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    <title>Global South World - semiconductors</title>
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    <description><![CDATA[News, opinion and analysis focused on the Global South and rising nations across the world. Delivered by journalists on the ground in Africa, Asia, Europe and the Americas. From politics and business to technology, science and social issues, Global South World is the first place to come for accurate and trusted information.]]></description>
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      <title>A new corporate giant shows China’s model is converging with the West: Opinion</title>
      <link>https://www.globalsouthworld.com/article/a-new-corporate-giant-shows-chinas-model-is-converging-with-the-west-opinion</link>
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      <pubDate>Sat, 01 Aug 2026 13:12:00 Z</pubDate>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>Changxin Memory Technologies (CXMT), China’s flagship maker of DRAM semiconductors, went public in a historic market debut. Within hours of trading, CXMT’s shares surged, pushing its market valuation past £350bn (¥3.3tn).</p>
<p>But this story isn’t just about headline valuation: in a single session, an enterprise that had absorbed billions in losses over nearly a decade eclipsed traditional juggernauts like ICBC to become the biggest listed company on mainland exchanges.</p>
<p>To Western observers, a multi-hundred-billion-pound valuation for a memory manufacturer still chasing Korean rivals in advanced yields may seem staggering. Yet for policymakers in Beijing and Anhui province, the listing represents something far more fundamental: the empirical validation of "State VC 2.0" — or what has come to be known domestically as the "Hefei Model".</p>
<p>To understand CXMT’s debut, one must look 400 kilometres west of Shanghai to Hefei, the capital of Anhui. Unlike traditional coastal economic hubs, Hefei’s rapid rise was not propelled by proximity to a major metropolitan area. Instead, it built a distinct capital ecosystem that has attracted headquarters across electric vehicles, integrated circuits, and advanced visual displays.</p>
<p>I was in Hefei this week and talked to local officials about the“Hefei Model”. At the core of this model is what economists term an "open-capital supply system". By late last year, Hefei had deployed over £24bn (¥220bn) in state capital to leverage more than £92bn (¥840bn) in total project investment. Rather than tapping municipal operating budgets earmarked for schools and hospitals, local state-owned entities deployed a nuanced combination: seed equity from past state-enterprise profits, government-guided funds of funds, and long-dated, ultra-low-interest loans from policy banks.</p>
<p>Crucially, this financial engine operates alongside a formidable research base. The presence of the University of Science and Technology of China (USTC) provides Hefei with a continuous pipeline of fundamental research and engineering talent. Combined with a  policy  of allowing professional managers rather than bureaucrats to dictate operational tech routes, the framework has yielded tangible macroeconomic results. Anhui’s annual industrial revenue expanded from ¥3.8tn to ¥5.9tn in five years, lifting it from tenth to fifth among Chinese provinces, whilst Hefei led the nation’s top 30 cities with 6.8 per cent GDP growth in the first quarter.</p>
<p>Intriguingly, whilst traditional narratives often frame China’s industrial rise around contentious government subsidies, such familiar critiques were notably muted in  international  commentary surrounding CXMT’s listing. Western observers and trade officials refrained from heavy censure of the "Hefei Model" as Hefei’s reliance on early-stage equity stakes closely mirrors Western venture capital mechanics rather than unconditional production grants.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, the boundary between state intervention and free-market capitalism is becoming increasingly porous globally. Whilst Washington critiques Beijing’s state equity model, the US CHIPS Act and Inflation Reduction Act have directed tens of billions of dollars in direct grants and 25 per cent tax credits to firms such as Intel and Micron.  Europe  has followed a similar path with its own European Chips Act. The structural distinction lies primarily in mechanism: Western governments have largely acted as external donors providing non-equity grants, whereas Chinese local authorities have functioned as early-stage equity investors taking balance-sheet risk in exchange for long-term upside.</p>
<p>This global convergence reflects a broader transition in international political economy. For decades, the dominant economic paradigm emphasised comparative advantage, supply-chain efficiency, and the cross-border allocation of capital dictated by immediate commercial returns. In the current era, considerations of national resilience, supply-chain  security , and industrial sovereignty are playing an increasingly central role in statecraft.</p>
<p>Whether these developments represent a temporary distortion of classical liberal trade or the permanent emergence of a new economic framework remains a subject of ongoing debate among economists and policymakers. What is clear, however, is that state capital — whether deployed through municipal equity funds in Anhui or direct treasury subsidies in Western capitals — has re-emerged as a primary force in shaping the trajectory of critical technologies.</p>
<p>Image via Depositphotos.com</p>
<p>Du Yubin is a journalist, producer, and chief editor at China Global Television Network. He was stationed in Washington, D.C. and London for six years each, focusing on China-US and China-EU relations. He has worked in China's international communication and new media sectors for over 16 years. The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author.</p>
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      <source url="https://www.globalsouthworld.com">Global South World</source>
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      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Du Yubin]]></dc:creator>
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