profiles to citizens ahead of election day. As Costa Ricans prepare to cast ballots both at home and abroad, these efforts aim to improve engagement and understanding in a contest where the outcome remains far from certain.

The incident occurred as López approached the parliamentary building and stopped to speak with a journalist. In the video, she is heard saying that lawmakers were being prevented from entering Congress, moments before the explosion. She was later taken to hospital, where doctors treated her for burns, severe pain, dizziness and hearing impairment.

Congress president Luis Redondo condemned the attack and ordered a review of the video footage, while security forces were deployed around the legislative complex. President-elect Nasry ‘Tito’ Asfura also denounced the violence , calling for respect for the rule of law. The attack comes amid heightened post-election tensions following the 30 November vote, after opposition parties rejected a parliamentary session called by the ruling Libre party to discuss a recount.

At its peak it employed more than 10,000 workers. Until its closure on November 28, around 1,600 remained.

The company blamed “mounting cost pressures” and fast-changing market conditions for the closure. Production had already halted on November 21 as managers and labour representatives negotiated severance terms. 

Canon pledged to meet all legal compensation obligations and offer additional payments, but the speed of the shutdown has amplified speculation that geopolitics, not just economics, played a role.

The announcement came during a sharp downturn in Sino-Japanese relations. Tensions escalated after Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi remarked on 7 November that armed conflict in the Taiwan Strait could pose a “survival-threatening situation” for Japan, potentially triggering Self-Defense Forces mobilisation. 

While Tokyo has avoided escalating the row publicly, Japanese companies in China appear to be quietly reassessing their exposure. Planned business exchanges have been abruptly cancelled. 

A delegation of senior executives from major firms — including Toyota and Sony — called off a scheduled November 25 trip to China, stalling what was expected to be an important round of commercial discussions. A 3,000-person friendship event was also scrapped.

Analysts in Chinese media say Japanese firms are pulling back at a notable pace. Commentators cite rising departures in Shandong and Shanghai and describe an emerging “exodus” of manufacturers seeking alternatives in Southeast Asia. 

Some argue this trend is influencing other foreign investors from the US, UK and Singapore, who are reportedly accelerating moves to places such as Indonesia, Vietnam, the Philippines and Bangladesh. Even Chinese suppliers, they note, are following clients abroad.

Others caution that widespread foreign withdrawals could strain China’s job market, particularly in sectors that have long been supported by international manufacturers. Canon’s closure alone has left more than a thousand workers seeking new employment in a region where factory work is no longer as plentiful as it once was.

Cadima, a retired academic and former public official, has spent more than twenty years analysing Latin America ’s political transformations.

Before addressing this, he clarifies that neither the left nor the right are monolithic. Within the left, he distinguishes between the populist, authoritarian current known as 21st-century socialism —seen in countries like Venezuela, Nicaragua, Cuba and Bolivia—and a more democratic, social left focused on inclusion and citizens’ rights. On the right, he identifies a neoliberal, populist trend linked to leaders such as Milei, Trump and Bolsonaro, alongside a more traditional liberal right that has largely faded but still seeks to regain space in national politics.

In his view, both the left and the right have evolved into populist and authoritarian versions of themselves, making it increasingly difficult to distinguish one from the other. “Maduro’s authoritarianism and Trump’s authoritarianism,” he points out, “are different in ideology but similar in conduct.”

For Cadima, the deeper problem is that populism has outlived ideology. Both left and right have adopted authoritarian traits and use democracy in a utilitarian way — not as a principle, but as a means of preserving power, consolidating parties, and protecting entrenched elite interests, known in Bolivia as " the rosca" and in Argentina as " the political caste" . From his perspective within what he calls the democratic left, the true confrontation in Latin America is no longer ideological. “It is not between left and right,” he says, “but between democracy and autocracy.”

According to Cadima, both camps are now operating within systems that sabotage democracy from within. Power becomes concentrated in a person or a small circle; parliaments may function, but freedom of expression and opposition are restricted, turning the system into the antithesis of democracy.

