Guatemala’s ‘Pacto de Corruptos’: How elite networks captured democracy
Key Takeaways
- Elite networks allegedly adapted across governments to maintain influence in Guatemala’s institutions
- Judges, prosecutors and anti-corruption systems are accused of serving powerful interests
- Emilia Arellano warns that elections alone cannot fix weakened democratic structures
An expert, discusses how entrenched elite alliances continue to influence Guatemala’s institutions, weaken reform efforts, and deepen concerns over democratic erosion across Latin America.
Guatemala’s long-running struggle with corruption and institutional distrust has once again come under scrutiny following concerns that entrenched elite networks continue to shape political and judicial systems despite recent democratic reforms.
Speaking on Global South Conversations with Ismail Akwei, Research Fellow at the GIGA Institute for Latin American Studies, Emilia Arellano described the “Pacto de Corruptos” as a loose alliance of political, economic and judicial actors who operate across governments to protect elite interests and maintain impunity.
'Pacto de Corruptos' a Household Name
The phrase has become widely used in Guatemala over the last decade, particularly after anti-corruption investigations exposed links between political leaders, business elites and state institutions. Public anger intensified in 2015 when then-President Otto Pérez Molina resigned and was later arrested over a customs fraud scandal uncovered by Guatemala’s Public Prosecutor’s Office and the UN-backed International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG).
Although anti-corruption efforts initially gained momentum, tensions between political elites and investigators later escalated. In 2019, the Guatemalan government ended CICIG’s mandate after years of investigations involving high-level officials and business figures. Critics argued the decision weakened accountability mechanisms and allowed powerful actors to regain influence within institutions.
Arellano said the “Pacto de Corruptos” does not represent one political ideology or party but instead functions through networks spread across different sectors of the state.
“They include political, economic, judicial, bureaucratic actors who have a single goal and they have been united by this goal, which is to have impunity and to protect their economic interests,” she said.
Judicial Institutions Under Scrutiny
Concerns over judicial independence have remained central to Guatemala’s political debate in recent years. Judges, prosecutors and journalists linked to anti-corruption investigations have reported intimidation, prosecution or exile.
Among the most prominent cases was that of former anti-corruption prosecutor Juan Francisco Sandoval, who fled Guatemala in 2021 after being dismissed from his role leading the Special Prosecutor’s Office Against Impunity. Several former judges and prosecutors connected to corruption investigations have also left the country citing security concerns.
Arellano said elite influence within the judiciary has weakened institutional oversight and reform efforts.
“We see how the judicial actors coming from the judges, the prosecutors have been captured by this elite and they now work in favour of them,” she said.
She added that the problem has extended across multiple administrations rather than being tied to one government.
“This is something that has been seen not only in the current government but also from previous governments,” she noted.
Reform Challenges Under Arévalo
The election of President Bernardo Arévalo in 2023 was widely interpreted as a rejection of corruption and democratic backsliding. His anti-corruption message attracted support from indigenous groups, young voters and civil society organisations frustrated with the political establishment.
However, attempts to implement reforms have faced institutional resistance. Before Arévalo took office, prosecutors sought to suspend his Semilla Movement party and questioned election results in moves that drew criticism from international observers and regional governments.
According to Arellano, the resistance reflects how deeply embedded elite networks remain inside state institutions.
“Elections themselves are not enough to provoke or to make a real change when the institutions have been captured and have been weakened for several years,” she said.
She argued that democratic reform in Guatemala will require broader institutional restructuring, stronger oversight systems and sustained civic participation beyond electoral politics.
This story is written and edited by the Global South World team, you can contact us here.