He envisions democracy in a broader sense: constitutional, institutional, and politically organised freedom that extends beyond voting and is sustained by citizens’ active participation. One that values dialogue, empathy, and diversity — thus closing the way to polarisation and violent confrontation. “Plurality,” he insists, “should not be seen as the enemy of unity, but as the foundation of a nation built on diversity.”

Rebuilding trust, Cadima concludes, requires more than regime change. Latin America must enter a new era — one that revives democratic conviction and restores faith in politics itself. In his vision, the region’s next political chapter will not be defined by who wins the ideological battle, but by who manages to protect and strengthen democracy.

His supporters call him the “stability guy,” crediting him with years of economic growth. His critics say it’s a sign of democracy fatigue, the feeling that leaders in the region just don’t want to let go.

The field this year is also thinner than usual. Laurent Gbagbo , the former president ousted after the 2010–2011 crisis, can’t run because of a previous conviction. Tidjane Thiam , a former Credit Suisse boss and one of the opposition’s biggest names, was also barred after the courts ruled he was still technically a French national when he registered. Their absence has left many wondering how competitive the race really is.

And then there’s the online chaos. Fake news, deepfakes, and WhatsApp rumours are swirling through the country’s digital spaces. Authorities have been cracking down hard, banning protests, arresting activists, and tightening social media monitoring. Earlier this year, 26 protesters were sentenced to three years in jail for what officials called illegal demonstrations.

It’s not the first time Côte d’Ivoire has headed into an uneasy vote. The 2010 election ended in months of fighting that killed around 3,000 people. Since then, the country has rebuilt, but deep divisions still linger. Many young Ivorians, who make up the majority of the population, say they’re tired of recycled politics and just want jobs, fairness, and a real say in their future.

Observers from ECOWAS , the African Union , and the European Union are expected to monitor the polls. But as election day approaches, the question many Ivorians are quietly asking is simple: can this vote finally move the country forward? Or will it reopen old wounds?

“People are supposed to be in the streets for three or four days until the guy changes position,” an Ivorian journalist told me in a recent interview. “But some people are afraid."

"Do you know that since the day the guy took power in 2010, until today, there have been some people in jail? Can you believe this?" he added.

That fear is not unfounded. In the lead-up to the 2020 election , at least 85 people were killed in political violence after President Alassane Ouattara announced he would run for a third term, a move widely seen as unconstitutional at the time.

The opposition boycotted the vote, labelling it a “constitutional coup,” and the resulting low-turnout election saw Ouattara claim over 94% of the vote.

The current tensions lie in the electoral list, which opposition leaders claim is deliberately packed with non-Ivorian names to tip the scales in favour of the ruling party.

“Even if it is Jesus Christ, this president will win,” said the journalist. “Because he has put so many foreign people inside.”

The 2002 civil war and the post-electoral crisis of 2010 were both rooted in disputes over who qualifies as truly Ivorian . In a country with a significant immigrant population, opposition leaders say Ouattara’s electoral commission is exploiting that legacy to manufacture loyalty through questionable registrations.

Efforts to audit or revise the register have been rebuffed. “What is the most important? It is to check one by one, all people on the list to see if they are Ivorian or not. The guy will refuse. Because if this list is cleared, he will never win — never, never, never.”

Many fear a repeat of 2020’s violence , or worse. The opposition has signalled that unless the electoral list is revised and all qualified candidates reinstated, they may reject the results outright. “I’m not sure this election will be held,” the journalist confessed. “If on the 25th of this month the election is not held, from the 26th morning he is no more the president. There will be someone — not involved in politics — to organise it.” It’s a scenario that edges the country close to *constitutional rupture*.

Should protests escalate or the vote be widely discredited, international mediation may be required, as was the case in 2011, when post-election violence ended only after French and UN troops intervened. For now, Ivorians live with a sense of déjà vu.